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Grand Inquests: the Historic Impeach- Ments of Justice
GRAND INQUESTS: THE HISTORIC IMPEACH MENTS OF JUSTICE SAMUEL CHASE AND PRESIDENT ANDREW JOHNSON. By William H. Rehnquist.' William Morrow & Co., Inc. 1992. Reissued in paperback, 1999. Pp. 304. $12.00. Michael J. Gerhard( INTRODUCTION Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist's is a book that was written well ahead of its time-almost seven years, to be precise. Written in 1992, Grand Inquests explores the backgrounds, de tails, historical contexts, and constitutional significance of the two most important Senate impeachment trials in the nineteenth century-those of Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase in 1805 and President Andrew Johnson in 1868. Presumably, Chief Jus tice Rehnquist expected at the time that he published the book that the topic would be a safe one for a sitting chief justice, for it would then have seemed highly unlikely that no similar such trial would have been on the horizon during the Chief Justice's ten ure or lifetime. Thus, Chief Justice Rehnquist could have rea sonably expected that he could write about the Chase and John son impeachment trials without ever having to confront the issues involved in them (or like proceedings) in his formal ca pacity. We now know that Chief Justice Rehnquist's interest in im peachment was prescient. The book became enormously signifi cant when, almost seven years after its publication, the House of Representatives impeached President William Jefferson Clinton for perjury and obstruction of justice on December 19, 1998, and in January and February of 1999, the United States Senate con ducted an impeachment trial of President Clinton with none other than Chief Justice William Rehnquist presiding. -
The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments
A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren Paige Joyce Judson Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts In Political Science Jason P. Kelly, Chair Wayne D. Moore Karen M. Hult August 7, 2014 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Judicial Politics, Electoral Realignment, Alteration to the Supreme Court Copyright 2014, Lauren J. Judson A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren J. Judson ABSTRACT During periods of turmoil when ideological preferences between the federal branches of government fail to align, the relationship between the three quickly turns tumultuous. Electoral realignments especially have the potential to increase tension between the branches. When a new party replaces the “old order” in both the legislature and the executive branches, the possibility for conflict emerges with the Court. Justices who make decisions based on old regime preferences of the party that had appointed them to the bench will likely clash with the new ideological preferences of the incoming party. In these circumstances, the president or Congress may seek to weaken the influence of the Court through court-curbing methods. One example Congress may utilize is changing the actual size of the Supreme The size of the Supreme Court has increased four times in United States history, and three out of the four alterations happened after an electoral realignment. Through analysis of Supreme Court cases, this thesis seeks to determine if, after an electoral realignment, holdings of the Court on issues of policy were more congruent with the new party in power after the change in composition as well to examine any change in individual vote tallies of the justices driven by the voting behavior of the newly appointed justice(s). -
A House Divided: When State and Lower Federal Courts Disagree on Federal Constitutional Rights
Florida State University College of Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Publications 11-2014 A House Divided: When State and Lower Federal Courts Disagree on Federal Constitutional Rights Wayne A. Logan Florida State University College of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.law.fsu.edu/articles Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Wayne A. Logan, A House Divided: When State and Lower Federal Courts Disagree on Federal Constitutional Rights, 90 NOTRE DAME L. REV. 235 (2014), Available at: https://ir.law.fsu.edu/articles/161 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\90-1\NDL106.txt unknown Seq: 1 8-DEC-14 14:43 A HOUSE DIVIDED: WHEN STATE AND LOWER FEDERAL COURTS DISAGREE ON FEDERAL CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS Wayne A. Logan* “The operation of a double system of conflicting laws in the same state is plainly hostile to the reign of law. Janus was not a god of justice.”1 Despite our many differences, “We the People”2 take as a given that rights contained in our Federal Constitution will apply with equal force throughout the land. As John Jay put it in The Federalist No. 22, “we have uniformly been one people; each individual citizen everywhere enjoying the same national rights, privileges, and protection.”3 To better ensure federal rights uniformity, the Framers included the Supremacy Clause in the Consti- tution4 and ordained that there be “one supreme Court”5 to harmonize what Justice Joseph Story termed “jarring and discordant judgments”6 of lower courts, giving rise to “public mischiefs.”7 © 2014 Wayne A. -
