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The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments
A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren Paige Joyce Judson Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts In Political Science Jason P. Kelly, Chair Wayne D. Moore Karen M. Hult August 7, 2014 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Judicial Politics, Electoral Realignment, Alteration to the Supreme Court Copyright 2014, Lauren J. Judson A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren J. Judson ABSTRACT During periods of turmoil when ideological preferences between the federal branches of government fail to align, the relationship between the three quickly turns tumultuous. Electoral realignments especially have the potential to increase tension between the branches. When a new party replaces the “old order” in both the legislature and the executive branches, the possibility for conflict emerges with the Court. Justices who make decisions based on old regime preferences of the party that had appointed them to the bench will likely clash with the new ideological preferences of the incoming party. In these circumstances, the president or Congress may seek to weaken the influence of the Court through court-curbing methods. One example Congress may utilize is changing the actual size of the Supreme The size of the Supreme Court has increased four times in United States history, and three out of the four alterations happened after an electoral realignment. Through analysis of Supreme Court cases, this thesis seeks to determine if, after an electoral realignment, holdings of the Court on issues of policy were more congruent with the new party in power after the change in composition as well to examine any change in individual vote tallies of the justices driven by the voting behavior of the newly appointed justice(s). -
United States V. Hodges: Treason, Jury Trials, and the War of 1812
FOREWORD: Title United States v. Hodges: Treason, Jury Trials, and the War of 1812 Author Jennifer Elisa Smith Document Type Article Publication Date 2016 Keywords Legal history, treason, jury, Justice Gabriel Duvall, War of 1812 Abstract In August 1814 a number of British soldiers were arrested as stragglers or deserters in the town of Upper Marlboro, Maryland. Upon learning of the soldiers’ absences the British military took local physician, Dr. William Beanes, and two other residents into custody and threatened to burn Upper Marlboro if the British soldiers were not returned. John Hodges, a local attorney, arranged the soldiers’ return to the British military. For this, Hodges was charged with high treason for “adhering to [the] enemies, giving them aid and comfort.” The resulting jury trial was presided over by Justice Gabriel Duvall, a Supreme Court Justice and Prince Georges County native, and highlights how the crime of treason was viewed in early American culture and the role of the jury as deciders of the facts and the law in early American jurisprudence. Contextually, Hodges’ trial took place against the backdrop of the War of 1812 and was informed by the 1807 treason trial of Aaron Burr. Disciplines Law, constitutional history, legal history 1 UNITED STATES V. HODGES:1 TREASON, JURY TRIALS, AND THE WAR OF 1812 Jennifer Elisa Smith INTRODUCTION In August 1814 as British forces left a burned and ravaged Washington, D.C. a number of British soldiers were arrested as stragglers or deserters in the town of Upper Marlboro in Prince Georges County Maryland.2 Upon learning of the soldiers’ absences the British military took local physician, Dr. -
Justice William Cushing and the Treaty-Making Power
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 10 Issue 2 Issue 2 - February 1957 Article 9 2-1957 Justice William Cushing and the Treaty-Making Power F. William O'Brien S.J. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation F. William O'Brien S.J., Justice William Cushing and the Treaty-Making Power, 10 Vanderbilt Law Review 351 (1957) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol10/iss2/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JUSTICE WILLIAM CUSHING AND THE TREATY-MAKING POWER F. WILLIAM O'BRIEN, S.J.* Washington's First Appointees Although the work of the Supreme Court during the first few years was not great if measured in the number of cases handled, it would be a mistake to conclude that the six men who sat on the Bench during this formative period made no significant contribution to the develop- ment of American constitutional law. The Justices had few if any precedents to use as guides, and therefore their judicial work, limited though it was in volume, must be considered as stamped with the significance which attaches to all pioneer activity. Moreover, most of this work was done while on circuit duty in the different districts, and therefore from Vermont to Georgia the Supreme Court Justices were emissaries of good will for the new Constitution and the recently established general government. -
Keep Reading Wilson As a Justice
Wilson as a Justice MAEVA MARCUS* ABSTRACT James Wilson, a founding father of great intellect and promise, never ful®lled his potential as a Justice. This paper explores his experience on the Supreme Court and the reasons that led to his failure to achieve the distinction that was expected of him. James Wilson very much wanted to be the ®rst Chief Justice.1 But when George Washington denied him that honor and nominated him to be an Associate Justice, he accepted and threw himself into the work with characteristic industry.2 Other than a title and $500 more in annual salary3 (Wilson probably wanted this more than anything else), Wilson lost little. Life as an Associate Justice would be no different from life as the Chief. A Justice occupied one of the most exalted positions in the new government and was paid more than any other federal em- ployee, except the President and the Vice-President.4 Nominations were the sub- ject of ®erce competition.5 But in 1789 no one knew exactly what that job would entail. This paper gives the reader some idea of what a Justice, and speci®cally James Wilson, did in the 1790s.6 Wilson spent more of his time on the bench of circuit courts than he did on the Supreme Court bench; thus, this paper will focus signi®- cantly on his circuit court activities.7 And Wilson performed his circuit court * Currently Director of the Institute for Constitutional History at the New-York Historical Society and Research Professor at the George Washington University Law School and General Editor of the Oliver Wendell Holmes Devise History of the Supreme Court of the United States, Maeva Marcus previously edited The Documentary History of the Supreme Court of the United States, 1789-1800, an eight-volume series completed in 2006. -
Does Eliminating Life Tenure for Article Iii Judges Require a Constitutional Amendment?
