political reviews • polynesia 133 ment established a new Ministry of implied a new cultural orientation, Sports and prepared to celebrate the away from the French influence and fortieth anniversary of Cook Islands back to the country’s Maohi (indige- self-government on 4 August 2005. nous Polynesian) roots, as well as jon tikivanotau m jonassen toward a more pan-Pacific perspec- tive. Three events in particular embodied these tendencies. References On 12 July, the new government celebrated the annual autonomy CIH, The Cook Islands Herald. Raro- tonga. Weekly. holiday parade. Thousands of people participated, while several guests of CIN, Cook Islands News. Rarotonga. honor from other Pacific Islands Daily. countries were present. The new pres- ident changed the holiday from 29 June to 12 July to honor Francis San- ford, the father of the territory’s first French Polynesia statute of autonomy of 12 July 1977. Events in French Polynesia in the Flosse had made the holiday 29 June period under review were essentially when he created another, enlarged characterized by political upheaval autonomy statute, which passed on and unrest, with an elected govern- that date in 1984 (NT, 28 June 2004; ment ousted in a “legal coup,” only TP, 12 July 2004). to return after another by-election. In early August, President Temaru The country experienced a period of achieved an even greater triumph instability but also an unprecedented when he attended the Pacific Islands mobilization of peaceful popular Forum in Apia, Sämoa, and French protest, culminating in the largest Polynesia was granted long-awaited demonstration march ever seen in observer status in that organization. Tahiti. The president welcomed the reintegra- Before the crisis started, the islands tion of his country into the Pacific were in a state of enthusiasm during family and invoked his vision of a July and most of August 2004. The more closely integrated Pacific com- new coalition government of the munity in the future. He also formal- Union for Democracy (upld), Fetia ized the demand that French Poly- Api, and No Oe E Te Nunaa parties nesia be reinscribed on the UN list was headed by pro-independence of Non–Self-Governing Territories. leader Oscar Temaru, who had been However, he was careful to present elected president in June after the this in his capacity as political party almost twenty-year reign of pro- leader, not as president, in order not French Gaston Flosse. The new lead- to create tensions with his anti-inde- ership’s motto, “Taui” (“change” in pendence coalition partners (Temaru Tahitian) was not only conceived in 2004; TP, 6 Aug 2004). the purely political sense but also Finally, the Taui also proved its reflected a determination to set the vitality among institutions outside whole society on a new course. It the political spectrum, when in mid- 134 the contemporary pacific • 18:1 (2006)
August the Evangelical Church of bly hall, seen by many as an assault French Polynesia, the country’s largest on the secular character of the state denomination, renamed itself Protes- (TP, 13 Aug, 18 Aug, 30 Aug 2004). tant Maohi Church (TP, 16 Aug Temaru tried to appease the dissi- 2004). dents’ anger by making concessions. While the dynamism of Taui made In a dramatic act he personally society aware of the dawning of a climbed on a ladder in the assembly new era, the actual business of gov- hall to take down the cross (TP, 17 ernment was a challenge for Temaru Sept 2004). Eventually he was able to and his inexperienced collaborators. reconcile with Tefaarere and Teroro- Not only were they unfamiliar with tua, and both returned to the assem- the political system put in place by bly’s majority group. Tetuanui and Flosse and his French bureaucrats, Frébault, however, refused to do like- but the latter had also used a wise and on 24 September they for- “scorched-earth” strategy after their mally resigned from Temaru’s group, defeat, leaving almost no records in leaving the latter without a majority the offices when the new government in the assembly (TPM, Oct 2004). moved in (TPM, July 2005). In order Together with independent repre- to get an overview of the financial sentative Temauri Foster, the two situation of the country, Temaru eventually approached Flosse’s ordered an audit by a renowned Tahoeraa opposition, giving it a new French agency. His determination to majority. After a televised speech in uncover irregularities during Flosse’s which Temaru warned the population administration reportedly scared the of a planned attempt to overthrow ex-president and his supporters and his government, Flosse declared on made them even more determined 4 October that a “motion of censure to sabotage the new government is not on the agenda” (TPM, Oct (Regnault 2004, 153–154). 