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Interjections 743 Interjections F K Ameka, Leiden University, the Netherlands It, However, Excludes Some Other Items, Such As ß 2006 Elsevier Ltd

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Interjections 743 Interjections F K Ameka, Leiden University, the Netherlands It, However, Excludes Some Other Items, Such As ß 2006 Elsevier Ltd Interjections 743 Interjections F K Ameka, Leiden University, The Netherlands It, however, excludes some other items, such as ß 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. English well, which have sometimes been included in the interjection class, because they are not capable This article is reproduced from the previous edition, volume 4, of forming independent nonelliptical utterances. Some pp. 1712–1715, ß 1994, Elsevier Ltd. scholars believe that the formal definition, which is essentially the traditional definition, is too broad Interjections since it encompasses different semantically definable classes such as speech formulae that could be distin- Interjections are words that conventionally constitute guished from the typical interjections on semantic utterances by themselves and express a speaker’s cur- grounds. rent mental state or reaction toward an element in the From a semantic point of view, prototypical inter- linguistic or extralinguistic context (see Context, jections may be defined as conventionalized linguistic Communicative). Some English interjections are signs that express a speaker’s current mental state, words such as yuk! ‘I feel disgusted’, ow! ‘I feel sud- attitude, or reaction toward a situation. This defini- den pain’, wow! ‘I feel surprised and I am impressed’, tion narrows down the class of interjections and aha! ‘I now understand’, hey! ‘I want someone’s at- excludes onomatopoeic words, for example, which tention’, damn! ‘I feel frustrated’,andbother! ‘I feel are descriptive rather than expressive. annoyed’. Such words are found in all languages of In terms of pragmatics, interjections are context- the world. This article surveys the different uses and bound linguistic signs. That is, they are tied to specific definitions of the term ‘interjection’ and the different situations and index elements in the extralinguistic types of interjections that are found in the languages context. They cannot be fully interpreted unless they of the world. It also explores the relationship of inter- are situated in the appropriate discourse (see jections to other pragmatic devices such as particles, Discourse Markers) and social context. Being con- discourse markers, and speech formulae. (see Formu- text-bound (i.e., indexical (see Pragmatic Indexing) laic Language). interjections embody presuppositions about discourse and social context that could be explicated in terms of The Definition of Interjection propositions (see Propositions). For instance, if some- Interjections may be defined using formal, semantic, one utters the English ouch!, he or she indexes himself or pragmatic criteria. From a formal point of view, an or herself as experiencing a sudden and sharp pain. interjection is typically defined as a lexical form that Once the speaker is identified, this utterance can be (a) conventionally constitutes a nonelliptical utter- fully interpreted. ance by itself, (b) does not enter into construction The interpretation of other interjections, however, with other word classes, (c) does not take inflectional involves not only contextualization and substitu- or derivational affixes, and (d) is monomorphemic tion of elements in the context for arguments in the (see Inflection and Derivation). propositions underlying them, but also complex This definition characterizes the core members of processes of conversational inference (see Inference: the interjection class. It captures most of the elements Abduction, Induction, Deduction) That is, the argu- that have traditionally been described as interjec- ments in the propositions underlying the interjections tions. In many languages this includes (a) words that are not fully specified as in the case of ouch!. The are used to express emotions such as disgust and its identity of the arguments is open to context-based related feelings, for example, English yuk!, ugh!, and inference. For instance, one of the propositions un- phew!, German pfui!, Dakota xox!, Polish fu!andfe!, derlying the Russian pora´ as an interjection is ‘it is Russian fu!, and Danish fy!; (b) words and expres- time for someone to do something that is given by the sions for greetings, leave-taking, thanking, apologiz- context’. The ‘someone’ in the proposition can be ing, etc. (English hello, thank you,andgoodbye, the speaker, the hearer, or both. The exact identity French adieu); (c) swear words (English shit!, French of the agent of the action is figured out by inference. It merde! and sacredieu!); (d) attention-getting signals cannot be filled out by a straightforward substitution (English hey and psst, Russian