DOW & MEHTA_03_15_21 (DO NOT DELETE) 3/17/2021 6:41 PM DOES ELIMINATING LIFE TENURE FOR ARTICLE III JUDGES REQUIRE A CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT? DAVID R. DOW & SANAT MEHTA* ABSTRACT Beginning in the early 2000s, a number of legal academicians from across the political spectrum proposed eliminating life tenure for some or all Article III judges and replacing it with a term of years (or a set of renewable terms). These scholars were largely in agreement such a change could be accomplished only by a formal constitutional amendment of Article III. In this Article, Dow and Mehta agree with the desirability of doing away with life tenure but argue such a change can be accomplished by ordinary legislation, without the need for formal amendment. Drawing on both originalism and formalism, Dow and Mehta begin by observing that the constitutional text does not expressly provide for lifetime tenure; rather, it states that judges shall hold their office during good behavior. The good behavior criterion, however, was not intended to create judicial sinecures for 20 or 30 years, but instead aimed at safeguarding judicial independence from the political branches. By measuring both the length of judicial tenure among Supreme Court justices, as well as voting behavior on the Supreme Court, Dow and Mehta conclude that, in fact, life tenure has proven inconsistent with judicial independence. They maintain that the Framers’ objective of insuring judicial independence is best achieved by term limits for Supreme Court justices. Copyright © 2021 David R. Dow & Sanat Mehta. * David Dow is the Cullen Professor at the University of Houston Law Center; Sanat Mehta, who graduated magna cum laude from Rice University in 2020 with a degree in computer science and a minor in Politics, Law, and Social Thought, is a data analyst at American Airlines. -
LA SENTENCIA MARBURY V. MADISON Aa
LA SENTENCIA MARBURY V. MADISON FRANCISCO FERNÁNDEZ SEGADO (*) SUMARIO: 1. EL SUPUESTO DE HECHO DESENCADENAN TE DEL CASO .—2. LA ARGU M ENTACIÓN J URÍ DICA DE CHARLES LEE , EL A B OGADO DE LOS DE M ANDANTES .—3. LOS PROLEGÓ M ENOS DEL J UICIO .—4. EL DESARROLLO DE LA VISTA .—5. LA SENTENCIA MARBURY V. MADISON .—A) Su enfo- que sistemático.—B) Su significativo apar- tamiento del orden procesal normal.—6. EL ITER ARGU M ENTAL DE LA SENTENCIA .—A) El derecho de William Marbury a la entrega de su nombramiento.—B) La legitimidad de la reacción jurídica frente a la violación del derecho.—C) La pertinencia del ins- trumento del writ of mandamus.—D) La imposibilidad de emisión del writ of man- damus por la Corte.—a) La inconstituciona- lidad de la Sección 13 de la Judiciary Act de 1789.—b) La doctrina de la judicial review. Su fundamentación.—aʼ) Los argumentos de carácter general.—aʼʼ) La Constitución como «paramount law» y la nulidad de todo acto le- gislativo en contradicción con ella.—bʼʼ) La teoría de la judicial function.—bʼ) Los ar- gumentos entresacados del texto literal de la Constitución.—aʼʼ) La cláusula sobre la (*) Catedrático de Derecho Constitucional. Facultad de Derecho. Universidad Com- plutense de Madrid. extensión del poder judicial (arising-under clause).—bʼʼ) La supremacy clause.—cʼʼ) La cláusula del juramento (oath clause).—cʼ) La ausencia de toda referencia a los precedentes jurisprudenciales y a la posición de los Framers ante la judicial review.—dʼ) Recapitulación sobre la argumentación de Marshall.—7. LOS RASGOS CON F IGURADORES DE LA PRI M ERA DOCTRI NA SO B RE LA JUDICIAL REVIEW . -
Supreme Court Justices
The Supreme Court Justices Supreme Court Justices *asterick denotes chief justice John Jay* (1789-95) Robert C. Grier (1846-70) John Rutledge* (1790-91; 1795) Benjamin R. Curtis (1851-57) William Cushing (1790-1810) John A. Campbell (1853-61) James Wilson (1789-98) Nathan Clifford (1858-81) John Blair, Jr. (1790-96) Noah Haynes Swayne (1862-81) James Iredell (1790-99) Samuel F. Miller (1862-90) Thomas Johnson (1792-93) David Davis (1862-77) William Paterson (1793-1806) Stephen J. Field (1863-97) Samuel Chase (1796-1811) Salmon P. Chase* (1864-73) Olliver Ellsworth* (1796-1800) William Strong (1870-80) ___________________ ___________________ Bushrod Washington (1799-1829) Joseph P. Bradley (1870-92) Alfred Moore (1800-1804) Ward Hunt (1873-82) John Marshall* (1801-35) Morrison R. Waite* (1874-88) William Johnson (1804-34) John M. Harlan (1877-1911) Henry B. Livingston (1807-23) William B. Woods (1881-87) Thomas Todd (1807-26) Stanley Matthews (1881-89) Gabriel Duvall (1811-35) Horace Gray (1882-1902) Joseph Story (1812-45) Samuel Blatchford (1882-93) Smith Thompson (1823-43) Lucius Q.C. Lamar (1883-93) Robert Trimble (1826-28) Melville W. Fuller* (1888-1910) ___________________ ___________________ John McLean (1830-61) David J. Brewer (1890-1910) Henry Baldwin (1830-44) Henry B. Brown (1891-1906) James Moore Wayne (1835-67) George Shiras, Jr. (1892-1903) Roger B. Taney* (1836-64) Howell E. Jackson (1893-95) Philip P. Barbour (1836-41) Edward D. White* (1894-1921) John Catron (1837-65) Rufus W. Peckham (1896-1909) John McKinley (1838-52) Joseph McKenna (1898-1925) Peter Vivian Daniel (1842-60) Oliver W. -
Spring/Summer 2018
TIMELINE SPRING/SUMMER 2018 Stories of Loss A Landscape of Landmarks Fashion Agency and Survival As we continue to engage in meaningful Kristen Stewart, Nathalie L. Klaus Curator conversations, David Voelkel, Elise H. Wright of Costume and Textiles, explores Pretty Meg Hughes, Curator of Archives, highlights Curator of General Collections, discusses Powerful: Fashion and Virginia Women, some of what visitors will see in the timely the relevance of the upcoming exhibition her new show examining fashion as an exhibition . Pandemic: Richmond Monumental: Richmond Monuments (1607–2018). instigator of social change. 1 5 6 A B C D A A The Valentine’s new exhibition Pandemic: Richmond traces the B to serve as a turning place for city’s encounters with seven contagious diseases: smallpox, boats and barges and as a source tuberculosis, cholera, typhoid fever, polio, the 1918–1919 of water for mills, its standing influenza and HIV/AIDS. These diseases shaped Richmond’s water and sewage contaminants history, changing where and how people lived and prompting life- made it a perfect environment saving advances in health care. for cholera. Here is a closer look at Richmond’s experience with cholera, just Richmonders waited in fear as one of the diseases featured in this timely exhibition: cholera broke out in U.S. cities, finally reaching Tidewater by Cholera first appeared in pandemic form in the early-19th century, August 1832. In September, the with at least seven major global outbreaks between 1817 and the city saw its first case, caught present. This terrifying new disease produced severe vomiting by an 11-year-old enslaved and diarrhea that could lead to coma and death within hours. -
The Amenability of the President to Suit Laura Krugman Ray Widener University
Kentucky Law Journal Volume 80 | Issue 3 Article 6 1992 From Prerogative to Accountability: The Amenability of the President to Suit Laura Krugman Ray Widener University Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj Part of the President/Executive Department Commons Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Ray, Laura Krugman (1992) "From Prerogative to Accountability: The Amenability of the President to Suit," Kentucky Law Journal: Vol. 80 : Iss. 3 , Article 6. Available at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/klj/vol80/iss3/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Kentucky Law Journal by an authorized editor of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. From Prerogative to AcCountability: The Amenability of the President to Suit By LAURA KRUGMAN RAY* INTRODUCTION When in the fall of 1990 President George Bush announced a shift in his Persian Gulf strategy from a defensive to an offensive posture, a number of lawsuits were filed against the President questioning his power to commence military operations against Iraq without congressional approval.' In the controversy surround- ing the President's policy, little attention was paid to the form of this protest, and yet the filing of these lawsuits represents a quiet revolution in presidential accountability under the rule of law. From the end of the Civil War until the final days of the Watergate drama, legal gospel held that the President of the United States enjoyed immunity from suit. -
From the American Revolution Through the American Civil War"