The Alien Tort Statute and the Law of Nations Anthony J
The University of Chicago Law Review Volume 78 Spring 2011 Number 2 @2011 by The University of Chicago ARTICLES The Alien Tort Statute and the Law of Nations Anthony J. Bellia Jrt & Bradford R. Clarktt Courts and scholars have struggled to identify the original meaning of the Alien Tort Statute (A TS). As enacted in 1789, the A TS provided "[that the district courts ... shall ... have cognizance ... of all causes where an alien sues for a tort only in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States." The statute was rarely invoked for almost two centuries. In the 1980s, lower federal courts began reading the statute expansively to allow foreign citizens to sue other foreign citizens for all violations of modern customary international law that occurred outside the United States. In 2004, the Supreme Court took a more restrictive approach. Seeking to implement the views of the First Congress, the Court determined that Congress wished to grant federal courts jurisdiction only over a narrow category of alien claims "correspondingto Blackstone's three primary [criminal] offenses [against the law of nations]: violation of safe conducts, infringement of the rights of ambassadors, and piracy." In this Article, we argue that neither the broaderapproach initially endorsed by t Professor of Law and Notre Dame Presidential Fellow, Notre Dame Law School. tt William Cranch Research Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law School. We thank Amy Barrett, Tricia Bellia, Curt Bradley, Paolo Carozza, Burlette Carter, Anthony Colangelo, Michael Collins, Anthony D'Amato, Bill Dodge, Rick Garnett, Philip Hamburger, John Harrison, Duncan Hollis, Bill Kelley, Tom Lee, John Manning, Maeva Marcus, Mark McKenna, Henry Monaghan, David Moore, Julian Mortenson, Sean Murphy, John Nagle, Ralph Steinhardt, Paul Stephan, Ed Swaine, Jay Tidmarsh, Roger Trangsrud, Amanda Tyler, Carlos Vizquez, Julian Velasco, and Ingrid Wuerth for helpful comments. -
Justice Under Law William F
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Popular Media Faculty and Deans 1977 Justice Under Law William F. Swindler William & Mary Law School Repository Citation Swindler, William F., "Justice Under Law" (1977). Popular Media. 264. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/popular_media/264 Copyright c 1977 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/popular_media INL Chief Justice John Marshall, portrayed by Edward Holmes, is the star of the P.B.S. "Equal Justice under Law" series. By William F. Swindler T HEBuilding-"Equal MOTTO on the Justice facade under of-the Law"-is Supreme also Court the title of a series of five films that will have their pre- mieres next month on the Public Broadcasting Service network. Commissioned by the Bicentennial Committee of the Judicial Conference of the United States and produced for public television by the P.B.S. national production center at WQED, Pittsburgh, the films are intended to inform the general public, as well as educational and professional audiences, on the American constitutional heritage as exemplified in the major decisions of the Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall. ABOVE: Marshall confers with Justice Joseph Story (left) and Jus- Four constitutional cases are dramatized in the tice Bushrod Washington (right). BELOW: Aaron Burr is escorted to series-including the renowned judicial review issue jail. in Marbury v. Madison in 1803, the definition of "nec- essary and proper" powers of national government in the "bank case" (McCulloch v. -
Interpreting the Constitution from Inside the Jury Box: Affecting Interstate Commerce As an Element of the Crime Richard W
Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 55 | Issue 2 Article 8 Spring 3-1-1998 Interpreting the Constitution from Inside the Jury Box: Affecting Interstate Commerce as an Element of the Crime Richard W. Smith Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Criminal Law Commons, and the Criminal Procedure Commons Recommended Citation Richard W. Smith, Interpreting the Constitution from Inside the Jury Box: Affecting Interstate Commerce as an Element of the Crime, 55 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 615 (1998), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol55/iss2/8 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Interpreting the Constitution from Inside the Jury Box: Affecting Interstate Commerce as an Element of the Crime Richard W. Smith* Lord Coke is quoted as saying that reason is the life of the law. Charles Dickens, in Oliver Twist, had one of his characters say that the law is an ass. It may be that there are those in this day and time who would think it absurd for an appellate court to hold a trial court in error for failing to charge the jury that it might find a defendant not guilty of an offense which he did not deny having committed. -
