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Isabel Ströhle Pristina's "Martyrs' Cemetery" – Conflicting

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Isabel Ströhle Pristina's SÜDOSTEUROPA, 54. Jg., 3/2006 Isabel Ströhle* Pristina's "Martyrs' Cemetery" – Conflicting Commemorations 1. Introduction Pristina: January 2006.1 Hundreds of thousands of people are waiting in the freez- ing cold in the hope of catching a glimpse of Ibrahim Rugova's coffin passing by. It is escorted through the streets of the capital of Kosovo by honorary guards of the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC)2, the transformed guerrilla troops of the for- mer Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)3. Representatives of all Kosovo parties and international dignitaries are attending the subsequent obsequies in a sports hall near the cemetery. They are paying their last respect to the man who had been the political leader of the Kosovo Albanians for about sixteen years. Thereafter he is buried in a white marble tomb at the "Martyrs' Cemetery". He is laid to rest only a few metres away from the communist monument remembering the victims of World War II and the fallen KLA fighters of the recent war. Many thousand Al- banians living in Kosovo and in the diaspora in Western Europe and the USA are following the funeral on TV. The appearance of unanimous unity of all political camps in Kosovo during this day, however, is misleading. When the KLA successor organisations4 first learned that President Rugova would be buried next to the site where their fallen fighters were at rest, they were outraged. For them it came as an insult that someone who neither fell in combat nor died from an injury resulting from the war within the first year of freedom, would be buried on the "Martyrs' Cemetery".5 The families of the so-called mar- * Isabel Ströhle studied Political Science at Munich University and South-East European Studies at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies at the University College London. This article is based on her M.A.-Dissertation that has been supervised by Dr. Ger Duijings and by Dr. Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers from the wider SSEES envi- ronment. 1 The toponymies Kosovo and Pristina are used in this work, because they are more commonly found in Anglosaxon literature. This choice is, however, free of any political implications. The Serbian names are Kosovo (and Metohija) and Priština, the Albanian forms are Kosovë, -a and Prishtinë, -a. 2 In Albanian Trupat të Mbrojtjes së Kosovës (TMK). 3 In Albanian Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës (UÇK). 4 Namely the Organisation of the "Association of the KLA-Martyrs' Families" [Shoqata e Famileve të Dëshmorëve të UÇK-së], of the "KLA's War Veterans" [Shoqata e Vet- eranëve të UÇK-së], and the "Association of KLA War Invalids" [Shoqata e Invalidëve të UÇK-së]. 5 Musliu, Jeton: Permendoret e Sherreve [Quarreling Monuments]. In: Gazeta Express, 03 February 2006. Pristina's "Martyrs' Cemetery" – Conflicting Commemorations 405 tyrs (in Kosovo fallen KLA-fighters are currently referred to by this term) felt provoked by Ibrahim Rugova's grave who had never supported the KLA, nor the war; neither visited the sites of Serb massacres and, according to them, never even expressed his condolences to the families of fallen KLA fighters.6 Conse- quently, the nation's most prominent dignitaries, veteran leaders of the KLA and who are today vested in the higher ranks7 of the KPC, stayed away from the fu- neral. "The decision to bury him on the Martyrs' Cemetery is unacceptable for us and the reaction will hit those responsible for it.8 This grave has to be re- moved from this place and we will insist that only martyrs of the nation will be there." 9 June 2006: Ibrahim Rugova's grave is located on Velania hill in Pristina, only five minutes walk away from his manorial residence. There are two entrances to the fenced-in memorial complex that relate to three different periods of Kosovo's history, all of which have considerable influence on the present. When walking up Velania, stairs lead onto neglected grassland. From there one can approach the concrete communist memorial remembering the partisan fighters that fell in the "battle against fascism" during World War II. Further right a weathered Albanian flag is flaunted above some graves covered in plastic flower wreaths as is cur- rently the custom in Kosovo. Fallen fighters of the KLA are buried there, giving the name to this "Martyrs' Cemetery", as do the previously fallen "partisans". On the very top of the slope lies a small memorial compound in which the grave of the former president is embedded. To access this site you have to leave the bigger memorial park and use another entrance to the compound, as it is not connected by a footpath with the martyrs' graves. Iron gates lead on the cobbled access way that is seamed with flowerbeds which detach narrower footways with benches for the visitors. At the end of the access-path a large, deep blue carpet catches one's eye, covering the entire space around the white marble tomb in the centre in the shape of a circle. A simple golden engraving "Ibrahim Rugova 1944–2006" deco- rates the marble. There is no further information given on the buried, no inscrip- tion on the tomb, no sign, picture or poster nearby. Miniatures of the Albanian flag and a flag which is dominated by the colours dark blue, red, and yellow with a double-headed eagle and a coat of arms in its centre, are fixed on the right and 6 Musliu, Jeton and Maxhuni, Nebih: Kunder Varrimit Mes Dëshmorëve [Against the Burial among Martyrs]. In: Gazeta Express, 25 January 2006. 