History 216-01: "From the American Revolution through the American Civil War" J.P. Whittenburg Fall 2009 Email: [email protected] Office: Young House (205 Griffin Avenue) Web Page: http://faculty.wm.edu/jpwhit Telephone: 757-221-7654 Office Hours: By Appointment Clearly, this isn't your typical class. For one thing, we meet all day on Fridays. For another, we will spend most of our class time "on-site" at museums, battlefields, or historic buildings. This class will concentrate on the period from the end of the American Revolution through the end of the American Civil War, but it is not at all a narrative that follows a neat timeline. I’ll make no attempt to touch on every important theme and we’ll depart from the chronological approach whenever targets of opportunities present themselves. I'll begin most classes with some sort of short background session—a clip from a movie, oral reports, or maybe something from the Internet. As soon as possible, though, we'll be into a van and on the road. Now, travel time can be tricky and I do hate to rush students when we are on-site. I'll shoot for getting people back in time for a reasonably early dinner—say 5:00. BUT there will be times when we'll get back later than that. There will also be one OPTIONAL overnight trip—to the Harper’s Ferry and the Civil War battlefields at Antietam and Gettysburg. If these admitted eccentricities are deeply troubling, I'd recommend dropping the course. No harm, no foul—and no hard feelings. -
John Mclean: Moderate Abolitionist and Supreme Court Politician Paul Finkelman
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 62 | Issue 2 Article 7 3-2009 John McLean: Moderate Abolitionist and Supreme Court Politician Paul Finkelman Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation Paul Finkelman, John McLean: Moderate Abolitionist and Supreme Court Politician, 62 Vanderbilt Law Review 519 (2019) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol62/iss2/7 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. John McLean: Moderate Abolitionist and Supreme Court Politician Paul Finkelman* I. THE STRANGE POLITICAL CAREER OF A MINOR JACKSONIAN JUSTICE .......................................................... 522 II. A CAREER ON THE COURT: COMMERCE AND THE ECONOMY ....................................... 533 III. MCLEAN AND SLAVERY: A LONE ANTISLAVERY VOICE IN A SEA OF PROSLAVERY JURISTS ............................ 539 A. Slavery and the Northwest Ordinance on the Ohio Supreme Court ..................................... 541 B. Fugitive Slaves and their Abolitionist Allies .......... 543 C. The Jurisprudenceof Free Soil ................................ 552 D. Dred Scott: McLean's Forgotten Dissent ................. 558 IV . C ON CLU SION ........................................................................ 564 Unlike almost all early Supreme Court Justices, John McLean came from extraordinarily humble origins. He was born in New Jersey in 1785.1 His parents, Fergus and Sophia Blackford McLean, were farmers who moved to Virginia in 1789, Kentucky in 1790, and finally Ohio in 1796. Like many children of the frontier, the future Justice 2 had no formal education for most of his boyhood. -
Marbury V. Madison, 1803
AP American Government Required Supreme Court Cases Marbury v. Madison, 1803 S y n o p s i s o f t h e C a s e In the fiercely contested U.S. presidential election of 1800, the three major candidates were Thomas Jefferson, Aaron Burr, and incumbent John Adams. Adams finished third. As the results of the election became clear in early 1801, Adams and his Federalist Party were determined to exercise their influence in the weeks remaining before Jefferson took office on March 4, 1801, and did all they could to fill federal offices with "anti-Jeffersonians" who were loyal to the Federalists. On March 2, 1801, just two days before his presidential term was to end, Adams nominated nearly 60 Federalist supporters to positions the Federalist-controlled Congress had newly created. These appointees – known as the "Midnight Judges" – included William Marbury, a prosperous financier from Maryland. An ardent Federalist, Marbury was active in Maryland politics and a vigorous supporter of the Adams presidency. The following day, March 3, Adams's nominations were approved en masse by the U.S. Senate. The commissions were immediately signed and sealed by Adams's Secretary of State, John Marshall, who had been named the new Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in January but continued acting as Adams's Secretary of State until Jefferson took office. The commissions needed to be delivered to the appointees, and so Marshall dispatched his younger brother James Marshall to deliver them. With only one day left before Jefferson's inauguration, James Marshall was able to deliver most of the commissions, but a few – including Marbury's – were not delivered.