Transience in Dawson City, Yukon, During the Klondike Gold Rush
TRANSIENCE IN DAWSON CITY, YUKON,
DURING THE KLONDIKE GOLD RUSH
Michael James Brand
B.A., Simon Fraser University, 199 1 M.A., University of British Columbia, 1995
DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
In the Department of Archaeology
O Michael James Brand 2003
SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY
August 2003
All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL
NAME: Michael James Brand
DEGREE: Ph.D.
TITLE OF THESIS: Transience in Dawson City, Yukon, During the Klondike Gold Rush
EXAMINING COMMITTEE: Chair: Dr. A.C. D'Andrea Associate Professor
Dr. D.V. Burley, Professor Seniowervisor
Dr. E.C. ~%owhofjl,~ssistait Professor Internal Examiner
- - Dr. A.C. Praetzellis, Professor External Examiner Anthropology Department Sonoma State University
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Title of ThesislProjectlExtended Essay
Transience in Dawson City, Yukon, During the Klondike Gold Rush
Author:
gEFthesBrand
(name)
(date) ' 0 ABSTRACT
The purpose of this dissertation is to gain an understanding of transience in Dawson City, Yukon during the Klondike Gold Rush through a combination of archaeological and documentary data. The period of interest is between 1898 and 1910, beginning with the gold rush and the height of transience in the community and ending with the replacement of individual placer mining by large-scale corporations. The goals of this analysis are to: (1) examine and elucidate the material expressions of transience in the archaeological record; and (2) clarify the position and role of transients in resource communities of the past. Data for this dissertation was obtained through archaeological survey and excavation on the hillsides surrounding Dawson City and Klondike City during 1998 and 1999, and archival research. Six archaeological assemblages from residences located on the hillsides around Dawson City are used to compare archaeological signatures of transience in the Klondike to evidence of transience in other mining communities. The artifacts and archival material are then used to establish the role of transients in the community and elucidate the transient experience of those who participated in one of Canada's most significant historical events. Results indicate the hillsides were marginal areas both physically, and within the social context of the community. Hillside residents lived in small, poorly furnished cabins, and ate a monotonous diet consisting mainly of dried and canned food. They showed little concern with the latest fashionable consumer goods. Instead, their material possessions were practical, portable and durable. Homemade or reused artifacts are also common in the assemblages. A number of significant issues in the community were examined with specific attention to transients, and reveals not only tensions in the community between the permanent and transient portions of the population, but also the means by which transients could, or could not participate. The analysis supports previous archaeological studies of transience that found small assemblages, with a limited diversity of artifact types. Two trends are evident in the assemblages that likely characterize most transient sites: (1) cultural material focused on food preparation and consumption; (2) practical, functional objects dominate all artifact categories. DEDICATION
For Tracy
and to the memory of Arne Carlson a good friend taken too soon. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I thank my supervisor Dr. David Burley for his guidance, and for my first job in archaeology many years ago. I also thank Phil Hobler, my second committee member, for his help, always having a good story, and grizzly bear pictures taken at an uncomfortably close range. I am grateful to Dr. Eldon Yellowhorn, and Dr. Adrian Praetzellis for taking the time to participate on my committee, and for their insightful comments on the dissertation. I owe a debt of gratitude to Jeff Hunston, Ruth Gotthardt, Greg Hare, and Brent Riely at the Yukon Heritage Branch for all their help. I thank the Tr'ondek Hwech'in First Nation for allowing me the opportunity to work on the Klondike City hillside, and Tim Gerberding and Georgette Mcleod for their support of this project. I am grateful to the City of Dawson for their support of my project, particularly Jim Kincaid, City Manager. Michael Gates, Paula Hassard, Louise Ranger and Dave Neufeld, of Parks Canada, and Mac Swackhammer, Paul Thistle and Cheryl Thompson at the Dawson City Museum, were always quick to offer their assistance. Josee Bonhomme and Laurie Butterworth provided me with numerous useful maps. The staff of the Yukon Archives were very helpful, in particular Clara Rutherford, Dorothy Corcoran, Angela Wheelock and Murray Lundberg. The Yukon Archives also kindly gave me permission to use some of their historic photos. Nancy Lewis-deGraff, Denise Dollin, Paula Carlos, Audry Wipp and Violet Matthews at the Land Titles office in Whitehorse, helped me track the changing ownership of the hillside lots. Financial support for the Dawson City Hillside Archaeology Project was provided by Northern Research Endowment Fellowships from the Northern Research Institute, Yukon College, and grants from the Northern Scientific Training Program. I am also grateful for Graduate Fellowships from Simon Fraser University, and bursaries from the Canadian Institute of Mining, Metallurgy and Petroleum. Brendan Hogan, Marni Amirault, Shane Christiansen, Andy Crowther, Camlann Easton, Spruce Gerberding, Randy Henry, Andy Isaac, Jesse Koeller, Alex Kormendy, James MacDonald, Glen Mackay and R.J. Nagano all assisted me during the fieldwork. Many friends in the Department of Archaeology have assisted me through the course of this program, including Tom Arnold, Andrew Barton, Robbin Chatan, Cathy D'Andrea, Ross Jamieson, Bob Muir, Farid Rahemtulla, Richard Shutler, Cheryl Takahashi, Shannon Wood, Lori White, and Mike Will. Cheryl kindly drafted Figures 16, 19, and 2 1 for me. Ann Sullivan, Lynda Przybyla and Robyn Banerjee in the Department of Archaeology office have been good friends and assisted me in ways too numerous to list. Tom Arnold, Richard Brolly, Robbin Chatan, T.J. Hammer, Geordie Howe, and Marianne Berkey each deserve a merit badge for heroically taking on the task of proofreading a chapter, for which I am eternally grateful. I am particularly grateful to Geordie Howe, Richard Brolly, and Brenda Williams, and in the Yukon, Greg Skuce, Sally Robinson, Barb Hogan, Chris Thomas, and T.J. Hammer and his family for their friendship and the innumerable way they have helped me over the last six years. I would not have been able come this far had it not been for the support of my family. My parents, Jim and Kathy, have supported me everyway possible from the first day I announced I wanted to be an archaeologist. My brother Alan and his family, Carolyn, Caitlyn and Jake, have also been amongst my biggest supporters. Finally, Tracy Rogers has been my biggest supporter and most constructive critic. She has stood by me during the thick of things, proofread the entire dissertation and put up with my insanity on a daily basis, which is more than anyone should have to bear. I alone am responsible for any and all shortcomings in this document. TABLE OF CONTENTS
.. Approval ...... 11 Abstract ...... 111 Dedication ...... iv Acknowledgements ...... v. Table of Contents ...... vll List of Tables ...... ix List of Figures ...... xi List of Abbreviations and Acronyms ...... xiv
Chapter One: Introduction ...... 1 Why Study Transience? ...... 1 The Study Area and Data ...... 8 Dissertation Organization ...... 1
Chapter Two: Theoretical Issues of Transience in Archaeology and Dawson City ...... 14 Introduction ...... 14 Capitalism. Industrialization and Mobility ...... 14 Transience and Gold Mining ...... 17 Transience in Dawson City ...... 31 Conclusion ...... 35
Chapter Three: Development of Mining in the Yukon and the Klondike Stampede ...... 38 Introduction ...... 38 Mining in the North: 1873-1896 ...... 38 The Klondike Stampede...... 43 Conclusion ...... S2
Chapter Four: Dawson City ...... 54 Introduction ...... 54 A Brief Life History of Dawson City ...... 55 Commerce ...... 61 Industry ...... 79 Government ...... 86 Conclusion ...... 99
Chapter Five: Settlement Development ...... 102 . . Introduction...... 102 Changing Settlement Form ...... 102 Dawson City and the Gold Fields ...... 105 Townsite Layout ...... 107