2004). However, less than twenty- The crisis began in late August four hours later, such a motion was when two upld representatives in the filed by both Tahoeraa and a newly Assembly of French Polynesia, Hiro founded assembly group called Te Ara Tefaarere and Ronald Terorotua, both (“The Awakening”), consisting of with strong labor-union ties, followed Tetuanui, Frébault, Foster, and three by their colleagues Noa Tetuanui and Tahoeraa representatives—apparently Jean-Alain Frébault (who had previ- a puppet party set up by Flosse to ously crossed the floor from Taho- give his motion the added legitimacy eraa), announced their intention to of being a two-party initiative (TPM, resign from the upld and form their Nov 2004). own parliamentary group. They The extraordinary assembly session argued that Temaru’s government of 8 October, which was called to had not kept its electoral promises, debate this motion, became a forty- especially in the field of social policy. eight-hour ordeal. Temaru, with his The second issue that roused their ministers and representatives, gave discontent was the cross installed by long speeches testifying to their Speaker Antony Geros in the assem- achievements, and tried to convince political reviews • polynesia 135
Noa Tetuanui to give up his “treach- long as there was no blockade of the ery” and return to the upld, on country’s political institutions (TP, whose list he had been elected. But all 12 Oct 2004). attempts were unsuccessful, and late On 16 October, Tahiti experienced on the night of 9 October, the motion the largest demonstration in its his- of censure passed with a slim majority tory when more than 22,000 people of 29 to 28 votes (TP, 9 Oct 2004; (official estimate) marched through TPM, Nov 2004). the cities of Faa‘a and Papeete to After only four months in office, support Temaru’s call for the dis- Oscar Temaru’s government had been solution of the assembly and fresh ousted. From then on the situation elections (TPM, Nov 2004). Among became increasingly confusing. the marchers were deputies from the According to the Statute of French opposition French Socialist Party, the Polynesia, a government overthrown most notable being Christian Paul, in a motion of censure remains in former minister for overseas territories power as a caretaker administration in Lionel Jospin’s left-wing govern- until the assembly elects a new presi- ment (1997–2002), as well as Hawai- dent. However, the two sides could ian independence activist Henry Noa. not agree on a date for this vote to A petition demanding the dissolution take place (TP, 12 Oct 2004; TPM, was signed by almost 43,000 people Nov 2004). during the following weeks (TP, 17 While the parties fought a legal Nov 2004). Flosse’s followers, on the battle over scheduling the vote, other hand, could mobilize only about Temaru and his followers began 300 participants for a counter-demon- to organize their resistance against stration in early December (TP, 4 Dec Flosse’s return to power. Even before 2004). the vote of censure, Temaru had Unimpressed by the October asked the French government to march, Lana Tetuanui, the assembly’s dissolve the assembly and call for third vice speaker from Tahoeraa, fresh elections in order to create a opened an assembly session for the clearly mandated majority (TP, 6 Oct presidential vote, and on 22 October, 2004). This request was supported by Flosse was unanimously elected presi- large sections of the country’s popula- dent. Under Flosse’s orders, the tion as well as the opposition parties assembly building had been occupied in France. However, the ruling right- by a militia made up of members of wing government of French President the Groupement d’Intervention de la Jacques Chirac refused to comply. Polynésie (gip; see below), who intim- French Minister for Overseas Terri- idated all non-Tahoeraa supporters tories Brigitte Girardin—who had present, including Assembly Speaker already contributed to political desta- Geros (TPM, Dec 2004). Geros con- bilization in Tahiti after the elections tested the legality of the session in May by stating that “the electoral presided over by Lana Tetuanui, process is far from being completed” as there was no legal basis for his (TPM, June 2004)—said that there replacement by one of the vice speak- was no reason for a dissolution as ers (TP, 22 Oct 2004). French High 136 the contemporary pacific • 18:1 (2006)
