De Strijd Om De Ziel Van Kungfu

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De Strijd Om De Ziel Van Kungfu DE STRIJD OM DE ZIEL VAN KUNGFU De Dialectiek van de Commodificatie & Globalisering van de Shaolintempel in het Tijdperk van de Kungfufilms Rory Berndt Culturele Antropologie & [email protected] Ontwikkelingssociologie 6222765 – 10012400 Bachelorscriptie Antropologie Universiteit van Amsterdam Dr. P.T. van Rooden (begeleider) december 2012 Dr. G. Nooteboom (tweede lezer) De Strijd om de Ziel van Kungfu | 2 DE STRIJD OM DE ZIEL VAN KUNGFU De Dialectiek van de Commodificatie & Globalisering van de Shaolintempel in het Tijdperk van de Kungfufilms In de Shaolintempel ontmoeten zestigduizend studenten van vijf tot veertig jaar elkaar om hun vechtvaardigheden te verbeteren, carrières te plannen en te dromen van hun roeping. Door geanimeerde kinderfilms als Kung Fu Panda en Kung Fu Panda 2 is de interesse in de panter-, tijger-, slang-, draak- en kraanvogelvechtstijlen, die hier worden beoefend, enorm toegenomen. Veel van de leerlingen arriveren met dezelfde droom, namelijk het worden van een actieheld. Hoewel voor maar weinig van hen deze droom uit zal komen, is hun ambitie groot genoeg om tot diep in de nacht door te blijven gaan met trainen. De legende van de Shaolinmonniken begint zo’n vijftienhonderd jaar geleden. Het wordt gezegd dat keizer Xiaowen het bevel gaf voor de constructie van een tempel, diep gelegen in een bos in de bergen, ter ere van een zwervende Indiase monnik. In de 13e eeuw was de tempel de thuisbasis van zo’n tweeduizend monniken, die bekend stonden om hun deugdzaamheid en vaardigheden in de vechtkunsten. Deze vechtkunsten zijn in China doorgaans toegeschreven als wushu in plaats van gongfu (kungfu). ‘In history, Shaolin represented justice, uprightness, sympathy and love,’ aldus Wang Yumin1, een verbindingsofficier van de tempel. In 1928, toen een krijgsheer het complex in brand stak, waren zijn gloriedagen al lang voorbij. Onder Mao’s Culturele Revolutie, tijdens de jaren zestig, werd het resterende deel ook geteisterd. Na de Culture Revolutie in 1976, toen het land zich politiek hervormde en openstelde, werd religie weer toegestaan. Op dit moment waren er nog maar elf, vooral oudere, monniken over in de afgebrokkelde gebouwen. 1 Tania Branigan ‘Kung Fu Under Attack,’ uit The Guardian, 24 mei 2011. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/may/24/kung-fu-under-attack?INTCMP=SRCH 3 | Rory Berndt De wedergeboorte van Shaolin is vooral te danken aan een kungfufilm en een zeer moderne monnik. In 1982 verscheen wushu-kampioen Jet Li in de film The Shaolin Temple (1982). De film maakte van hem direct een ster en Shaolin onmiddellijk tot een bekende naam. Ondertussen liet er ook een andere jonge man zich gelden. Shi Yongxin, de zoon van een boer en een fabrieksarbeider uit de naburige provincie Anhui, was op zeventienjarige leeftijd toegetreden tot het klooster in 1981. Zeven jaar later, na de dood van de toenmalige abt Xingzheng, nam hij de leiding van de tempel over en in 1999 werd hij officieel benoemt tot abt. Onder zijn leiding heeft de roem van Shaolin zich globaal weten te verspreiden. Een groep monniken afkomstig van de tempel, reizen nu de hele wereld rond om hun kunsten in een theatershow te demonstreren. Echter, was dit voor Shi slechts het begin: ‘We are trying to spread the temple’s values of Shaolin and Buddhism more widely,’ zegt hij2. ‘Even though it is really famous now, it is still some way from its [historical] skill and reputation.’ Door de media 2 is Shi al omgedoopt tot ‘the country’s most controversial monk’ en ‘the abbot with the MBA (Master of Business Administration)’. Zijn handelsgeest reikt inderdaad veel verder dan de souvenirwinkel van het klooster. Zo steunde hij de Chinese televisieshow Kung Fu Star3, een talentenjacht voor de wereld van de vechtkunsten. Shaolin is een franchise geworden met vier tempels in Kunming en meer dan veertig filialen in het buitenland. Het is één van de maatregelen van de commerciële reputatie van de tempel. De laatste geruchten zijn dat Shi van plan is om de aandelenmarkt op te gaan. De meer nuchtere waarheid is echter dat het een nieuw, door de staat gesteunde, toeristenfirma gaat ondersteunen. Het klooster benadrukt dat kungfu voor haar leden, hoe lucratief het ook is, secundair is aan religie. ‘First they are monks,’ zegt de monnik Wang in een artikel in de Britse krant The Guardian4. ‘It doesn’t matter if they are warrior monks; they must still meditate and study the scriptures.’ Maar de meeste strijdmonniken zijn studenten die gerekruteerd zijn bij één van de meer dan vijftig kungfuscholen in Dengfeng, waar kungfu niet alleen een levensstijl is maar ook een manier om zichzelf in levensonderhoud te voorzien. Henan is één van de armste provincies van China en de 2, 3, 4 Ibid. 5 Jonathan Watts ‘Everybody’s Kung Fu Fighting,’ uit The Guardian, 16 februari 2006. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2006/feb/16/china.religion?INTCMP=SRCH De Strijd om de Ziel van Kungfu | 4 vechtkunsten bieden veel kinderen de beste mogelijkheid om een carrière op te bouwen; een kans om in plaats van een ongeschoolde arbeider, een lijfwacht, soldaat of artiest te worden. Veel van de kinderen die een droom hebben om een carrière op te bouwen in de vechtkunsten, zijn beïnvloed door de vele kungfufilms uit Hongkong. Deze films hebben er ook voor gezorgd dat de Chinese vechtkunsten in de jaren zeventig van de vorige eeuw populair werden in het Westen. De algemene opvatting van de kungfu is hierdoor enorm beïnvloed. Chinese jongeren zien acteurs als Bruce Lee, Jackie Chan en Jet Li uit de Hong Kong Cinema als de ‘ware meesters’ van de kungfu. Ze hopen door een opleiding in één van de traditionele kloosters, zoals de Shaolintempel, hun droom te kunnen waarmaken en het te schoppen tot een filmster. Alleen hebben deze jongeren volgens de traditionele monniken een verkeerde opvatting van de kungfu. Volgens hen gaan de vechtkunsten niet om het vechten en het doden, maar om het verbeteren van de wijsheid, intelligentie en het behouden van een zuivere krijgskunst. Deze scriptie zal zich verdiepen in deze discrepantie tussen de opvattingen van de monniken, met hun traditionele visie en kungfustijl, en de moderne, meer materialistische opvattingen van de Chinese jeugd. Op welke manier zijn de kungfufilms van invloed geweest op de jongeren binnen de ‘traditionele’ vechtcultuur van de Shaolinmonniken en hoe reageren zij op deze ontwikkelingen? Hoe zijn de opvattingen van deze twee groepen tot stand gekomen en hoe ziet de toekomst eruit? Bij het beantwoorden van deze vragen zal het verleden van zowel de Shaolintempel als die van de Hong Kong Cinema worden onderzocht. Hierbij zullen onder andere de theoretische concepten als globalisering, kapitalisme, commodificatie, identiteit en religie worden betrokken. Hong Kong Cinema Voordat de claims op ‘authenticiteit’ van het Shaolintempel aan het licht worden gebracht en hoe ze omgaan met het globalisatieproces, is het belangrijk om te weten waarom de Chinese jongeren interesse tonen in de vechtkunsten. Waardoor en door wie zijn ze beïnvloed? Eén van de fenomenen waardoor de vechtkunsten zo populair is geworden onder de Chinese jeugd zijn natuurlijk de kungfufilms, afkomstig uit de Hong Kong Cinema. De Hong Kong Cinema, ook wel bekend als het Hollywood van het Oosten, is tegenwoordig een belangrijke speler in de markt van de wereldcinema. 5 | Rory Berndt Veel van de huidige kaskrakers uit Hollywood zijn beïnvloed door het kungfugenre, blijkende de films The Matrix (1999) en Kill Bill (2003). Amerikaans filmwetenschapper David Bordwell schreef het volgende over de transculturele vermogen van de populaire cinema: Popular cinema, moreover, is deliberately designed to cross cultural boundaries. Reliance on pictures and music rather than on words, appeals to cross- cultural emotions, easily learned conventions of style and story, and redundancy at many levels all help films travel outside their immediate context. That audiences all over the world enjoy Hong Kong movies dramatically illustrates the transcultural power of popular cinema (Bordwell, 2000, p. xi-xii). Kenmerkend aan de Hongkongse filmstijl is de focus op langere vechtscènes, ingewikkelde vechtchoreografieën, slow motion shots, long shots in plaats van close- ups en het snelle tempo van de vechtscènes. De westerse interesse in de Aziatische vechtkunsten liep evenwijdig met de veranderende relatie tussen de Verenigde Staten en Zuidoost-Azië. Amerikaanse militairen brachten judo en karate terug van de naoorlogse bezetting van Japan. Later verenigden ze deze vechtkunsten bij hun trainingen voor de Koreaanse Oorlog. De ‘kungfu gekte’ van de jaren ’70 viel samen met de Vietnamoorlog en President Nixon’s bezoek aan China (Hunt 2003: 12). In grote lijnen zijn er twee manieren om te kijken naar deze Westerse interesse in Azië: ‘a controlled setting in which to be exposed to and (perhaps) examine certain notions of linguistic, racial and cultural difference’ (Fore 1997: 240) of ‘a flirtation with the exotic rather than an attempt at any genuine intercultural understanding’ (Marchetti 1993: 1). Dan alsnog is het niet altijd duidelijk wat zo’n authentiek begrip zou zijn, immers kungfu is een Chinees onderwerp dat (weer) tot leven is gekomen in Hong Kong. De kungfufilms uit de Hong Kong Cinema uitten regelmatig verbanden met een Oriëntalistisch denkbeeld (Bowman 2010: 17-18). In Edward Said’s (1978: 3) definitie, beschrijft het Oriëntalisme ‘a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient’. De woorden ‘Oriënt’ en ’Oriëntaal’ verwijzen naar Azië of het Oosten in zowel geografisch, moreel als cultureel opzicht. De manier waarop kungfufilms in het Westen werden verbeeld, heeft een rol gespeeld in deze De Strijd om de Ziel van Kungfu | 6 verwijzing. Of zoals Hunt (2003: 13) het formuleert, is er sprake van een ‘fetisjisering’ van de Aziatische populaire cultuur: Orientalism ‘gives way’ to an Asiaphilia – or a ‘fetishization of all things Asian in popular culture’ – that, whilst ‘deceptively benign’, actually ‘naturalizes and justifies the systematic appropriation of cultural property and expressive forms created by Yellow people.
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