vii Occupation of the Hillsides ...... 117 Hillside Property Ownership...... 123 Hillside Property Owners ...... 1 33 Conclusion ...... -140
Chapter Six: Archaeology of the Hillsides ...... 142 Introduction ...... 142 Study Area ...... -143 Dating the Hillside Assemblages ...... 145 Previous Archaeology ...... 146 Inventory Survey ...... 153 Surface Artifact Recording and Excavation ...... 167 Discussion ...... 185
Chapter Seven: Analysis of Transient Assemblages ...... 193 Introduction ...... 193 Platform Variability and Distribution ...... 193 Transient Assemblages ...... 201 Diet ...... 211 Personal Belongings and Leisure ...... 223 Household Furnishings ...... 231 Structural Artifacts ...... 240 Conclusion ...... 241
Chapter Eight: Discussion and Conclusions...... 243 Introduction ...... 243 Life on the Hillside ...... 244 The Hillsides' Place in the Social Context of Dawson City ...... 252 Transience in the Community ...... 254 Archaeology and Transience...... 261 Capitalism and Mobility in the Klondike...... 270 Closing ...... 274
Reference Cited ...... 278
Appendix A Stampeders' Outfits. Wages and Cost of Provisions ...... 305
Appendix B: Property Ownership in the Government Addition ...... 314
Appendix C: Hillside TentICabin Platform Dimensions ...... 331
Appendix D: Metal Container Collections from the Hillside Locations ...... 338
... Vlll LIST OF TABLES
Table
Absolute and relative frequencies for Blee's transient male and family comparative assemblages ...... 30
Property Values in Klondike City (Klondike Addition). 1899 ...... 126
Artifact collection from Platform 1Y5 excavation ...... 148
Artifact collection from Platform 1Y 10 excavation ...... 150
Complete artifact assemblage from the Fifth Avenue borrow pit ...... 152
Artifact counts for individual structures at the Fifth Avenue borrow pit ...... 152
Surface artifacts recorded at Judge Street area ...... 174
Surface artifacts recorded at Platform HAP 4 ...... 177
Surface artifacts recorded at Platform KCH 7 ...... 179
Artifacts recovered from excavations at Platform KCH-7 ...... 181
Surface artifacts recorded at Platforms KCH 9 ...... 182
Surface artifacts recorded at platforms KCH 14- 16 ...... 186
Average sizes of platforms on the Dawson City and Klondike City hillsides ...... 194
Area of foundation outlines on platforms retaining evidence of previous structures ...... 197
Frequencies for the presence of artifact types observed on platforms and possible platforms during the inventory surveys of Crocus Bluff and Klondike Hill ...... 198
Absolute (n) and relative frequencies (%) for functional artifact groups in the hillside assemblages ...... 204 17 Absolute (n) and relative (%) frequencies for the characteristic family and transient male assemblages. and the Dawson and Klondike City hillside assemblages ...... 207
18 Faunal remains from the Judge Street assemblage ...... 213
19 Food products identified in the hillside metal container collections ...... 217
20 Personal and Leisure artifacts in the hillside assemblages ...... 224
21 Household artifacts. including homemade items. from the hillside assemblages...... -232
22 Structural artifacts from the hillside assemblages ...... 241 LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
Although there were numerous ways to reach the Klondike, the majority of stampeders used one of four routes ...... 9
Map of Dawson City and Klondike City indicating the hillside study areas...... 10
Taken from the Moosehide Slide in 1899, this photo shows the hundreds of tents and cabins present on the hillsides ...... 11
Townsite plan of Dawson City, showing the original townsite granted to Joe Ladue and the additions granted to Arthur Harper, Albert Day and Stewart Menzies ...... 13
This map shows the different rivers prospected prior to the Klondike discovery and the primary routes and settlements in the Yukon during the stampede ...... 40
Structures on the Klondike City hillside, showing the log cabin as the dominant construction style ...... 73
This trace of Ogilvie's 1891 map of the Fortymile townsite shows the lack of organization in structure locations ...... 104
Dawson City as mapped by James Gibbon in 1898...... 108
Taken from the west side of the Yukon River, this 1898 photograph shows the central and southern portions of Dawson City, and the hillside behind covered with tents, which show only as white dots ...... 117
Central Dawson City, 4 July 1899, showing the A.C. Trail running across the hillside behind the townsite ...... 1 19
Taken looking up the Klondike Rwer from its confluence with the Yukon River, this photograph shows south Dawson (on the left) ca. 1903 ...... 120
Dawson City townsite showing the blocks in the Government, Menzies and Day additions ...... 130 Prices for Government Addition lots in 1898 (prices based on Wade 1898). Lots east of Fourth Avenue are located on the hillside ...... 132
Locations of study areas on the Dawson City and Klondike City hillsides ...... 144
Location of the Fifth Avenue borrow pit study . . area in the Government Addition ...... -151
Locations of platforms on the Dawson City hillside at Crocus Bluff ...... 154
Dry laid stone retaining wall at Platform HAP 93. Crocus Bluff ...... 155
Platform HAP 47. at Crocus Bluff. likely held two or three structures...... 156
Location of Judge Street platforms in Government Addition ...... 159
Locations of platforms and other features recorded in the Judge Street survey area ...... 160
Locations of platforms and other features recorded on the Klondike City hillside ...... 163
Klondike City. or Lousetown. in 1898. showing the location of trails on the hillside ...... 165
Location of the recording area. and nine associated platforms in the Judge Street survey area ...... 168
Detailed view from the north of the Judge Street survey area in 1899. showing the structures associated platforms recorded during the archaeological survey ...... 169
Dawson City during the 1920s. The Judge Street survey area is located just above the "y" in City ...... 175
Platform HAP 4. Crocus Bluff ...... 177
Platforms KCH 7 and 9. Klondike City hillside ...... 178
Platforms KCH 14. 15 and 16. Klondike City hillside ...... 183
xii Individual build effort scores from Klondike Hill and Crocus Bluff plotted against the platform's elevation above the townsite...... 197
Homemade 5-gallon bucket with wooden dowel handle, Crocus Bluff ...... 200
Log Cabin Syrup cans recorded at the Judge Street area, Dawson City hillside ...... 22 1
Clothing and suspender clasps recorded at the Judge Street area ...... 227
Gold watch fob from gravel slope in the Judge Street area, Dawson City hillside ...... 230
Two views of a homemade stovepipe created from large metal containers ...... 234
Homemade lamp, or "bug", made from a rectangular metal container, Judge Street area, Dawson City hillside ...... 235
Lamp made from a condensed milk can recorded at KCH 14- 16, Klondike City hillside ...... 236
Condensed milk cans modified into cups ...... 238
This sketch, made by Frederick Gardiner while he was in Dawson City, shows someone using what appear to be 5-gallon oil cans made in buckets to carry water ...... 240
... Xlll LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
A.C.Co. Alaska Commercial Company
C.P.R. Canadian Pacific Railway
D.C.M.H.S. Dawson City Museum and Historical Society
DLS Dominion Land Surveyor
KN, Nugget Klondike Nugget
LT Land Title
N.A.T.& T. North American Transportation and Trading Company
N.C.Co. Northern Commercial Company
N.W.M.P. Northwest Mounted Police
Pat. Patent Number for Town Lot
R.N.W.M.P. Royal Northwest Mounted Police
W.P.&Y.R. White Pass and Yukon Route
VPL Collection Vancouver Public Library Collection
YA Yukon Archives
xiv CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
. . .we left in a blaze of glory to seek our fortune, never thinking but that we would see home within one year with plenty of money to last the balance of our natural lives.. . (Smith 1967: 125)