Commissioner Michel Mathieu, how- ments and did not know which one to ever, had given written orders to Lana be loyal to. All this increasingly para- Tetuanui to open the session (TP, 18 lyzed the economic life of French Oct 2004), thereby violating his Polynesia. Brigitte Girardin, however, required neutrality in local politics. still refused to dissolve the assembly, Finally, on 25 October, the date set using the argument that there was still by Geros for the election session (for “no institutional blockade,” even which Flosse had filed his candidacy though there obviously was (TP, 23 and thereby implicitly recognized the Oct 2004; TPM, Nov, Dec 2004). illegality of his election on 22 Octo- As the blockades continued, both ber), Geros himself was absent, as parties sent delegations to Paris to Oscar Temaru had invited all his rep- advocate their respective positions resentatives to a meeting at the presi- (TPM, Dec 2004). The French public dential palace. Inspired by Gandhi, became more and more aware of they decided to hold a “spiritual fast- events in Tahiti, now featured in ing” on the palace grounds in order cover stories in the Paris media (Le to underline their continuing demand Nouvel Observateur, 28 Oct 2004; for the assembly to be dissolved (TP, Libération, various issues in Oct 25 Oct 2004). 2004; L’Express, 7 Feb 2005), which In the following days, the situation for the first time provided relatively in Papeete became more and more well-informed, balanced coverage that tense. On 26 October, Flosse pre- was increasingly critical of Flosse and sented his cabinet of seventeen minis- his system (Regnault 2004, 165–169). ters, almost all of them drawn from Even within Chirac’s ruling Union his previous cabinet (TP, 26 Oct pour un Mouvement Populaire (ump) 2004), while Temaru declared that he party, previously unconditional sup- was still the only legitimate president port for Flosse began to crumble, as since Flosse’s election had taken place Béatrice Vernaudon and one other under illegal circumstances. While ump deputy advocated the dissolution Temaru, his cabinet, and a growing of the assembly (TP, 4 Nov 2004). number of supporters held out at the While the negotiations were under palace, other groups of upld sup- way, on 15 November 2004 the porters, led by land rights activists French State Council (highest admin- Joinville Pomare and Clément Pito, istrative court) decided on a com- began to occupy public buildings in plaint filed by Flosse after the 23 May Papeete, including the land affairs 2004 elections. The council found office, the government printing office, that Flosse’s complaint was justified, and the government information tech- on the grounds that the curtains of nology center (TP, 3 Nov 2004). At the polling booths in Mahina on the same time, many public service Tahiti’s east coast had the dark blue employees began to strike and occupy color of the mayor’s party, which is their own office buildings to protest a part of upld. According to the ruling, situation in which they were receiving those colored curtains could have orders from two different govern- influenced the voters, and therefore political reviews • polynesia 137 the election in the Windward Islands received support from the French constituency (Tahiti and Moorea) Socialists as well as from all other was declared null and void, and a left-wing parties (TP, 27 Jan 2005). by-election called for 13 February (TP, While upld’s strength thus seemed 15 Nov 2004). However, the French to be reinforced, Tahoeraa became State Council did not follow up com- weakened when two of its collabora- plaints by upld concerning the outer tors—ethnic Chinese community islands, where other important irregu- leader Robert Tanseau, and Flosse’s larities may have taken place. With former sports minister and chairman this one-sided action, the council once of the Tahoeraa youth wing Reynald more demonstrated that the French Temarii—left Tahoeraa to run on authorities were not behaving neu- their own tickets (TP, 12 Dec, 20 Dec trally. With the decision to hold by- 2004). Temaru’s former coalition elections in the Windward Islands, partners—Philip Schyle’s Fetia Api Temaru and his followers insisted on and Nicole Bouteau’s No Oe E Te fresh