Old Bacon Face
The Judge’s Lawyer In successfully defending the ate tries him or her, with a two-thirds vote irascible Supreme Court Justice needed to convict—has run its full course only 18 times. Three of the 18 have been Samuel Chase—aka “Old Bacon especially momentous cases: those of two Face”—against impeachment, presidents, Andrew Johnson (1868) and Joseph Hopkinson C1786 G1789 William Jefferson Clinton (1998-99), and that of a Supreme Court justice, Samuel helped set a high bar for removal Chase (1805). from office and establish the Graduates of the University of Pennsyl- principle of judicial independence. vania have figured in two of those three blockbusters. The Clinton impeachment By Dennis Drabelle featured Pennsylvania Senator Arlen Specter C’51 breaking ranks with most of his Republican colleagues to vote against of this writing (February 9, 2018), conviction. Important as the fate of a Samuel Chase the Impeach-O-Meter—Slate particular president may be, however, magazine’s self-styled “wildly Perhaps the most remarkable thing even more was at stake in the Chase case: As subjective and speculative daily about impeachment is how seldom it the separation of powers. The phalanx of estimate” of the likelihood that Presi- happens. Common sense and the law of attorneys representing the embattled dent Donald Trump W’68 won’t get to averages suggest that hundreds of federal jurist included Joseph Hopkinson C1786 serve out his term—stands at 45 per- officials have abused their power or G1789, to whom was entrusted a crucial cent. That’s actually a pretty good num- betrayed the public’s trust over the years. -
Just Because John Marshall Said It, Doesn't Make It So: Ex Parte
Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship 2000 Just Because John Marshall Said it, Doesn't Make it So: Ex Parte Bollman and the Illusory Prohibition on the Federal Writ of Habeas Corpus for State Prisoners in the Judiciary Act of 1789 Eric M. Freedman Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Eric M. Freedman, Just Because John Marshall Said it, Doesn't Make it So: Ex Parte Bollman and the Illusory Prohibition on the Federal Writ of Habeas Corpus for State Prisoners in the Judiciary Act of 1789, 51 Ala. L. Rev. 531 (2000) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship/53 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MILESTONES IN HABEAS CORPUS: PART I JUST BECAUSE JOHN MARSHALL SAID IT, DOESN'T MAKE IT So: Ex PARTE BoLLMAN AND THE ILLUSORY PROHIBITION ON THE FEDERAL WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS FOR STATE PRISONERS IN THE JUDIcIARY ACT OF 1789 Eric M. Freedman* * Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law ([email protected]). BA 1975, Yale University;, MA 1977, Victoria University of Wellington (New Zea- land); J.D. 1979, Yale University. This work is copyrighted by the author, who retains all rights thereto. -
Political Friendship in Early America
CAMPBELL, THERESA J., Ph.D. Political Friendship in Early America. (2010) Directed by Dr. Robert M. Calhoon. 250 pp. During the turbulent decades that encompassed the transition of the North American colonies into a Republic, America became the setting for a transformation in the context of political friendship. Traditionally the alliances established between elite, white, Protestant males have been most studied. These former studies provide the foundation for this work to examine the inclusion of ―others‖ -- political relationships formed with and by women, persons of diverse ethnicities and races, and numerous religious persuasions -- in political activity. From the outset this analysis demonstrates the establishment of an uniquely American concept of political friendship theory which embraced ideologies and rationalism. Perhaps most importantly, the work presents criteria for determining early American political friendship apart from other relationships. The central key in producing this manuscript was creating and applying the criteria for identifying political alliances. This study incorporates a cross-discipline approach, including philosophy, psychology, literature, religion, and political science with history to hone a conception of political friendship as understood by the Founding Generation. The arguments are supported by case studies drawn from a wide variety of primary documents. The result is a fresh perspective and a new approach for the study of eighteenth century American history. POLITICAL FRIENDSHIP IN EARLY AMERICA by Theresa J. Campbell A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate School at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Greensboro 2010 Approved by Robert M. -