This quotation captures the transient attitude of thousands who joined the stampede to the Klondike in 1897- 1898. Buoyed with hope and confidence, Lynn Smith left his Indiana home in the company of a former California miner to join the Klondike Gold Rush. Aged 27 years, and never having held an axe, Smith began a journey of months through an isolated northern environment. Upon reaching Dawson City and discovering all the claims were staked, he and hundreds of fellow stampeders left the Klondike without even seeing the goldfields. Others remained for longer periods, and some made Dawson City their permanent home, but mobility was the defining characteristic of Dawson City during the gold rush era. The purpose of this dissertation is to gain an understanding of transience in Dawson City, Yukon, during the Klondike Gold Rush through a combination of archaeological and documentary data. The period of interest covers twelve years between 1898 and 1910, beginning with the arrival of the main body of stampeders and the height of transience in the community and ending with the replacement of individual placer miners by large-scale corporate ventures. The goals of this analysis are to: (1) examine and elucidate the material expressions of transience in the archaeological record; and (2) clarify the position and role of transients in resource-based communities of the past.
Why Study Transience? Western expansion in the United States and Canada was closely linked to larger national and international capitalist systems (Robbins 1994:xi), which produced significant changes in social relationships and the economy during the early nineteenth century. The development of the factory system and increased industrialization created a demand for unskilled labour, resulting in rising levels of mobility in North American society (Thernstrom 1964). Western populations, in particular, were characterized by mobility; a trend that intensified with the California Gold Rush and continued as prospecting and mining spread throughout the western States, British Columbia and the Yukon. Much of the early European presence in these regions was the direct result of transient mining activity. Praetzellis and Praetzellis (1992:8 1) highlight the importance of the industrialization process, with the resultant separation of capital and labour during the California Gold Rush. The discovery of gold offered those at the bottom of the scale a means of bettering their condition that did not require a large capital investment. The perceived opportunity to acquire wealth in a short period of time encouraged transience (Mann 1972:486). The majority of participants had no intention of making a rough mining camp or town their permanent home; they planned to make their fortune and leave (Paul 1964, Mann 1972, Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1992). Recognizing transient sites is important for our understanding of this period of history and the lives of transient people who constituted a significant portion of the early population. As historians shifted their focus from the west as a process, that is, from the myth of the American West, to the west as a place (Limerick 1987:26), they began to look at mining and mobility from different perspectives. The myth held that the west was a place of opportunity, where individuals worked for themselves, their labour was only temporary, and the reward great (Limerick l987:97). It was the perception of the west as the place to obtain material improvement that made people decide to make the journey to California and the Klondike (White 1991 :2 10). The perception of opportunity drew participants, but the reality was much different, and the west was not the panacea people expected (White 199 l:285). The new approach to western history views the American West as a conquered land. It is a place where diverse cultures came into intimate contact, resulting in behaviours, positive and negative, whose complexity defies interpretation from a single vantage point (Limerick 2000: 19-22, see also White 199 1, Hardesty 199 1). Above all, the west is viewed as a place of continuity where the processes at work in the past are still visible today. Themes addressing the effects of gold rushes in the west include: conflict with First Nations, rapid urbanization, dependence on outside sources for supplies, conflict between farmers and miners, water rights, gender ratios, issues of transience and abandonment (Limerick 2000:2 15-2 18). Key among these subjects is the recognition that the settlement of the west, at least as far as mining was concerned did not occur at a measured pace. Instead, mining settlements were established almost immediately as urban centres (Limerick 2000:2 17). As the mining industry progressed and spread following the California rush, its densely-populated communities depended on supplies from the east. This required both the production capabilities to furnish the necessary goods and efficient transportation systems to ship them. Just as consumer products required transport into the mining west, an efficient means was needed to remove resources to the east (White 1991:247). The result was a system of railroads spanning from east to west in the United States and Canada. Developments in food production and preservation, and transportations systems played a crucial role in the Klondike Gold Rush. The Klondike shared many elements characteristic of the numerous gold rushes in the western United States and Canada. When the Klondike Gold Rush began, the American West was a considerably different place, but the processes at work in the Yukon were the same as those that shaped the west during the previous 50 years. Yukon mining followed a similar developmental sequence, and some of the participants were also the same, having moved from one discovery to the next. Paul (l974:9- 10) has outlined a general model for the lifecycle of a mining community in the American West, beginning with the discovery of gold by an individual or small group of prospectors. Knowledge of the discovery spread quickly. At first only a small number of relatively experienced prospectors or miners pursued the strike. They were followed by a stampede of inexperienced people looking to make their fortune. Limited space and the high cost of living and mining in such locations caused booms to subside quickly leading to population decline. Individual mining activity often ended as capitalists moved in and bought up claims for large corporate mining ventures. This pattern characterizes both early mining in the Canadian North and the Klondike Gold Rush. The Klondike Gold Rush is a significant event in Canadian history. It was the last in a series of gold rushes that began with the Fraser River in the late 1850s. The Klondike forced the Dominion Government to recognize and create the Yukon Territory, the last step in defining the Canadian West. The Klondike Stampede and Dawson City have acquired a myth of their own that have become part of our western, and northern history. It is not, however, the same as the myth of the American West (Robbins 1994:5, 44). One could argue that significant elements of the American West were present. The motivations for joining the stampede were much the same, and a large portion of the stampeders were American. Many of the themes identified by the new western history are also important to an understanding of the Klondike Gold Rush, how it fits into the development of world capitalist systems and its lasting effects in the Yukon. Yet the Klondike was a Canadian event that differed considerably from its American counterparts. One of the main differences was the extent of the Canadian Government's involvement. Federal government in the United States was prominent in the west, but the Dominion Government's control in the Canadian North was complete from the beginning of the Klondike. The Discovery claim on Bonanza Creek, the first staked in the Klondike goldfields, had to be recorded with the Northwest Mounted Police who at that time fulfilled all government functions. Recent historical writing on the Klondike has followed a similar approach to the new western history. Authors have challenged some of the mythology, looking specifically at the interaction between miners and First Nations, the role of ethnicity in Dawson City (Porsild 1994), and women's involvement (Mayer 1989, Backhouse 1995, Ryley 1997, Mayer and DeArmond 2000). An investigation of transience in the Klondike can contribute to many of the themes important to our understanding of the west as well as the north, which has a mythology of its own for Canadians. Transience among the non-First Nation population has always been, and continues to be a key factor of life in the Yukon (Coates and Morrison 1991 :78; Abel and Coates 200 1: 16). Abel and Coates (200 1: 16) suggest that an understanding of transience in the north can provide insight into similar patterns in other parts of the country. Transients are people who "for one reason or another, are away from their place of legal residence, and [are] usually in transit in search of a job or community in which to relocate" (Crouse 1986:8). The term gained popularity during the Great Depression