“To Wash a Blackamoor White:” the Rise of Black Ethnic Religious

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“To Wash a Blackamoor White:” the Rise of Black Ethnic Religious View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ETD - Electronic Theses & Dissertations “To Wash a Blackamoor White:” The Rise of Black Ethnic Religious Rhetoric in Early Modern England By Tamara Elisabeth Lewis Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Religion May, 2014 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Professor Paul Chang-Ha Lim Professor Peter Lake Professor Victor Anderson Professor Dennis C. Dickerson Professor Catherine Molineux Professor Lewis Baldwin Copyright 2014 by Tamara E. Lewis All Rights Reserved ii To my parents Reverend Bettye P. Lewis and Dr. Rapheal O. Lewis iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The genesis and completion of this work would not have been possible without the support of the chairperson of my committee, Dr. Paul Chang-Ha Lim. From his early championing of the pursuance of this particular avenue of research to his continued encouragement throughout the writing process, he has served as an inspiration to me both as mentor and scholar. I am also especially grateful for the guidance and mentorship of Drs. Lewis V. Baldwin, Victor Anderson, Dennis C. Dickerson, Catherine Molineux, and J. Patout Burns. My deepest thankfulness goes out to the warm tutelage and financial assistance bequeathed by the Women of Color Scholars Program of The United Methodist Church under the leadership of Reverend Angella Current-Felder and particularly Drs. Rosetta Ross, Karen Collier, Linda Thomas, and Rita Nakashima Brock. I am indebted to the outpouring of resources from Matthew Williams and the Fund for Theological Education (FTE) as well as the underwriting of the Vanderbilt University Graduate Department of Religion Award. The helpfulness of the entire Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University community including Dean William Lawrence, Associate Dean Evelyn Parker, Carlos Cardoza-Orlandi, Rebekah Miles, James Lee, Jeanne Stevenson-Moessner, Natalia Marandiuc, and Carolyn Douglas has been invaluable. In addition, my colleagues from Vanderbilt have provided life-giving nurturance and stimulating conversation. Finally, special thanks to my sisters Kristin Lewis and Yolanda Walker, as well as Rev. Shirley Rayford and the Braden United Methodist Church, Nashville, TN. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS………………………………………………………….……iv Chapter I. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….1 Background……………..................................................................................................3 Literature Review………………………………………………………………………6 Race, Religious History, and Early Modern England…………………………………15 The Hamitic Myth and Early Modern England…………………………………….....22 Blackamoor Tropology in Ancient Christian Texts…………………………………...28 Methodology and Chapter Overview………………………………………………….34 II. Original Sin, The Hamitic Curse, and Blackamoor Imagery………………………...38 Contemporary Religious “Othering” of Black Africans………………………………44 The Hamitic Myth and the Origins of Black Skin Color……………………………...51 History of the Doctrine of Original Sin in the West…………………………………..59 Metaphors of Blackness as Sin in English Texts……………………………………...65 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….98 III. English Blackamoors, The Black Bride of Song of Songs, and Justification by Faith Alone……………………………………………………………………………………102 The Emergence of Justification by Faith Alone……………………………………..107 The Song of Songs in the Christian Tradition………………………………………..117 Blackness in English Commentaries on the Song of Songs……………………….........140 Racial Ethnicity in English Commentaries on Song of Songs…………………………..153 Summary……………………………………………………………………………..169 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………...177 IV. Masques and Mirrors: ‘Aethiopem Lavare’ and Sanctification in Early Modern England…………………………………………………………………………………179 Literary Themes of Blackness and Sanctification……………………………….......181 The Classical Trope of Washing the Ethiopian White………………………………189 Sanctification and Early Modern English Religious Writings on Black Ethnicity….196 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………...219 v V. “Absent Presence:” The Religious Lives of Early Modern English Africans……...208 The History of Blacks in Early Modern England…………………………………....226 Early Modern English Parish Archives of Blacks…………………………………...236 Two Case Studies of the Religious Lives of Early Modern English Africans………252 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………...262 VI. Conclusion: The Legacy of English Blackamoor Rhetoric………………………..264 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………283 vi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The earliest known visual documentation of an