FEndIlWZING PARTY ORGANIZATIONS: THE CASES OF THE PARTI SOCIALISTE FRANÇAIS, THE PARTI QUÉBÉCOIS AND THE ONTARIO NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY Jocelyne Praud A thesis subrnitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political science University of Toronto @Copyright by Jocelyne Praud (1997) National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bbliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Str9et 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Ottawa ON K 1 A ON4 canada canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othenvise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author' s ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. FEMINEING PARTY ORGANIZATIONS: THE CASES OF THE PARTI SOCIALISTE FRANÇAIS, THE PARTI QUÉBÉCOIS AND 'IlE ONTARIO NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY Doctor of Phitosophy 1997 Jocelyne Praud Department of Political Science University of Toronto This thesis investigates the initiatives launched du~gthe 1970s and early 1980s in three social democratic or Ieft-ofsentre parties. the Pani socialisre français (PS), Parti québécois (PQ) and Ontario New Democratic Party (ONDP), in order to increase women's share of local, intermediate and top party positions. While the PS has used positive discrimination (in the form of a quota), the PQ and ONDP have used affirmative action (in the form of support services for women aspiring to hold party office and numerical targets respectively). If one were to rank each Party's approach to ferninization frorn the most formal and compulsory to the least fodand voluntary, the PS would be first, the ONDP second and the PQ third. More specifically, the thesis examines the circunstances surroundhg the official adoption of these pro-feminization mesures and, above all, the impact they have had on women's numerical representation. Overall, longitudinal statistics reveal that feminization in terms of numbers has been low in the PS, moderate in the PQ and high in the ONDP. In other words, the ONDP numerical targets have been the most effective in boosting women's involvement in party life, and the PS quota has been the least effective. Aithough more effective than the PS quota, the PQ support services have not had as tangible an impact as the ONDP requirements. To explain why these three initiatives have produced different results, factors identified in previous studies of women's representation in traditional political institutions are examined. Such studies tend to consider factors both external and internal to political parties. Extemal factors include: the discourse and activities of the second-wave women's movement with regards to the need for greater female poiitical involvement and whether party support is stagnating/declining or expanding. The role that women's cornmittees or secretariats play as female adiaries or feminist lobbies; how party men and women perceive the need for special measures to enhance women's share of positions; and the extent to which interna1 party structures (and, in particular, the selection process of officiais) are centraiized (or elite£ontrolled) or decenualized (or rank-and-file controlled) cm be identified as internal factors. While the three cases highlight the crucial role of the women's movement in pressuring party organizations to take pro-ferninization initiatives and in ensuring that these are canied out, they also suggest that internal factors account more direcdy than external factors for the low, moderare and high feminization of each party. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A number of people helped me to conceptuaiize, research and write the thesis. Fust of ail, 1 thank al1 the party activists who agreed to be inte~iewed.These interviews were the most exciting part of the research. Renée DuFourt from the Parri socialiste fronçais, Chnstiane Monarque and Chantal Mallen from the Parti québécois, and Sandra Clifford, Anne John-Baptiste and Jill Marzetti from the Ontario New Democratic Party spent considerable the explaining to me how their party worked. My committee at the University of Toronto, Sylvia Bashevkin, Lawrence LeDuc and Richard Sirneon, gave helpful comrnents on previous drafrs of the chapters. Sylvia Bashevkin's faith in my topic and constant reassurances in the initial stages of the dissertation that everythmg would eventually fa11 into place gave me the confidence ro go fonvard. In Lawrence LeDuc's research methods course, I learnt how to put together a research project. While teaching with Richard Simeon, I came to realize that it is not enough to ta& about democracy, one also has to practise it every day with students and colleagues. Manon Tremblay at the University of Ottawa did al1 the things that cornmittee members do even though she was not on the cornmittee. She suggested several ways of revising the Ontario and Quebec chapters so that they would be publishable and wrote letters of reference. 