Not the King's Bench Edward A
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2003 Not the King's Bench Edward A. Hartnett Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hartnett, Edward A., "Not the King's Bench" (2003). Constitutional Commentary. 303. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/303 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOT THE KING'S BENCH Edward A. Hartnett* Speaking at a public birthday party for an icon, even if the honoree is one or two hundred years old, can be a surprisingly tricky business. Short of turning the party into a roast, it seems rude to criticize the birthday boy too harshly. On the other hand, it is at least as important to avoid unwarranted and exaggerated praise.1 The difficult task, then, is to try to say something re motely new or interesting while navigating that strait. The conference organizers did make it easier for me in one respect: My assignment does not involve those ideas for which Marbury is invoked as an icon. It is for others to wrestle in well worn trenches with exalted arguments about judicial review and its overgrown descendent judicial supremacy, while trying to avoid unseemly criticism or fawning praise. I, on the other hand, am to address more technical issues involving section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 and its provision granting the Supreme Court the power to issue writs of mandamus. -
Keep Reading Wilson As a Justice
Wilson as a Justice MAEVA MARCUS* ABSTRACT James Wilson, a founding father of great intellect and promise, never ful®lled his potential as a Justice. This paper explores his experience on the Supreme Court and the reasons that led to his failure to achieve the distinction that was expected of him. James Wilson very much wanted to be the ®rst Chief Justice.1 But when George Washington denied him that honor and nominated him to be an Associate Justice, he accepted and threw himself into the work with characteristic industry.2 Other than a title and $500 more in annual salary3 (Wilson probably wanted this more than anything else), Wilson lost little. Life as an Associate Justice would be no different from life as the Chief. A Justice occupied one of the most exalted positions in the new government and was paid more than any other federal em- ployee, except the President and the Vice-President.4 Nominations were the sub- ject of ®erce competition.5 But in 1789 no one knew exactly what that job would entail. This paper gives the reader some idea of what a Justice, and speci®cally James Wilson, did in the 1790s.6 Wilson spent more of his time on the bench of circuit courts than he did on the Supreme Court bench; thus, this paper will focus signi®- cantly on his circuit court activities.7 And Wilson performed his circuit court * Currently Director of the Institute for Constitutional History at the New-York Historical Society and Research Professor at the George Washington University Law School and General Editor of the Oliver Wendell Holmes Devise History of the Supreme Court of the United States, Maeva Marcus previously edited The Documentary History of the Supreme Court of the United States, 1789-1800, an eight-volume series completed in 2006. -
"Amiable" Children of John and Sarah Livingston Jay by Louise V
The "Amiable" Children of John and Sarah Livingston Jay by Louise V. North © Columbia's Legacy: Friends and Enemies in the New Nation Conference at Columbia University and The New-York Historical Society, Dec. 10, 2004 Sarah Jay wrote her husband [Oct. 1801]: "I have been rendered very happy by the company of our dear children . I often, I shd. say daily, bless God for giving us such amiable Children. May they long be preserved a blessing to us & to the community." Who were these 'amiable' children, and what were they like? The happy marriage of John and Sarah Jay produced six children: Peter Augustus, born in Elizabeth, New Jersey, in 1776; Susan, born and died in Madrid after only a few weeks of life, in 1780; Maria, born in Madrid in 1782; Ann, born in Paris in 1783, William and Sarah Louisa, born in NYC in 1789 and 1792 respectively. As you can see by the birthplaces of these children, their parents played active parts on the stage of independence, doing what needed to be done, wherever it needed to be done, at the end of a colonial era and the birth of a new nation. John Jay held a greater variety of posts than any other Founding Father, posts he insisted he did not seek but felt it his duty to his country to assume. Sarah Livingston Jay, brought up in a political household, was a strong support to her husband, astutely networking with the movers and shakers of the time (as a look at her Invitation Lists of 1787–1788 shows).