of the 1930s, and was used to distinguish the thousands of unemployed individuals moving throughout the United States from "hobos" or "tramps", people who chose a life of constant mobility (Crouse l986:8). Today the label transient carries negative connotations; such people are seen to exist on the margins of society. They pass through our communities, but never belong. Transients, as opposed to drifters, are mobile for a specific purpose that is tied to larger issues in the economic and social aspects of their lives. Stampeders went north seeking gold, and acquiring wealth was the one goal that all transients in Dawson City shared. Transience in Dawson City during and immediately following the Klondike Gold Rush is a complex issue. The community was scarcely two years old when it experienced a massive population boom consisting of people of diverse nationalities, religions, and occupations. Among this multitude there was no one group that can be singled out as 'the transients', instead a variety of transient groups were present in the community. Miners are inherently transient individuals, who pack up and move when a claim is exhausted, or a better opportunity presents itself. Not every stampeder had the opportunity to own a mine, although most came north with this plan in mind. When their hopes were not fulfilled, they mined for wages or found employment elsewhere. Others joined the rush intending to take advantage of the favourable economic conditions created by the boom. These included merchants, entertainers and prostitutes. The lure of fast money also drew from the ranks of professional gamblers. A smaller group of transients came with the administrative structure, having signed on to work in government offices for a limited contract. To understand the experiences of transients, and their influence in Dawson City's development, it is important to view transience within the context of the community. The community "represents an organizational pattern through which persons meet their daily needs in a local area" (Poplin 1972:26). Communities became a research focus in the social sciences between the 1950s and l97Os, particularly among anthropologists and sociologists who viewed the community as one of the fundamental arrangements of human society (Konig 1968). Although definitions of community vary, the two most important elements are social interaction between the members and a specific geographic location (Poplin 1972:9). The recognition that communities have their own life histories is also important (Kimball and Partridge 1979:237; Yaeger and Canuto 2000:6). Each community should be treated within its own historical context, as the interactions that occur are particular to that time and place. In mining communities such as Dawson City, the pace of change is rapid, generally following a pattern of boom and bust. Population fluctuations are extreme and have considerable influence on the social life of the community. Murdock's definition of a community, "the maximal group of persons who normally reside together in face to face association" (1949:79), has become something of a standard, but in large-scale social groups and modem societies it is unrealistic to expect every member to have direct contact with every other member. Interaction remains the basis of community. Interaction between individuals is the primary building block, but interactions also occur between larger groups. Sanders (1966:3 1) provides a series of interaction levels, ranging from individuals to social groups. Each person in a community has numerous roles and statuses, such as citizen and consumer that involve them in different social relationships with other people. A social group consists of at least three people in contact with one another, such as a household or a sports team. A social grouping consists of people who have something in common but do not necessarily all interact with each other, such as members of a sports league or supporters of the local theatre (Sanders 1966:34). All social groups in the community are linked to larger social networks, such as political parties or religious denominations (Sanders 1966:35). Community consists of the interactions between members at each of these levels and personal experiences are the product of the individual's interactions in the community. Although transients remain in a location for only a short period of time, they interact with others. On this basis they can be categorized as transitional members of the community (Hiller 1941 : 194). Newcomer membership in the community progresses through a series of stages (Janes 196 1) during which the permanent members monitor their participation in the social system. Residents distinguish newcomers whose actions indicate that they intend to become permanent members of the community, from those who do not, and react accordingly. Transients' intentions, and reasons for being in a specific community guide their actions and influence their treatment by the community. Defining community as the interactions between people requires the individuals to live within a designated area where regular interaction can occur. This area is known as the settlement (Rodman l992:643; Lawrence l998:4 1). Each type of interaction that transpires between members of a community occurs within a specific setting (Arensberg and Kimball 1965:4; Rodman 1992:643); each locale (a church, government office or personal residence) can be associated with specific types of social activity. The arrangement of these locales defines the spatial organization of the settlement. Settlement and community are not synonymous, yet they are inextricably linked in this context; settlement is created by interaction, and its spatial organization plays a role in structuring interaction between members of the community (Lawrence 2000: 13). Identifying the physical limits of the settlement may be a relatively easy task, but defining the boundaries of the community is more difficult. Murdock's definition ties community membership to residence in the settlement. Physical limits of a town or city do not, however, control access to facilities and participation in a community. Adams (1977:26) resolved the apparent disparity between settlement and community, incorporating the contributions of location and settlement to community organization by putting greater emphasis on place. Place, as a concept in community studies, is related to both a shared sense of identity and the interactions occurring between community members. Community members are those people who regularly interact with others within a distinct area. Regular presence, rather than residence then is a better criterion for community membership (Yaeger and Canuto 2000:6). The above distinction is important for the community of Dawson City and its relationship to the Klondike Goldfields. Gold districts typically have a settlement hierarchy (Chen 200 l), dominated by one major centre, smaller settlements in the creeks and individual miners' cabins. Dawson City was located at a significant break in the transportation system, as sternwheelers could not ascend the Klondike River, and it acted as the supply centre for the district. Smaller communities, such as Grand Forks, grew up in the goldfields themselves, providing lodging facilities and smaller supply stores. Most miners lived in cabins constructed on their claims strung along the gold-bearing creeks. On the basis of interaction these miners can be considered members of the community, as Dawson City was their primary source for supplies, government business and social activities. From an archaeological standpoint transience is best understood through the concept of anticipated mobility (Kent and Vierch 1989, Kent 1992, Brooks 1995a), which proposes that the intended duration of stay in any one location is a more important factor in site organization than the actual length of stay. Brooks (1995a) has derived a set of four expectations for the recognition of anticipated mobility in the archaeological record of mining sites. The material culture left by transients on the hillside can be tested against these expectations to refine our understanding of transience in the archaeological record. Stampeders came to the Klondike to make their fortunes and return home, and this intended short stay should be recognizable in the archaeological assemblages. The location of transient habitations can be examined within the landscape of the settlement, providing insight into the place of the transients within the social context of the community.