1 am grateful to the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada for funding my first years in the doctoral program and to the Universi~of Toronto Associates and Centre for International Studies for funding the research trip to France. My family in France was always very supportive of my studies and took a keen interest in the French part of the research. My parents, Yves and Marcelle Praud, kept me abreast of any new developments connected to the Pani socialiste français and French women's involvement in politics. My sister, Valérie Praud, and her parmer, Stéphane Kostiuck, welcome me into their home during my stay in Paris. As long as 1 can remember, my aunt, Danielle Guérin, was always there to cheer me on. Lastly, 1 owe my greatest debt to my best friend, Karl A. Henriques. Karl shared al1 the hi@ and, more importantly, al1 the lows of the Ph.D. and the thesis. He commented extensively on al! the drafts 1 gave b.Without Karl's passion for social and economic justice, intellectual energy and emotional support, the dissertation would not have been as fulfilling an expenence. This dissertation is dedicated to him. TABLE OF CONTENTS -. Abstract 11 Acknowledgments iv Table of Contents vi List of Abbreviations vii List of Illusuations xi Introduction Chapter One Women and Political Citizenship: Exclusion, Inclusion and Affirmative Action for Wornen in Politics Chapter Two French, Quebec and Ontario Women' s Involvement in Politics: A Historical Review Chapter Three The Parri Socialiste Français Chapter Four The Parri Québécois Chapter Five The Ontario New Democratic Party Conclusion Appendix A: PS Interviews Appendix B: PQ Interviews Appendix C: ONDP Interviews B ibliography LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS France CCPF Comité de coordination des problèmes féminins CS1 Confédération des socialistes indépeendants CERES Centre d'études, de recherches et d'éducation socialistes CNF Commission mtiomie féminine GDFS Groupe des femmes socialistes GFS Groupe féministe socidiste MAC Mouvement Arc-en-ciel MDF Mouvement démocratique féminin MLF Mouvement de libéraiion des femmes MRP Mouvement républicain populaire P&P Politique et psychanuZyse/Psychamtyse et politique PCF Parti communisie français PS Parti socialiste français RFP Réseau femmes pour la parité RPR Rassemblement pour la république SFIO Section française de 1 'Inteniahonale ouvrière LJFCS Unionféminine civique et sociale 'IJFF Union des femmes françaises Quebec AFEAS Association féminine d'éducation et d'action sociale CAPF Comité d'action politique des femmes CNAPF Comité norional d'action politique des femmes CSF Conseil du statut de la femme CPSF Comité provincial du sunage féminin FE.ZQ Fédération des femmes libérales du Québec FLFQ Front de libérahon des femmes du Québec FRAPPE Femmes regroupées pour l'accès au pouvoir politique et économique MwLM Montreal Women's Liberation Movement PLQ Pani libéral du Québec PSD Pam' social-démocrate PQ Parti québécois Ontario AAC Affitive Action Cornmittee AHCCW Ad Hoc Committee of Canadian Women CEW Committee for the Equality of Women LPC Liberal Party of Canada NDP New Democratic Party vii OFL Ontario Federation of Labour OLP Ontario Liberal Party ONDP Ontario New Democratic Party PCPO Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario POW Participation of Women (Committee) TWJC Toronto Women's Joint Committe mc Toronto Women' s Literary Club WPA Women for Political Action Canada CCF Co-operative Commonwealth Federation NDP New Dernocratic Party RCERPF Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing RCSW Royal Commission on the Statu of Women RF Reform Party SDPC Social Democratic Party of Canada SPC Socialist Party of Canada viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figures Synopsis of the Smdy (Part One) Synopsis of the Study (Part Two) Tables Table 2.1: Women Candidates, Legislators and Cabinet Members in the Posnvar Period in France and the Provinces of Quebec and Ontario (aii Parties) 83 Table 3.1 : Women in the National PS Bodies, 1969- 1994 107 Table 4.1 : Female Riding Presidents in the PQ, 1978- 1993 146 Table 4.2: Women in the National Executive of the PQ, 1973-1994 148 Table 5.1: Female Riding Presidents in the ONDP, 1973-1994 179 Table 5.2: Women in the Provincial Council and Executive of the ONDP. 1981-1994 181 INTRODUCTION Despite the rise in anti-party sentiment and politics presently observable in many Western liberal democracies. political parties remain vital agencies of representation. To begin with, they aggregate various interests and issues in their electoral platforms.