The Germ of an Idea

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The Germ of an Idea THE GERM OF AN IDEA Contagionism, Religion, and Society in Britain, 1660-1730 MARGARET DELACY The Germ of an Idea This page intentionally left blank The Germ of an Idea Contagionism, Religion, and Society in Britain, 1660-1730 Margaret DeLacy THE GERM OF AN IDEA Copyright © Margaret DeLacy 2016 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2016 978-1-137-57527-2 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission. In accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6-10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published 2016 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN The author has asserted her right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of Nature America, Inc., One New York Plaza, Suite 4500, New York, NY 10004-1562. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. ISBN 978-1-349-57558-9 E-PDF ISBN: 978-1-137-57529-6 DOI: 10.1007/978-1-137-57529-6 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: DeLacy, Margaret, author. Title: The germ of an idea: contagionism, religion and society in Britain, 1660-1730 / Margaret DeLacy. Description: New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, [2015] Identifiers: LCCN 2015023117 | Subjects: LCSH: Medicine—Great Britain—History—17th century. | Medicine—Great Britain—History—18th century. | Epidemics—Great Britain—History. | Plague—Great Britain—History. | Medicine—Philosophy. | Diseases—Philosophy. | Medicine—Religious aspects. Classification: LCC R486 .D43 2015 | DDC 610.941—dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015023117 A catalogue record for the book is available from the British Library. This book is dedicated to the memory of my brother, John Calvert Eisenstein (1953–1974) This page intentionally left blank Contents Preface: The Eighteenth-Century Slump? ix Acknowledgments xix Abbreviations and Short Titles xxi 1 Introduction: Medical Theory in Early Modern Europe 1 2 Restoration Medicine and the Dissenters 17 3 Populist Writing on Diseases in the Late Seventeenth Century 37 4 The Search for Middle Ground: Disease Theory as Natural History 49 5 Animalcules and Animals 67 6 English Contagionism and Hans Sloane’s Circle 85 7 An English Treatise on Living Contagion: Benjamin Marten’s New Theory of Consumptions, 1720 107 8 Smallpox Inoculation and the Royal Society, 1700–1723 127 9 Contagion and Plague in the Eighteenth Century 147 Conclusion 171 Notes 177 Bibliography 265 Index 293 This page intentionally left blank Preface The Eighteenth-Century Slump?1 Sometimes a single question or comment will trigger a long research pro- gram. My current project began with the tantalizing remark of Charles- Edward Amory Winslow: By 1700 there was available theoretical and observational evidence which should have made possible the formulation of our modern germ-theory of dis- ease. Kircher had advanced the concept of a contagium animatum . Redi had presented convincing evidence that living things . were not spontaneously produced . Leeuwenhoek had actually described . protozoa and bacteria . If an open-minded and imaginative observer had put the work of these three pioneers together, the germ-theory of disease could have been developed in the seventeenth century instead of the nineteenth. Why [were] medical thinkers . diverted?2 Winslow’s frustration with early-eighteenth-century medicine echoed the bleak view of his predecessor, the medical historian Fielding H. Garrison, who had argued that the eighteenth century was a “lull” characterized by “exaggerated sobriety and apparent content with the old order of things,” “tedious and plati- tudinous philosophizing,” and a “mania for sterile, dry-as-dust classifications.”3 These claims left me wondering how early modern doctors actually approached the problem of explaining disease. How close had they come to developing a theory that some diseases might result from living contagions— that is, a theory resembling what Winslow loosely termed the “modern germ- theory of disease”?4 Was there an abrupt break in this pattern of thought after 1700? Did the “medical revolution” that reached a peak in Harvey’s discovery of the circulation of the blood in the seventeenth century simply fizzle out? Finally, apart from the tidiness of being able to assign “precursor- hood” appropriately, why should we care? In what ways might the ideas of Restoration medical thinkers matter to us? Being new to this field, I thought it would be easy to find a book that would answer these questions. When I turned to eighteenth-century medical works to learn about the conceptualization of disease during the period, one reason many historians have avoided this subject became evident. I could not understand what I read. When they discussed philosophy, politics, and even religion, eighteenth-century x Preface authors used language that at least seems to be clear and comprehensible, but when they wrote about medicine they drew on a vocabulary and an underly- ing conceptual framework that is almost impenetrable today. Medical ideas from this time cannot be mapped isomorphically onto any corresponding set of terms and ideas of our own. Events and conditions that began the century as strings of adjectives such as “bilious,” “putrid,” “low,” “pestilential,” and “intermittent” were being discarded or rearranged into distinct diseases. The names for these illnesses were becoming more consis- tent in both English and Latin, enabling physicians to communicate more fruitfully with each other. This process began well before 1700 and ended long after 1900, but it was gathering steam in this period, when completely different systems for conceptualizing disease competed with each other. It is not surprising that this period of complex transitions seemed inchoate. Many years later, I have reached some conclusions. First, claims that this period saw an abrupt break with the past or future are exaggerated or mis- placed. Second, the interest of authors in ideas about contagion was related to their status as outsiders in England or their experience as religious dis- senters (broadly defined).5 Moreover, this relationship persisted from before the Restoration right through this period. Third, what was important about their idea of contagion was not whether it accurately anticipated Pasteur’s (or Bassi’s or Henle’s, or twentieth-century) ideas but its contribution to the shift from a physiological to an ontological view of acute diseases.6 In other words, contagionism partly replaced the conceptualization of illness as an imbalance or dysfunction with the conceptualization of separate disease enti- ties with their own characteristic patterns.7 The theory that the contagium itself might be alive sometimes played a role in this transformation, but the idea of contagion itself affected disease theory even when the nature of the agent was seen as inanimate or was not specified. The rest of this book will discuss the second two conclusions in greater detail, but the hypothesis of an eighteenth-century “lull” deserves further consideration here. In the paragraph before the one quoted above, Win- slow had acknowledged that “Benjamin Marten in 1720, three years before Leeuwenhoek’s death, assumes that tuberculosis is caused by invisible ‘ani- malculae,’ like those discovered by Leeuwenhoek . .”8 This led me back to Clifford Dobell’s biography of Leeuwenhoek and to William Bulloch’s History of Bacteriology.9 The latter contained a more detailed discussion of Marten’s work, including quotations from Marten’s New Theory of Consump- tions (1720), but it ended with what would become a familiar assessment: “Marten’s book . was soon relegated to oblivion. Marten could never have dreamt that his views would turn out to be so correct. How different were they from those of his day and long after.”10 After very brief and dismissive references to two other eighteenth-century authors (Carl Linnaeus and Marc Anton von Plenciz), Bulloch, like many of his colleagues, turned with relief to his real subject, the enormous strides that were made in bacteriology in the nineteenth century. Clearly, Marten was an interesting but inconvenient snag complicating the story of eighteenth-century nescience. Preface xi Bulloch’s work in turn led me to the articles by Charles Singer on Marten himself. In 1910, Singer, then a young physician, stumbled on a copy of Marten’s New Theory when browsing through some used books and pur- chased it for a few pennies.11 This beguiling work changed Singer’s life for- ever. He quickly published an article on Marten and then, with help from his new wife, the scholar Dorothea Waley Singer, researched and self-published a book on the idea of living contagion from 1500–1750.12 He conclusively demonstrated that many earlier European authors had expressed an interest in ideas about pathogenic “worms” or “animalcules,”
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