elections in all the outer islands Nunaa—decided to run on a com- constituencies as well. They also mon-list-styled Alliance pour une demanded that until the elections Démocratie Nouvelle (adn), refusing took place, the country should be the possibility of any governing coali- run by an appointed neutral caretaker tion with either upld or Tahoeraa administration, in order to prevent (TP, 1 Feb 2005). Flosse from using public resources for In the subsequent campaign, campaigning as he had done in previ- Tahoeraa once again tried to polarize ous electoral campaigns (TPM, Dec voters between the political concepts 2004). of autonomy (implying continuing ties Several rounds of negotiations in with France) and independence, pre- Paris got nowhere. In the end Flosse senting the latter as a recipe for chaos left the negotiation table, arguing that and economic misery and itself as the the public buildings were still occu- only “saviour of autonomy” against pied by Temaru’s followers, although the “evil independentist” upld. In Temaru had promised to clear all of the pro-Tahoeraa weekly L’Hebdo, them (TP, 29 Nov 2004). Temaru and his collaborators were Frustrated with the failed negotia- virulently attacked. Similarly, Bouteau tions, Tahiti’s politicians reluctantly and Schyle were denounced as “false accepted the status quo and began to autonomists” because of their previ- organize for the by-elections. upld, ous participation in Temaru’s govern- already comprising four allied parties ment (L’Hebdo, 10 Feb 2005). Both in addition to Temaru’s pro-indepen- upld and adn, on the other hand, dence Tavini Huiraatira, was joined tried to avoid the controversial inde- by two new constituent organizations, pendence issue and focus instead on Jacky Bryant’s local Green Party economic and social issues, criticizing (Heiura-Les Verts) and Stanley Cross’s Flosse’s governance and promising a culturalist Te Hono Party (TP, 8 Nov better way to run the country. upld 2004). On the national level, upld stressed the merits of its previous gov- 138 the contemporary pacific • 18:1 (2006) ernment and promised to change the to downtown Papeete (TP, 5 Feb ways of the country for the benefit of 2005), while Tahoeraa, in consider- its people. While Temaru’s first gov- ably smaller numbers, organized ernment was referred to as the period various automobile convoys around of Taui, the period after February 13 the island to show its presence (TPM, was designated Taui Roa (“big Feb 2005). On election day, the situa- change”) (TPM, Feb 2005; To‘ere, tion remained tense, with hundreds 3 Feb 2005). of enthusiastic party supporters Political campaigning even included beleaguering each polling station. the publication of books. In late This time, however, the authorities 2004, political scientist Jean-Marc rigidly enforced the rules and banned Regnault published an analysis of any display of political symbolism Oscar Temaru’s rise and fall titled within the polling stations. Taui: Oscar Temaru/Gaston Flosse, The election results consolidated le pouvoir confisqué (“Taui . . . the upld support in the Windward power confiscated”), denouncing the Islands by giving it an overwhelming complicity of the French state in what victory, more than 6,000 votes ahead had been called Flosse’s “legal coup” of Tahoeraa. Tahoeraa also lost the (Regnault 2004; TPM, Nov 2004). lead in almost all municipalities, while The first printing sold out within two in 2004 it had still maintained the days. Following this enormous suc- majority of votes in most rural dis- cess, Tahoeraa severely attacked Reg- tricts of Tahiti. The political map of nault, accusing him of partiality and Tahiti turned from orange with some questioning his academic credentials. blue spots to an almost pure blue In January 2005, Flosse’s director of (To‘ere, 17 Feb 2005). With 46.94 communications, Yves Haupert, pub- percent of the votes, upld obtained lished his own political analysis as a the one-third-of-seats majority bonus reply. Entitled Taui, l’espoir trahi and received 25 of the 37 seats in the (“Taui, the hope betrayed”), the work Windward Islands constituency, while accused Temaru of incompetence and Tahoeraa, with 40 percent of the having an evil mind, while presenting votes, won only 10 seats. adn, which Flosse as the country’s “saviour” had hoped to attract many voters (Haupert 2005). frustrated by the political polariza- The campaign, accompanied by tion, obtained only 10.56 percent, multiple provocations and incidents less than Fetia Api and No Oe E Te (To‘ere, 17 Feb 2005; L’Hebdo, 10 Nunaa combined in 2004, and just Feb 2005), politicized society to a enough for Bouteau and Schyle to degree seldom seen before. Almost retain their 2 seats. None of the all households declared themselves by smaller parties received the 3 percent hoisting either Temaru’s light blue and necessary to be eligible for a seat (NT, white flag, or Flosse’s orange banner. 