Cross-National Public Opinion on Climate Change: the Effects of Afºuence and Vulnerability • So Young Kim and Yael Wolinsky-Nahmias*

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Cross-National Public Opinion on Climate Change: the Effects of Afºuence and Vulnerability • So Young Kim and Yael Wolinsky-Nahmias* Cross-National Public Opinion on Climate Change So Young Kim and Yael Wolinsky-Nahmias Cross-National Public Opinion on Climate Change: The Effects of Afºuence and Vulnerability • So Young Kim and Yael Wolinsky-Nahmias* Climate change has emerged as one of the most important issues of the twenty- ªrst century. The World Bank focused its 2010 annual World Development Report on the challenges of climate change. Countries, individually and collec- tively, have instituted comprehensive policies to curb greenhouse gases, includ- ing Germany’s 2008 Climate Initiative, the UK’s 2010 Climate Change Plan, and the European Union’s 2013 Strategy on Adaptation to Climate Change. The urgent need to address and adapt to climate change requires both new public policies and changes in individual behavior. As a complex global and scientiªc issue, climate change presents unprecedented political, economic, and moral challenges. Two aspects of climate change in particular—the high eco- nomic costs of reducing carbon emissions and the long-term horizon of global warming—are barriers to signiªcant policy changes. Despite the growing recog- nition of the need for international climate policy, the 2009 Copenhagen Con- vention of the Parties failed to agree on a successor to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. Understanding public attitudes toward climate change and the costs and beneªts of government action to address it is essential for designing effective cli- mate policies and for changing individual behavior. Public concern about cli- mate change has increased signiªcantly over the past two decades. Recent polls show that large majorities in all countries surveyed are now moderately or highly concerned about climate change.1 Yet public support for climate policies and for changing personal behavior has been slower to develop. Furthermore, signiªcant cross-national variation in attitudes toward climate policies persists, and on certain issues cross-country differences have increased over time.2 These trends are surprising given the greater global dissemination of the scientiªc evi- dence of anthropogenic climate change.3 * We are very grateful to Dennis Chong of the University of Southern California and three anony- mous referees for their thoughtful comments on this paper. 1. World Public Opinion 2007, 2009, 2011. 2. Wolinsky-Nahmias and Kim 2009. 3. IPCC 2007, World Bank 2012. Global Environmental Politics 14:1, February 2014, doi:10.1162/GLEP_a_00215 © 2014 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology 79 80 • Cross-National Public Opinion on Climate Change In this article we examine recent trends in international attitudes toward climate change by exploring public support for government action and for changing personal behavior. Our approach to these issues differs from previous studies in two important ways. First, we examine public attitudes using multiple cross-national surveys conducted by the BBC World Service, Pew Global Atti- tudes Project, the World Bank, and other organizations. This examination facili- tates analysis of variation among and between developed and developing soci- eties. Using repeated surveys of the same countries and several measures of speciªc issues allows us to construct reliable indicators of public opinion to- ward climate change. Second, instead of looking exclusively at measures of gen- eral concern, we study responses to more detailed questions that reºect the in- tensity of public concern on this issue, the degree of support for speciªc policies, and the willingness to change individual behavior. Although surveys show considerable international concern about climate change, we found signiªcant cross-national variation in intensity of concern, support for domestic and international policies, and propensity to change indi- vidual behavior. To explain such variation, we tested the impact of two key na- tional factors—economic afºuence and vulnerability to climate change. Eco- nomic afºuence, represented by GDP per capita, indicates a country’s material and technological capacity to address climate change and the economic security of its citizens. Climate vulnerability reºects the susceptibility of a country to a variety of risks and hazards associated with climate change such as drought, ºooding, and soil erosion. Our analysis shows that a national population’s attitudes toward climate change are not straightforwardly related to its afºuence and climate vulnerabil- ity. Citizens in developed nations tend to be less concerned about climate change and less supportive of certain climate policies than those in developing nations. These ªndings support earlier