African in England comes from the 1511 Westminster Tournament Roll of Henry VIII, currently displayed in the mounted College of Arms.1 The illuminated manuscript reveals a lone black man seated among six musicians. All are blowing their trumpets in celebration of the Queen’s giving birth to a male child the previous New Year’s Day. Contemporary accounts of the Treasury of the Chamber, which document the recurring payments of court staff, list “John Blanc, the blacke trumpeter.” Such accounts began in 1507, late in the monarchy of Henry VII, and continue throughout the reign of his son. The name “Blanc,” (or Blank) meaning white, is surely a given name, and meant to be of “ironic jest,”2 amusing at the English court. Where did Blanc originate? Did he come to England directly from Africa? Perhaps he arrived by way of Spain or Portugal? Maybe there was a connection with the 3 “Blackamoors” known to be present at the Scottish courts? Kate Lowe has suggested 1 For visual representation http://www.westminster.gov.uk/services/libraries/archives/blackpresence/01/ [date accessed 11/20/13] See also Sydney Anglo, The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968) and Richard Barber and Juliet Barber, Tournaments: Jousts, Chivalry and Pageants in the Middle Ages (Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1989). 2 Peter Fryer, Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain, (London: Pluto Press, 1984), 4. [Hereafter cited as Fryer, Staying Power,] 3 For discussion of blacks in Scotland see Fryer, Staying Power, 4; see also Patricia Hill Buchanan, Margaret Tudor: Queen of Scots (Edinburgh: Columbia University for Scottish Academic Press, 1985); P. Edwards and J. Walvin, Black Personalities in the Era of the Slave Trade (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1983). 7 that Blanc was a “surviving member” of Princess Catherine’s 1501 royal entourage.4 Thomas More described Catherine of Aragon, daughter of Spain’s Ferdinand and Isabella, and betrothed at the time to Prince Arthur of England, as having many “slave” attendants. According to eyewitness testimony, (most notably More’s), some of these were black Africans.5 Whether or not Blanc originally came to England with the Spanish princess, it is known that in 1512 he married, for records show that King Henry VIII ordered Blanc an expensive wedding gift.6 John Blanc therefore represents a unique instance of African assimilation into early modern English society. Foreigners like Blanc, growing numerically in England, were known by a range of new terms borrowed from Iberian languages. Words, including “Negroes,” “Blacks,” “Moors,” or “Blackamoors,” suggest color as “the visual antithesis of whiteness.”7 These terms also reflect the proliferation of contemporary literary “evocations of blackness” in 4 Kate Lowe, “The Stereotyping of Black Africans in Renaissance Europe,” in T.F. Earle and K.J.P. Lowe, eds., Blacks in Renaissance Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 39. [Hereafter cited as Lowe, “Stereotyping,”] 5 See Elizabeth Frances Rogers, The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1947), 4. The letter is dated November 1501. More calls the black slave attendants “hunchbacked, tattered, barefooted, pigmy Ethiopians, like devils out of Hell.” Ironically, Desiderius Erasmus teased Thomas More himself for his surname “More,” which could also mean Moor or black Ethiop; Erasmus sometimes called More “Niger” (Peter Ackroyd, The Life of Thomas More, New York: Nan A. Talese, 1998, 7). The More family coat of arms has the figure of an African head on it, a feature common among English slave-trading families in the early modern period. More uses this coat of arms as his official seal when he is Henry VIII’s under-treasurer. A reproduction of the crest can be viewed in J.A. Rogers, Nature Knows No Color Line: Research Into the Negro Ancestry of the White Race (St. Petersburg, FL: Helga M. Rogers Publ., 1980), 76. 6 According to Imtiaz Habib, Blanc’s marriage indicates “the degree of his acceptance and social assimilation” into English society (Black Lives in the English Archives, 1500-1677: Imprints of the Invisible (Hampshire, UK: Ashgate, 2008), 40. [Hereafter cited as Habib, Black Lives.] Recorded in the Exchequer Accounts of Henry VIII is a listing of rich clothes as a marriage gift: “14 January John Blak’s Marriage…Warrant to the Great Wardrobe to deliver John Blak ‘our trumpeter.’…A gown of violet cloth, &c. including a bonnet and a hat, ‘to be taken of our gift against his marriage.’ Greenwich, 14 January 3 Henry VIII.” As Habib states, the archive record does not reveal whom Blanc married. 7 Alden T. Vaughan and Virginia Mason Vaughan, “Before Othello: Elizabethan Representations of Sub- Saharan Africans,” WMQ 54: 1 (1997), 31. [Hereafter cited as Vaughn, “Before Othello.”] 8 early modern English
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