14 Feb 2005). The results confirmed On 5 February, the campaign reached once more, after the mass protests in its climax with another mass march October, that the upld’s slight vic- of 15,000 to 25,000 upld supporters tory in 2004 was not an accident, political reviews • polynesia 139 as Flosse and his Paris supporters upld, suggesting a pattern of oppor- wanted to believe, but rather the first tunism on his part. Tahoeraa’s sur- indication of a deeply rooted popular prising counter-candidate, Bora Bora desire for political change (TPM, Dec Mayor Gaston Tong Sang, received 2004). 26 votes, while the two adn repre- Oscar Temaru’s new popular sentatives abstained. In his inaugural mandate was still hard to translate speech, Temaru underlined once more into a stable political majority. As the that independence was not on his representation of the outer islands immediate agenda. Instead, his gov- remained unchanged, with most of ernment would focus on consolida- their representatives members of tion of the country’s economy and Tahoeraa, there was still no clear reform of the ineffective and inflated majority in the assembly as a whole, bureaucratic apparatus, creating more with 28 seats for upld, 27 for transparency in government opera- Tahoeraa, and 2 for adn (NT, 15 Feb tions. The new president also declared 2005). With adn insisting on their he would govern with the present political neutrality, Temaru was 1 seat majority in the assembly and no short of an absolute majority. As in longer insist on fresh elections for the aftermath of the 23 May 2004 the outer islands (TP, 3 March 2005; elections, a period of rumors and TPM, March 2005). uncertainty followed. On 7 March, the change of govern- Although Flosse had announced ment concluded with the presentation that he would resign if his party lost of Temaru’s new cabinet of sixteen the election, he still tried to hold on ministers. As he had in 2004, Temaru to power by all means (NT, 15 Feb took the portfolios of foreign relations 2005). This time, however, his stub- and municipal development. Vice born behavior met resistance from President Jacqui Drollet held the some of his own followers. Two of his portfolios of tourism and civil avia- ministers, Jean-Christophe Bouissou tion. Also familiar from Temaru’s first and Georges Puchon, openly criticized cabinet were Emile Vanfasse as minis- his refusal to honor his previous ter of finance and economy; Emile announcement (NT, 18 Feb 2005). Vernaudon as minister for postal upld then filed a motion of censure services, telecommunications, and against Flosse, which was adopted by sports; Keitapu Maamaatuaiahutapu the assembly on 18 February with the as minister for fisheries and maritime support of upld and adn (NT, 19 resources; Jean-Marius Raapoto as Feb 2005). minister for education; James Salmon After some more destabilization as minister for equipment, transport, attempts by Tahoeraa, Oscar Temaru and energy; and Gilles Tefaatau as was finally elected president on 3 minister of lands, surveys, and hous- March with a bare majority of 29 ing. Newly appointed to the cabinet votes. The twenty-ninth vote was cast were former labor union leader Pierre by Jean-Alain Frébault, who had once Frébault as minister for labor; former more crossed the floor and joined the television journalist Ahiti Roomataa- 140 the contemporary pacific • 18:1 (2006) roa as minister for agriculture; threatening the energy supply. They Georges Handerson with the portfolio demanded that the president recall of environment and disaster preven- Maker and instead appoint Puputau- tion; Pia Faatomo as minister of ki’s lieutenant, Yannick Boosie. Faced health; Patricia Jennings as minister with a collapse of the country’s econ- for social affairs; Tina Cross (co- omy, Temaru finally had to give in to leader of Te Hono) as minister for the mutineers’ demands, a humiliating women and family; former boxing experience for the new government. champion Tauhiti Nena as minister However, Temaru made Boosie’s for culture and