The Study Area and Data Dawson City is located on a small floodplain at the confluence of the Klondike and Yukon rivers (Figure 1). The steep slopes surrounding the settlement comprise the archaeological study area for the dissertation (Figure 2). Occupation of these hillsides began in 1898 as the main thrust of the stampede reached Dawson City. Photographs taken of the community during 1898 and 1899 show hundreds of tents and small cabins on the hillsides behind the townsite (Figure 3). These areas were inhabited by transients and were some of the first to be abandoned during the post-boom population decline. By 1910 only a few scattered cabins remained on the scarp. Today this area lies outside the extant townsite. The data for this dissertation was obtained through archaeological survey and excavation on the Dawson City and Klondike City hillsides during the 1998 and 1999 field seasons (Brand 1999,2000,2002), archival research and a review of secondary sources. The resulting six archaeological assemblages from residences located on the hillsides around Dawson City are used to compare archaeological signatures of transience in the Klondike to evidence of transience in other mining communities and natural resource-based industries. The artifacts and archival material are used to establish the role of transients in the community and elucidate the transient experience of those who participated in one of Canada's most significant historical events. Arctic Ocean
.. .
Pacific Ocean
/ Routes to the Klondlke Goldfields
1. Main route up the inside Passage to Skagway or Dyea, over Chilkoot or White passes and down the Yukon River (after Chicago Record Co. 1897:26-7 2. All water route from Seattle and San Francisco to St. Michael, then up the Yukon River to Dawson Cit\ (after Harris 1897).
3. Edmonton or Back Door water route, following McKenzie River, portage to Porcupine River, then up the Yukon River (MacGregor 1970). 4. Overland Route from Edmonton to headwaters of the Pelty River, then down Yukon River (MacGregor 1970).
I I \
Figure 1. Although there were numerous ways to reach the Klondike, the majority of stampeders used one of four routes. Most left Seattle or San Francisco, and travelled up the Inside Passage to either Dyea or Skagway, Alaska. Here the stampeders took the Chilkoot Trail or the White Pass. Both trails ended at Lakes Lindeman and Bennett, where the journey continued down the Yukon River to Dawson City. The easiest way to the goldfields was the All Water Route. Stampeders took ocean steamers to St. Michael, Alaska, and the transferred to sternwheelers for the long trip up the Yukon River. The All Canadian, or Backdoor routes that began in Edmonton, Alberta, were among the hardest roads to the Klondike. Large numbers of people who started on these routes gave up and turned back, while those that continued often took more than a year to reach Dawson City (after Hammond World Atlas 1980:94). Figure 2. Map of Dawson City and Klondike City indicating the hillside study areas (after Placer Sheet 116-B-3c, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, Canada 1981). Figure 3. Taken from the Moosehide Slide in 1899, this photo shows the hundreds of tents and cabins present on the hillsides (Yukon Archives, MacBride Museum Collection #3739, used by permission of the Yukon Archives).
Dissertation Organization Having introduced my dissertation in the preceding discussion, Chapter two examines some of the theoretical issues surrounding marginal and transient groups in historical archaeology, and provides a more detailed look at transience in the archaeological record. It ends with a discussion of three different historical approaches to the issue of transience in Dawson City. Chapter Three is a detailed review of mining in the Yukon River drainage prior to the Klondike discovery and the changes to society brought about by the Stampede. It introduces three men, Mart Howard, Frederick Wombwell and Jeremiah Lynch, whose quests for gold are followed throughout the thesis as their experiences parallel thousands of others, providing a personal view of a public phenomenon. All three intended to make their fortune and return home, and all three ended up living on the hillside once they reached Dawson. Chapter Four provides historical context for the examination of transience in Dawson City based on documentary data. The first section presents a brief life history of the town with an emphasis on changes in the community that affected transience. The chapter then addresses a number of community issues specifically relating to transience, including transients' participation in the economy, and the effects of government actions on transience. Chapter Five more fully explores the development of Dawson City (Figure 4), bringing together the spatial and social organization to identify the place the hillsides held within the social context of the community. The first section builds on the differences between pre and post-1 896 society discussed in Chapter Three, by marking the distinction between Dawson City and earlier mining settlements. The community's position within the region and its relationship to the goldfields is discussed before moving to the actual organization of the settlement. The occupation of the hillsides is also examined through an analysis of property ownership. Chapters Six and Seven present the results of the archaeological fieldwork and the analysis of the hillside assemblages. Data from the inventory survey of tent and cabin platforms are used to explore variability in feature types and the organization of the hillside occupation. Comparison of the artifact assemblages is used to identify trends characteristic of transient occupations. Finally, Chapter Eight presents the results and a comprehensive picture of transient experiences in Dawson City during the gold rush, highlighting the ways in which transients participated in or were excluded from the community. -- t Dawson cityy I' I -- Tn\\ nslte ,\ddition I ' 1';1 \ Mooschide Uoluidur! 1 \ <~ic~c 1 1 1 1 Cic- Block
I 2 I - ?I --- Government Addition Lot 12
I \ I !Government I \ Reserve I \ Lot1 I- Day- ,-- --- \ - Addition- -~-T \ l1 I I \ - -1 I Lot 5 -
-Klondike River
Figure 4. Townsite plan of Dawson City, showing the original townsite granted to Joe Ladue and the additions granted to Arthur Harper, Albert Day and Stewart Menzies. The Dominion Government retained a portion of the south end of the townsite for administrative purposes and sold lots in the Government Addition at the north end of the settlement (adapted from Quad Sheet 116Bl3, Dawson City, used with permission of the Government of Yukon, Department of Tourism and Culture, Cultural Sewices Branch). CHAPTER TWO
THEORETICAL ISSUES OF TRANSIENCE IN ARCHAEOLOGY AND DAWSON CITY
Introduction With the development of industrial capitalism during the nineteenth century, increasing urbanization, and the associated improvements in transportation, mobility became a prominent characteristic of North American society (Thernstrom 1964: 1 1). The first section in this chapter places mobility within the larger framework of industrialization and reviews some of the ways archaeologists have approached the changes associated with its rise. High levels of transience typical of the nineteenth century gold rushes are one element of this increased mobility. Section two discusses archaeological approaches to the analysis of transience in gold rush communities. This section introduces the concept of anticipated mobility, developed by Kent (Kent and Vierch 1989, Kent 1992), and adapted to historical mining populations by Brooks (1995a), as a useful means to understand transience in Dawson City. The final section in this chapter reviews previous historical studies of transience in Dawson City during the gold rush. Seeking an understanding of transience in the community of Dawson City, within the larger context of nineteenth century mobility, is one small part in the larger goal of understanding how people adjusted to the changes industrial capitalism brought into their lives.