critiques of the post-materialism hypoth- esis, which suggests that developed countries will place greater priority on envi- ronmental issues. We also found that while a country’s susceptibility to climate change does not explain cross-national variation in levels of concern, it does correlate with people’s willingness to pay for climate policies. These results help explain the dynamics and intensity of international atti- tudes toward climate change. Although the inºuence of public opinion on cli- mate policy is a separate research issue, our analysis offers insight about politi- cally feasible climate policies that can garner public support. In this article we review the literature on cross-national variation in public opinion on climate change. We then present the survey data and our ªndings and discuss the impli- cations of our analysis.4 4. We focus on cross-national variation and include individual-level variations within countries only in one multi-level regression analysis. So Young Kim and Yael Wolinsky-Nahmias • 81 Aggregate Correlates of Climate Change Opinion International surveys have greatly expanded their coverage of questions related to climate change in the past ten years, following alarming scientiªc reports and growing international attention. More recently, high-impact storms (such as Hurricane Sandy, which ºooded much of New York City in October 2012) and growing evidence of the serious economic, social, and political implications of climate change have attracted broader media attention and public discussion.5 Reports and studies of international public opinion on climate change have shown cross-national differences in national attitudes but have remained largely descriptive in nature.6 Leiserowitz (2007) discussed several international surveys focusing on public awareness and risk perceptions of global warming and climate policy preferences and priorities. Brechin (2010) reviewed ªve inter- national surveys looking at public concern about and knowledge of global cli- mate change and public support for climate policies. These overviews cover a broad range of issues and generally show high levels of international public concern. Yet, few studies seek to explain cross-national variation in climate opin- ions. In his analysis of a survey encompassing forty-six countries, Sandvik found that public concern about global warming correlates negatively with national wealth. Tjerstrom and Tientenberg also found a negative correlation between per capita GDP and strong national climate policy. Kvaloy, Finseraas, and List- haug conducted a multi-level regression analysis of concern for global warming from the most recent wave of the World Values Survey (2005ϳ09) and found a negative coefªcient for GDP per capita, similar to Sandvik’s result.7 Economic development is perhaps the most widely studied explanation of cross-national variation in environmental attitudes. Following Maslow’s theory that humans have a hierarchy of needs, Ronald Inglehart’s post-materialism thesis suggested that people (and countries) with higher income levels would endorse environmental issues more than those with lower income levels because afºu- ent people are more likely to be interested in quality of life issues.8 Empirical re- search yielded mixed, but largely unsupportive, results. Some studies found a signiªcant correlation between national wealth and environmental attitudes.9 Other studies, however, found little if any evidence of such correlation.10 In sev- 5. Nisbet and Myers (2007) showed the proportion of the respondents who had heard of the “greenhouse effect” has soared from 39 percent in 1986 to more than 80 percent beginning in early 2000s. 6. Kull 2007; Leiserowitz 2007; Brechin 2010. Earlier cross-national studies including Brechin (2003) and Lorenzoni and Pidgeon (2006) focused on advanced countries. Dunlap (1998) cov- ered six countries including four developing nations. 7. Kvaloy et al. 2012; Sandvik 2008; Tjerstrom and Tientenberg 2008. 8. Inglehart 1981,1990; Maslow 1954. 9. Diekmann and Franzen 1999; Kemmelmeier et al. 2002. 10. Brechin and Kempton 1994; Brechin 1999; Dunlap et al. 1993; Dunlap and Mertig 1995; Dunlap and York 2008; Givens and Jorgenson 2011; Kidd and Lee 1997; Mostafa 2011. Givens 82 • Cross-National Public Opinion on Climate Change eral cross-national studies of environmental awareness and concern, Dunlap and his colleagues raised serious doubts about the post-materialism argument. Dunlap, Gallup, and Gallup (1993) found no signiªcant differences in the lev- els of environmental concern between rich and poor countries in their Health of the Planet (HOP) survey of twenty-four countries. More recently, Dunlap and York (2008) discovered widespread environmental awareness across wealthy and poor countries, which suggests rising global environmentalism. They pro- posed that environmental protection may actually be a materialistic concern for the
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