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Texas, Regional Identity, and the National Woman Suffrage

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Texas, Regional Identity, and the National Woman Suffrage SOUTHERN PROMISE AND NECESSITY: TEXAS, REGIONAL IDENTITY, AND THE NATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT, 1868-1920 Jessica S. Brannon-Wranosky, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Prepared for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS August 2010 APPROVED: Elizabeth Hayes Turner, Major Professor Richard B. McCaslin, Committee Member and Chair of the Department of History Roberto R. Calderón, Committee Member Aaron W. Navarro, Committee Member Randolph B. Campbell, Committee Member Sandra L. Spencer, Committee Member and Director of Women’s Studies James D. Meernik, Acting Dean of the Robert B. Toulouse School of Graduate Studies Brannon-Wranosky, Jessica S. Southern Promise and Necessity: Texas, Regional Identity, and the National Woman Suffrage Movement, 1868-1920. Doctor of Philosophy (History), August 2010, 274 pp., 3 tables, 3 figures, bibliography, 519 titles. This study offers a concentrated view of how a national movement developed networks from the grassroots up and how regional identity can influence national campaign strategies by examining the roles Texas and Texans played in the woman suffrage movement in the United States. The interest that multiple generations of national woman suffrage leaders showed in Texas, from Reconstruction through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, provides new insights into the reciprocal nature of national movements. Increasingly, from 1868 to 1920, a bilateral flow of resources existed between national women’s rights leaders and woman suffrage activists in Texas. Additionally, this study nationalizes the woman suffrage movement earlier than previously thought. Cross-regional woman suffrage activity has been marginalized by the belief that campaigning in the South did not exist or had not connected with the national associations until the 1890s. This closer examination provides a different view. Early woman’s rights leaders aimed at a nationwide movement from the beginning. This national goal included the South, and woman suffrage interest soon spread to the region. One of the major factors in this relationship was that the primarily northeastern-based national leadership desperately needed southern support to aid in their larger goals. Texas’ ability to conform and make the congruity politically successful eventually helped the state become one of NAWSA’s few southern stars. National leaders believed the state was of strategic importance because Texas activists continuously told them so by emphasizing their promotion of women’s rights. Tremendously adding credibility to these claims was the sheer number of times Texas legislators introduced woman suffrage resolutions over the course of more than fifty years. This happened during at least thirteen sessions of the Texas legislature, including two of the three post-Civil War constitutional conventions. This larger pattern of interdependency often culminated in both sides—the Texas and national organizations— believing that the other was necessary for successful campaigning at the state, regional, and national levels. Copyright 2010 by Jessica S. Brannon-Wranosky ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS So many gave their time and consideration to this project, and I must pause and give thanks. First acknowledgements must go to the members of my dissertation committee, Elizabeth Hayes Turner, Richard B. McCaslin, Roberto R. Calderón, Aaron W. Navarro, Randolph B. Campbell, and Sandra L. Spencer. You have truly been the “dream team” I hoped you would be when I chose the University of North Texas for my Ph.D. ¡Infinitas Gracias! And to Liz, for being the best mentor and friend I could have wished for throughout this process. I am additionally grateful to the Department of History, College of Arts and Sciences, and Toulouse Graduate School at UNT, and the Hatton W. Sumners Foundation, the Kay Wilkinson Fund, and the Ledbetter Family endowment for their financial support. To all those at UNT and elsewhere whose friendships have become so precious to me, notably Mark Stanley, Rhonda Ragsdale, Lisa Fox, Alyssa Honnette, and Natanya Duncan, your graciousness peppered with the occasional silliness will stay with me for a lifetime. To the archivists who aided in the research herein, I appreciated every moment of your patience and support. Additionally, thank you to all the professional and public historians, particularly Marjorie Spruill, Judith McArthur, Harold Smith, Gregg Cantrell, Elizabeth York Enstam, Jean Stuntz, Angela Boswell, Ruth Karbach, and Tillie Wier for your enthusiastic encouragement and research assistance. Finally to my family, for my mother, father, and sister, David and Emily Brannon and Courtney Brannon Donoghue, thank you for sharing my love of history and all your support. Most of all to my husband, Michael, this would have been impossible without you, and both the dissertation and Ph.D. belong to both of us. In its entirety, this is for my amazing daughter, Samantha. Sweet girl, I hope someday you are fully able to conceptualize how much you have influenced my perspective as a woman’s historian and how thankful I am for who you are. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES.............................................................................................. v LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS........................................................................................................ vi INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................... 1 Chapters 1. THE POLITICS OF PATRIARCHY AND RECONSTRUCTION IN TEXAS, 1865-1876............................................................................................................ 18 2. EARLY GRASSROOTS ACTIVISTS AND THEIR METHODS, 1876-1890............................................................................................................ 49 3. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE TEXAS EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION, 1890-1900............................................................................................................ 86 4. WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN A WORLD OF CLUBWOMEN, 1900-1915.......................................................................................................... 136 5. THE TEXAS WOMAN’S PRIMARY VOTE AND THE ROAD TO THE “PERFECT THIRTY-SIX,” 1915-1920............................................................ 189 CONCLUSION........................................................................................................................... 238 BIBLIOGRAPHY....................................................................................................................... 244 iv LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Page Tables 1.1 Texas Legislative Woman Suffrage Resolutions by Year ...................................................6 5.1 Largest Urban African American Populations in Texas, 1920 ........................................213 5.2 State Ratifications & Rejections of the Nineteenth Amendment by Date with Regional Identity, Statehood, and Applicable Connection to the Former Confederate States of America Identified ...........................................................................................................236 Figures 1.1 The Not So Solid South .....................................................................................................13 5.1 Texas African American Population in 1920 by County .................................................214 5.2 Texas Mexican Immigrant Population in 1920 by County ..............................................221 v ABBREVIATIONS AWSA American Woman Suffrage Association CAH Center for American History, University of Texas, Austin, Texas ECS-SBA Elizabeth Cady Stanton-Susan Brownell Anthony Papers ESA Equal Suffrage Association GFWC General Federation of Women’s Clubs HTO Handbook of Texas Online HWS History of Woman Suffrage LWV League of Women Voters NWSA National Woman Suffrage Association NAWSA National American Woman Suffrage Association NWP National Woman’s Party SAEFS San Antonio Equal Franchise Society SSWSC Southern States Woman Suffrage Conference TERA Texas Equal Rights Association TFWC Texas Federation of Women’s Clubs TFWLC Texas Federation of Women’s Literary Clubs TWSA Texas Woman Suffrage Association TESA Texas Equal Suffrage Association TSHA Texas State Historical Association WSA Woman Suffrage Association WCTU Woman’s Christian Temperance Union UDC United Daughters of the Confederacy vi INTRODUCTION National women’s rights leaders identified an interest in the South early during the development of the woman suffrage movement in the United States. In 1855, only seven years after the first Seneca Falls Convention, Martha Coffin Wright, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan Brownell Anthony, Lucy Stone, and others stood on the streets of Saratoga Springs, New York, selling suffrage literature; they tried specifically to reach vacationing southerners. What had begun as a localized northeastern campaign for women’s rights was already being identified by its leaders as one that would need to have a national, and thus multi-regional, following if it was to be successful.1 Texans, like many southerners, read about woman suffrage and privately discussed the topic long before they publicly supported the cause or organized on its behalf. Texas newspapers often ran pieces discussing woman suffrage and universal suffrage work in other states, thus residents were exposed to the reform as early as 1865—if not before. Decades later, when southern states began organizing woman suffrage associations, people
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