Capitalism, Industrialization and Mobility It has been suggested that capitalism, a powerful force of change throughout the world, should be a key focus of historical archaeology (Little 1994, Orser 1996). Archaeologists have approached the study of capitalism from different scales. Leone (1995, 1999) identifies class as the primary concern of a historical archaeology of capitalism, examining the role of ideology and urging archaeologists to consider the politics associated with their work. Mrozowski, Delle and Paynter (2000:xvi) add social categories of gender and race to the list of factors that must be recognized as active forces affecting people's lives in the past. Understanding how people adapted to the social and economic changes associated with the origin and development of capitalism, first mercantile and later industrial, is one of the principal goals of historical archaeology (Little 1994: 17). The effects of industrialization and the rise of the factory system on nineteenth century western society has been investigated at both Boott Mills, Lowell, Massachusetts (Beaudry 1989, Mrozowski 2000) and Harpers Ferry, West Virginia (Shackel 1994, 1996). Owners of the Boott Cotton Mill, and the Harpers Ferry Armoury, sought to increase productivity and reduce their dependence on skilled labourers through the use of machines and piece work. Work hours were long and the occupations often dangerous (Hull-Walski and Walski 1994:11 1-1 12). The owners also tried to exert control over employee's personal lives through both company rules and the landscape. These workers were unskilled, transient (Beaudry l989:2O, Winter 1994: 16), and predominately female. Both factories also took advantage of the large numbers of recent immigrants looking for work (Beaudry 1989:20, Shackel 1994:11). A similar process can be observed in the transition from the placer mining of the gold rush period to the corporate mining that brought about its decline; from independent miners to company employees. Increasing industrialization in North America during the early nineteenth century brought about improvements in transportation systems, the beginning of the factory system and development of a national market place (Thernstrom 1964: 11). Another result was increasing mobility throughout North American society. As Thernstrom observes, a large floating population was one of the "most important features of the new industrial community" (1964:3 1). Mobility was closely tied into the class system in America and, at a basic level, geographical (physical) mobility was tied to social mobility, real or desired (Thernstrom 1970:201). Physical mobility was believed to be directly connected with economic opportunity. The highest levels of mobility existed among the lowest classes, particularly among semi-skilled or unskilled labourers, who moved more out of necessity than opportunity, and also had the least possibility of actually improving their situation (Thernstrom 1970, Thernstrom and Knight 1971). Middle class families, on the other hand, generally moved in response to better socio- economic opportunities. Thernstrom (1 970:204) suggests that the lowest rungs of American society during the nineteenth century contained a group of transients who moved from community to community, never being able to establish permanent roots. Stephenson (1979) agrees that mobility was common in both American and Canadian societies, but argues an over- emphasis on mobility gives the impression that communities were unstable during this period. Although individuals and families moved from one community to another, they did so within networks of mobility (Stephenson 1979:39). These networks consisted of family and institutions, such as businesses and fraternal orders, which created community stability. Stephenson offers the Odd-fellows as an example; lodges maintained agencies to assist travelling members, and members also carried cards that provided them with entry into lodges other than their own. He suggests that such networks helped working class people face the changes that industrial capitalism brought to society, and are necessary to understand community responses to transience (Stephenson 1979:5 1). Resettlement of the west during the nineteenth century was part of this mobility. White (199 1: 192- 193) identifies three types of migration into the west based on who the migrants were, why they were moving west and the types of communities they created. His community model is based on the movement of individuals who were related, or shared existing community ties. Happy with their way of life these individuals sought better opportunities through mobility, drawing on personal networks for information on new locations with favourable conditions. Settlements founded by these migrants tended to develop strong communities. Rates of mobility were, nevertheless, fairly high, and the out-migration tended to remain community based, with individuals moving to join kin elsewhere, or a group from the community moving to initiate a new settlement (White 1991:299,301). Utopian migration is the least common of White's (199 1: 193) three types, and is best represented by the settlement pattern of the Mormons. Utopian migrants moved intending to create a better way of life rather that replicating the one they left. Locations for new settlements were chosen by church directors, who also selected which individuals who would move. Settlements founded by Mormons in the west also created solid communities, with strong ties between members centred around the church (White 1991:301). Finally, White (1 99 1: 193) has labelled migrations exemplified by the California Gold Rush as modern migration. Unlike the previous migrants, these individuals were not moving with the aim of establishing a new life. Instead, their movement was considered temporary and motivated by a desire to obtain "property that could be transferred somewhere else.. .Once they made sufficient money, they intended to return home" (White 199 1: 193). These migrants drew their information largely from public media. Participants commonly moved individually rather than as groups of related people, and tended to be dominated by single males. The high numbers of single men were viewed as a problem in the formation of stable communities (White 199 1:302). They were also considered a potential threat to the stability of existing communities. Settlements filled with single men, or men who were separated from their families by great distances were at odds with Victorian beliefs that placed the family at the centre of community (White 199 1:302-304). These three types emphasize the differences between physical mobility associated with mining rushes and that associated with settlers. White (1991 :303) draws a distinction between community and order, arguing that communities did not develop in mining camps filled with single men. The governments and laws created by miners in these settlements imposed order and were specifically aimed at legitimizing and protecting private property rights necessary for the production of wealth, but were not intended as long-term arrangements. Many mining settlements, however, did developed lasting communities, and it is in these camps and communities that many of the important themes identified for western history can be examined through archaeology.