youth; and Natacha appointment temporary and at the Taurua as minister for traditional arts same time appointed a commissioner and crafts. Directly taken over from to audit the gip (TPM, April 2005). Flosse’s last cabinet was Louis These events indicated more clearly Frébault as minister for the devel- than ever that the gip was not a neu- opment of the outer islands— an tral institution serving community appointment seemingly designed to interests, but a militia under Gaston halt his brother Jean-Alain’s recent Flosse’s personal orders. As such it pattern of political switching (TP, was almost impossible for another 7 March 2005). government to control and therefore A few days later, however, the it represented a constant threat to new government was challenged by political stability. It had been revealed another serious political crisis. This earlier that an intelligence cell within was triggered by members of the the gip had used highly sophisticated Groupement d’Intervention de la technology to spy on anyone Flosse Polynésie (gip, Polynesian Interven- was suspicious of, including some of tion Grouping), a service agency for his own supporters (TPM, Oct, Dec public works and security services 2004). In controversial testimony under direct orders of the presidency during the political turmoil of Octo- and created by Flosse in the mid- ber 2004, a former gip member had 1990s. On 9 March, Temaru had even claimed that gip members had removed from office gip commander abducted, tortured, and murdered Léonard Puputauki, a faithful sup- Jean-Pascal Couraud, a journalist porter of Flosse, and replaced him critical of Flosse who mysteriously with his own right-hand man, Robert disappeared in 1997 (TPM, Nov 2004). Maker. However, gip members The 2002 disappearance of Fetia Api refused Maker entrance to the gip founder Boris Léontieff and some headquarters. Temaru called on the other party leaders in the Tuamotu mutineers to be loyal to the govern- archipelago also remains unexplained ment, but later in March the crisis (TP, 20 May 2005; TPM, June 2005). became more critical when more than With one crisis, if not resolved, at a hundred gip members with trucks least temporarily deferred, another and bulldozers, led by Puputauki, soon followed, this time within the blocked the bridge leading to Papeete’s upld and again involving Hiro port facilities, cutting off access to the Tefaarere. Tefaarere had headed the country’s oil reserves and thereby assembly as Speaker on an interim political reviews • polynesia 141 basis since November 2004, when French wiped out its chiefly leadership Antony Geros, elected in May 2004 more than a century ago, and various for a one-year term, had lost his seat voices denounced the proposals as when the elections in the Windward advocating a “return to feudal privi- Islands were declared invalid. leges” (TPM, April, June 2005). Although upld once more designed More than anything else, the Geros as its candidate for the position spirit of Taui represented a significant in the election scheduled for 14 April, increase in freedom of expression, Tefaarere refused to respect this deci- which had been limited in many ways sion and declared himself a candidate. by Flosse’s authoritarian tendencies. Geros received a small majority of 28 One issue people now dared to speak votes, against 26 for Tahoeraa’s Lana about publicly was French nuclear Tetuanui and adn’s usual two absten- testing and its consequences. On 17 tions, while Tefaarere obtained only May, the nuclear test victims associa- his own vote (TPM, May 2005). Even tion Moruroa e Tatou (MeT) pre- if this result did not actually threaten sented several classified military docu- the government’s majority, it gave ments showing that the island of the impression to outsiders that the Mangareva was severely contami- upld was having difficulty maintain- nated as a result of aboveground ing internal discipline, a situation testing in the 1960s, yet the French exploited and exaggerated by the military had not taken any security opposition press (L’Hebdo, 14 April measures to protect the population. 