a’u, Japanese oi and of the contextual elements for the arguments in the nee); (e) some particles and response words (English proposition. yes and no, Japanese hai and iie); (f) words directed at Closely related to their indexical nature is the animals (English whoa); and (g) onomatopoeic words fact that interjections are typically and commonly and iconic (see Iconicity) depictives (Polish sza ‘hush’ accompanied by physical gestures (see Gestures: and hu-hu ‘boo’). Pragmatic Aspects; Kinesics). For instance, in some 744 Interjections languages of West Africa (e.g., Akan, E´ we´ (Gbe), and type. When it is used in reference to a sentence type, it Ga-Dangme), there is an interjection, atu´ u` !, which is is considered to be a minor sentence type. used to welcome people and is uttered at the same time as the interlocutors hug each other. Sometimes Types of Interjections physical gestures may substitute for interjections. For this reason, the boundary between gestures as There are different ways of classifying interjections. semiotic signs and interjections as linguistic signs is One classification is based more or less on the form sometimes hard to draw. of the interjection and the other on the communica- tive function of the interjection. Along the formal Characteristics of Interjections dimension, interjections may be divided into two broad classes: primary interjections and secondary Interjections tend to be phonologically and morpho- interjections. logically anomalous. They may be made up of sounds Primary interjections are little words or ‘non- and sound sequences that are not found in other parts words,’ which in terms of their distribution can con- of the language. In English, the interjection spelled stitute an independent nonelliptical utterance by ‘tut-tut’ is phonetically a series of dental clicks – themselves and do not normally enter into construc- sounds that are not used otherwise in the language. tion with other word classes (English Gee!, Oops!, Some English interjections do not contain any vowels, etc., French Aı¨e!, Hem!, Longgu (Austronesian) sss ‘I for instance, psst!, sh! From the point of view of the want you here’,andnnn ‘I feel relaxed’). main sound system of English, these are ‘nonwords’. Secondary interjections are those words that have However, phonological anomaly is not a definitive an independent semantic value but which can be used criterion for the class of items because there are conventionally as nonelliptical utterances by them- other interjections that conform with the patterns of selves to express a mental attitude or state. Under the main sound system (e.g., English yuk). secondary interjections fall such alarm calls and Morphologically, interjections do not normally attention-getters as English Help!, Fire!, swear and take inflections or derivations in those languages taboo (see Taboo Words) words such as English that make use of such forms. This is one of the reasons Fuck!, Screw! French Bordel!, Chiotte!, and other why they have been classified together with particles words used emotively such as English Bother!, and other uninflected words like adverbs (see Drat!, etc. Adverbs). It should be noted here that some interjec- In terms of their function, interjections can be tions that evolve from verbs (see Verbs) could carry a categorized according to the traditionally recog- particular inflection, but they do not obey the agree- nized functions of language such as expressive, co- ment rules of the language in question. In other words, native, phatic, etc. (Bu¨ hler, 1934; Jakobson, 1960). the inflections together with the verb stem have be- This functional classification is based on what is per- come frozen and form a completely new word. Notice ceived to be the predominant function of the item in that although the French form tiens! ‘look!, hey!, question with respect to its semantics. here!’ is homophonous with the second–person singu- Expressive interjections are vocal gestures that lar form of the verb tenir ‘to hold’, tiens! is used as an are indicative of the speaker’s mental state. They interjection to both singular and plural. may be subdivided into two groups: the emotive and Most interjections are simple monomorphemic the cognitive. The emotive ones are those that ex- words. However, some interjections seem to be for- press the speaker’s state with respect to the emotions mally complex. Thus, there are multimorphemic and sensations they have at the time (English Yuk! ones that constitute a phonological word such as ‘I feel disgusted’; Ouch! ‘I feel sudden pain’; Western English Goddammit! These may be referred to as Arrarnta (Aranda; Australian) yekaye ‘I feel complex interjections. The French forms of oh la` la`!, shocked’). Cognitive interjections are those that per- he la`!, and hop la`!, for instance, may be included here. tain to the state of knowledge and thoughts of the Apart from these, there are multiword expressions, speaker at the time
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