7 Nuredin Lushtaku, a friend of Adem Jashari, had led the KPC Ceremonial Guard Unit and refused an order to provide the honours at the funeral and was consequently re- placed. See International Crisis Group (ICG): An Army for Kosovo? Europe Report No. 174, 28 July 2006, p. 16. Xhavit Jashari, head of the Organisation of the KLA Martyrs' Families, and Selim Krasniqi, former Prizren zone-Commander were also absent during the funeral. 8 Statement by the KLA successor organisations in: Musliu and Maxhuni, Kunder Var- rimit Mes Dëshmorëve, op. cit. (above n. 6). 9 Xhavit Jashari in: Musliu, Permendoret e Sherreve, op. cit. (above n. 5). 406 Isabel Ströhle left margin of its pedestal. A bigger version of the just described flag is waving above the grave. Flowerbeds are framing the blue carpet with yellow and red flowers reflecting the colours of this very flag. An adjacent path enables the visi- tor to inspect the dozens of flower wreaths carrying the names of their donators skilfully arranged in a half circle behind the grave. On its road to a final status, post-war Kosovo bears witness to a fierce power struggle. The dominant political actors seek to legitimate political claims by refer- ring back to what they claim is their contribution to the liberation from Serbian rule, through either passive resistance – as under Rugova's leadership – or active militant involvement – as led by the KLA. For the Albanians of either trajectory the ongoing limbo with regard to the unresolved final status of Kosovo made the achievement of independence a sine qua non. The necessary national cohesion is currently enforced through the evocation of a heroic master narrative of militant resistance to foreign oppression, of national unity and of 'sacrifice for the father- land' through death in combat. This has largely silenced voices of less militant convictions, as was recently pointed out by Anna di Lellio and Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers.10 Can the material culture of Rugova's grave and its repro- ductions tell us whether his non-militant stance has really lost its spell in post-war Kosovo? In the ongoing struggle for political power, dead bodies became a particular powerful resource in the post-socialist and post-war context.11 In an attempt to in- fuse the public sphere with one's own interpretation of the past, politics are made through claiming martyrs, monuments and graveyards of one's own group as na- tional symbols. This is clearly and exemplary reflected in the above cited dispute over Rugova's place of burial. This essay explores the ways in which political identity and conflict in post-war Kosovo are reflected in the material culture of the "Martyrs' Cemetery"12 in Pristina and, in particular, the grave of the former Albanian President. It argues that the negotiation of political claims based on an interpretation of the recent past finds expression in the material culture of ceme- teries such as this; and explores the messages this culture conveys to the Albanian visitors. To illustrate these theoretical and empirical points further, it briefly jux- taposes the material culture of Rugova's grave to a prominent KLA cemetery and the site of commemoration in the village of Prekaz in Kosovo's heartland Drenica, which has developed to a national shrine in post-war Kosovo. The material used in this research was collected during three weeks of inten- sive fieldwork in Kosovo from June to July 2006 and through constant contact with informants in Kosovo since 2001. It consists of ethnographic observations at 10 Di Lellio, Anna and Schwandner-Sievers, Stephanie: The Legendary Commander: The Construction of an Albanian Master-Narrative in Post-War Kosovo. In: Nations & Na- tionalism, 12 (2006) 3, (pre-print distribution version). 11 A topic intensely explored by Katherine Verdery. Cf. Verdery, Katherine: The Political Lives of Dead Bodies. Reburial and Postsocialist Change. New York: Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1999. 12 In Albanian Varrezat e Dëshmorëve të Kombit. Pristina's "Martyrs' Cemetery" – Conflicting Commemorations 407 the sites, participant observation, and thirteen formal interviews13 with members of the socio-politically active stratum of the capital's citizens which either lasted between one and five hours or were conducted several times.
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