Transience and Gold Mining Mining was a vehicle for the spread of industrial capitalism. Although corporate mining was not present during the early stages in mining districts, settlements were directly tied into the major urban centres of the eastern United States, and to a lesser extent Europe. These links occurred through the individuals involved, acquisition of necessary supplies and later by capitalization (Hardesty 1988:1). Links between western mining centres and the rest of the world were facilitated by transportation systems; by a migration network connected to the United States, Europe, and China, and by the "exchange of information, ideas and symbols" (Hardesty 1988:4). Victorian culture dominated the exchange of ideas and symbols into the west and was, itself, a product of growing industrialism and urbanization (Howe 1975:51 1, 52 1; Hardesty 1988:5). The Victorian era (approximately 1837- 1901) was marked by population growth, immigration, advancements in knowledge and western expansion in the United States (Howe 1975507). Associated with a developing middle class, Victorian values included hard work, self-improvement, and morality (Howe 1975:521). During this period material culture played an important role in portraying an appropriate or respectable lifestyle with a clear division between home and work, (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1992). Victorian culture has been addressed in a number of archaeological projects at mining sites (Baker 1978, Teague 1980, Blee 1991, Brooks 1995a). Teague (1980: l4l), for example, notes a difference between the organization of structures at the Reward Mine, Arizona, and at Site 44, Arizona. At Reward Mine, the older of the two sites, the organization is haphazard, whereas Site 44 demonstrates an orderly rectilinear plan. Attempting to explain this shift in settlement organization, Teague (1980: 150) interprets the change in terms of the monumental technological changes at the end of the nineteenth century, which accompanied economic turmoil, population pressure and shifts in cultural values. Teague (1980: 150) proposes a number of strategies used by people in the western United States to deal with a changing society. Westerners were forced to adopt Victorian culture, and recognize the growing urbanization of America. Systems of standardization and compartmentalization had to be adopted to create order for the increased number of mass-produced goods available and advances in technological complexity (Teague 1980:152). Compartmentalization extended into the use of space, leading to changes in mining settlement organization from haphazard arrangements to the rigid rectilinear plan. Hardesty (199 1:30) suggests that the American West be seen as both a periphery of the developing American world system and as a persisting regional culture. Drawing from the New Western History, he proposes a regional research framework based on a series of interpretive themes, including the evolution of hydraulic society, boom-bust cycles, frontier urbanism, the legacy of conquest, and dependency on the federal government. The control of water resources in mining districts was always a crucial issue. The Klondike does not share the arid environment of much of the American West, but an adequate water supply in the gold fields was a concern. The development of water control features often involves capital from outside the district, and in the Klondike this was associated with attempts to start corporate mining. Industries such as mining and ranching are intimately connected to boom and bust cycles through their connections to world markets (Hardesty 1991:3 1). During boom periods capital flowed into the community, which became increasingly tied to the world system. Capital pulled away as the decline began, and was replaced by localized subsistence mining and associated "folk cultures." Both patterns have specific settlement and material culture signatures (Hardesty 199 1:3 1). During boom periods strong ties with consumer systems result in less variation in material culture overall, but at the same time variation associated with capitalistic social hierarchies may be present. Subsistence mining generates material assemblages that have less diversity within a single site, but greater differences between sites. In the Klondike corporate mining did not become established until after the initial boom. The legacy of conquest theme views the American West "as a region or place.. .tied together by its common experience with conquest by an invading people.. ." (Hardesty 1991:32). One of the primary results of conquest was a focus on private property; the division and allocation of western lands (Limerick l987:27). This process disrupted existing settlement and land use patterns. Hardesty (1991 :32) believes that archaeology has a key role to play in examining these new settlement patterns, as well as changes in material culture and subsistence. Resettlement of the American West in areas associated with mining rushes took place at a rapid pace. The settlements that developed reflected eastern urbanism, and can be seen as the footholds of the capitalist system (Hardesty 1991:33). The development of capitalism in the west spread out from these settlements. Investigating the nature of mining communities is an important avenue of research that is complicated by the difficulty of linking the settlement, which can be observed archaeologically, with the community, which consists of social relationships (Hardesty 1988:101). Focusing on gender, ethnicity and class, three primary structuring principles of society (Hardesty 1994), is one means of bridging this gap. As a means for understanding the role of gender in structuring mining communities, Hardesty (1994: 136) proposes a three-tiered interpretive framework in which both archaeological and historical evidence is examined at the level of the household, the settlement and the region. At a household level, the Victorian ideology of separate private and public spheres should influence the types and organization of both men and women's activities within the household. Lawrence (1999: 123) has argued that archaeology must move beyond attempting to identify women in the archaeological record and focus on the ways gender structured household activities. Examining houses at the mining community of Dolly's Creek, Victoria, Australia, she found a relationship between women's objects and artifacts associated with Victorian domesticity, and suggests that the use of ceramic instead of tin tableware indicates the occupants of the house were responsive to the qualifications for a respectable home (Lawrence 199852). Beyond the household, gender also influenced the formation and layout of mining settlements (Hardesty 1994: 139). Examples include the separation of neighbourhoods in which one would find prostitutes, primarily younger, single women, from the middle to upper class neighbourhoods, where most women were likely married. The development of institutions such as churches and schools, which was often motivated by women also facilitated transformations in mining settlements. The issue of mobility in mining communities is addressed at the regional level (Hardesty 1994: 14 1). Foremost among such studies is Purser's (1991) analysis of mobility in the mining towns of Grass Flat, California and Paradise, Nevada. Her analysis demonstrated that community was not specifically tied to a single settlement; instead the community existed at a district level, and consisted of a core group of families, who moved from settlement to settlement, but remained within the region. Purser (199 1: 12- 13) also discovered that women and men experienced different patterns of mobility, with women's mobility influenced by age, marital status and class. The populations of mining communities were generally diverse with respect to ethnicity, religion, and social status. One means of increasing our understanding of these communities is to examine the people that existed on their margins. In some districts ethnicity played a strong role in determining ones relationship to the community. Around Eureka, Nevada, for example, the production of charcoal to be used as fuel in smelting operations was strongly associated with Italians from northern Italy and southern Switzerland (Zeier 1987:87). These people often lived in temporary structures near their wood source, necessarily separated