2005). MeT chairman Roland Oldham said Another issue that came up quite there is now sufficient proof to sue surprisingly in the course of Taui was the French government for compen- the question of customary leadership. sation. On 27 May, Gaston Flosse, On 12 March, about thirty descen- himself a native Mangarevan, but dants of ari‘i (royalty), led by Joinville thus far a staunch supporter of Pomare, descendant of Tahiti’s royal nuclear testing, surprisingly demanded Pomare lineage, demanded the cre- the formation of a fact-finding com- ation of a “Royal Customary Coun- mission on radiation on his home cil” as a consultative political institu- island. Many observers wondered tion. They insisted that the voices of about his intentions, as during his customary leaders needed to be heard presidency Flosse had always refused in a second house besides the assem- to even talk to MeT (To‘ere, 28 May bly, and they cited as models the 2005; TPM, June 2005; TP, 17 May, Customary Senate (representation 27 May 2005). of Kanak Chiefs) in New Caledonia, The upld’s return to power also as well as the customary royal insti- meant a continuation of a Pacific- tutions in Wallis and Futuna (TP, focused foreign policy. While regular 13 March, 4 May 2004). As French trips to Paris are a necessary part of Polynesia is one of the least tradi- government business, Temaru is far tional societies in the Pacific, such a more enthusiastic about traveling to proposal is unlikely to find support and maintaining relations with the among the country’s population. The neighboring Pacific Islands. He has 142 the contemporary pacific • 18:1 (2006) traveled frequently to New Zealand, omy, the Tahoeraa opposition contin- and made trips to Hawai‘i and Sämoa ues to promulgate a sinister scenario in May and June (TP, 14 May 2005; of economic downfall, accusing PIR, 2 June 2005). As he said at a Temaru of preparing “the cubanisa- press conference in Honolulu, “The tion of our country” (L’Hebdo, French don’t want us to have a link 2 June 2005). with the other Pacific countries. They In spite of such criticism, the popu- want us to fly from Tahiti to Paris— lation seems to be favorably inclined and that’s all. So we have to work on toward the new leadership. In May our relations with our brothers all 2005, an opinion poll showed that over the Pacific” (Haleakalä Times, more than half of the population sup- 8 June 2005). ported the new government, and that Reorienting the political system Oscar Temaru was the most popular also means replacing the technocratic politician (TP, 27 May 2005). French administrative style with the Concerning the long-term political simplicity of the “Pacific Way.” While status of the country, there is still the common Tahitian people are likely much confusion about where to go, to benefit from this reform, Flosse even within upld. Temaru personally and other members of the old elite favors independence but is aware of constantly criticize and ridicule it as the fact that the majority of the popu- “political amateurism” by “incompe- lation presently supports continued tents” (TPM, Nov 2004). Given the political dependency on France. He amounts of French aid money avail- has suggested a process like that able, it is also hard to resist tempta- provided by the Nouméa Accord in tion. While Temaru as well as many New Caledonia, granting increased of his collaborators are working hard autonomy and leading to a referen- to realize their political program, dum on independence after one or many less noble individuals within two decades, when the country will the new administration have only be economically fit to stand on its their own benefit in mind. As Tahiti own. Once again, Tahoeraa has Pacifique editor Alex Du Prel noted severely criticized this proposal with disapproval, this has lead to (24 June 2005). constant power struggles within the Behind all this talk about political upld and to the cases of corruption statutes, however, the main problem that had become common under remains of how to wean the country Flosse (TPM, June 2005). away from the annual French subsi- Economically, the new government dies of 130 billion Pacific francs (more is sending a mixed message, encourag- than us$1 billion), which pay for ing investment, notably in the tourism almost everything (TPM, June 2005). industry, while at the same time One can only hope that the new polit- stressing the need for all development ical leadership will have more courage to be sustainable and beneficial to the to overcome this dependency than local community (TP, 19 April 2005). previous governments have had. While it is too early to evaluate the lorenz gonschor Taui’s long-term impact on the econ- political reviews • polynesia 143
References ian rancher, sued the State of Hawai‘i to challenge its Hawaiians-only policy L’Express. Weekly. Paris.