from the local community. Zeier (1 987:87) interpreted the small artifact assemblages with low numbers of personal items as an indication that the colliers lived at a subsistence level, but isolation from the larger communities and the homogeneous ethnic population would have served as cultural reinforcement. Perhaps the best known ethnic group associated with mining activities are the overseas Chinese sojourners. These individuals left China for the United States and Canada intending to make money in the goldfields and return to China (LaLande 1982:4). Given this attitude, LaLande (1982:4) expected to find little evidence of Euroamerican acculturation in the Chinese miners' sites he examined in southwest Oregon. The results demonstrate slight changes in subsistence behaviour and clothing, but the adoption of non-Chinese material culture was limited to this "extrinsic behaviour" (LaLande l982:47). Chinese miners appear to have retained their own social behaviours and religious beliefs. Chen (2001) recently completed a comprehensive study of the Chinese miners in the Cariboo region of British Columbia between 1860 and the 1940s. She identified three factors in the motives behind Chinese immigration (Chen 200 1: 139). First, the majority of Chinese miners came from the Pearl River delta, an area that had a history of emigration, which increased dramatically in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Second, internal factors such as population pressure, the concentration of land ownership and social and political problems created a situation in which emigration was a means to better one's circumstances. Finally, the discovery of large goldfields in the western United States and Canada, Australia, and New Zealand encouraged emigration. The majority of those leaving China, mostly males, did not intend to settle permanently (Chen 200 1: 139). This attitude is clearly indicated in slogans found on the walls of the Barkerville (British Columbia) Chih Kung T'ang house that express the desire to return to china with wealth (Chen 2001 :260). Chen (2001:158) argues that the Chinese sojourners created their own communities isolated or semi-isolated from those of the host culture. Instead of looking for signs of assimilation or acculturation, she argues that Chinese miners actively resisted the dominant culture. She attributes the resistance to their transient attitude, feelings that their own culture was superior to Euroamerican culture, and prejudice from non-Chinese miners (Chen 200 1: 139). Using archaeological and documentary data, Chen (2001 :49- 50) found that the Chinese population in the Cariboo mining districts developed a four tier, hierarchically-organized settlement pattern. In descending order these settlements were Chinatowns, a Chinese quarter within a town, Chinese areas within a non-Chinese owned mining camp, and isolated miners' cabins. Chinese merchants were the leading members of these communities (Chen 2001: 195,364). The men who inhabited these settlements changed regularly as older individuals returned home, and new arrivals came from China (Chen 2001:287). These miners also maintained strong kinship ties, with members of the same family, extended family or clan working in the same area. They also depended upon Chinese institution such as brotherhoods and territorial associations (Chen 2001 :307). Among the most powerful societies were the Hong-men, which had four chapters in the Cariboo region. These institutions and societies organized social activities that helped reinforce Chinese culture and identity (Chen 2001:311). Among these activities were the celebration of traditional Chinese festivals, Hong-men ceremonies, charities, and activities such as gambling, prostitution and opium smoking. The miners also continued to use the Chinese calendar and measurement system. Language, dress and food ways were also used to maintain Chinese identity in the face of the dominant culture. Although most individual Chinese miners had no intention of staying, as a group they developed a stable and lasting presence through kinship ties and other institutions. They created a support system similar to that described by Stephenson (1979:39) in Euroamerican communities. Ethnicity, however, is not always a prominent characteristic of mining communities (Hardesty 1988:103), and may not be a discernable element among transient members of the community. The population of Dawson City during the Klondike Gold Rush was ethnically diverse, but dominated by British subjects and Americans. The problem in Dawson City is recognizing transients that existed at the margins of the community in the absence of specific markers such as ethnicity. Archaeological studies focusing on transience have examined site abandonment patterns of miners that planned to return, and those who did not (Stevenson 1982), and the nature of work and labour in short-lived company towns (Hammer 1999). Brooks (1 995a) considers the reasons underlying differences in levels of mobility in mining settlements and how these intentions were translated into the archaeological record. Blee (1 99 1) examines the differences between family and male transient households, and the way these differences are expressed in the material world, and represented in the archaeological record. Brooks (1995a) approaches transience in the western mining districts through the concept of anticipated mobility. Anticipated mobility, as developed through the ethnoarchaeological work of Kent and others (Kent and Vierch 1989, Kent 1992), proposes that the intended duration of stay in any one location is more important in site organization than the actual length of stay. Dividing the mining populations of two districts into prospectors, wage labourers and capitalists, Brooks evaluates how each group's anticipation of movement is reflected in the archaeological record. She considers nineteenth century prospectors to have been a subculture unto themselves, operating with their own set of rules and behaviours, principal among which was mobility (1 995a: 1 1- 12). Prospectors were the first into a district and the first to leave; intending to make a quick profit from their activities in one location and move on to the next. Their movement, according to Brooks, compares favourably with that of prehistoric hunter- gatherers and modem nomadic peoples. Resources within a specific area, in this case commodity resources in the mining district, were exploited until exhausted, after which the group moved to a new location. This model applies best to individuals who were career prospectors, old-timers, who searched the landscape for gold deposits (Brooks 1995a:73). These were generally the individuals who made discoveries, although they also joined rushes to new areas. Gold rushes also involved a second group of prospectors, tenderfeet, who had no previous experience with mining activities (Brooks 1995a:73). A majority of these people were completely unprepared, with little or no knowledge of mining methods, hoping only to make a quick fortune and return home. Comparing the prospectors from the White Pine and Black Hills mining districts, Brooks (1995a:76) found some common patterns. Foremost was the belief that the gold rush was the path to instant wealth. The media supported this belief (Brooks 1995a:76; see also 1995b). Mobility was a key attribute, along with the belief that the activities undertaken in any one location were in no way related to permanent residence. The social structure was primarily egalitarian, with a focus on equal access to claims. From a material perspective, the structures used were constructed from locally available materials and were intended for temporary use. The acquisition, and therefore discard, of goods was limited to only necessary items. Wage labourers, as a group, in the White Pine and Black Hills mining districts grew as prospectors unable to profitably mine their own claims needed to find employment to cover the high costs of living. In the White Pine area an individual could not work a claim alone through hardrock mining methods (Brooks 1995a:77). The same situation existed in the Black Hills once the placer deposits were worked out. Ultimately, miners in both areas formed unions to fight for higher wages and shorter work hours, occasionally resulting in violence. Brooks attributes this to conflict between an ideology based upon financial and social mobility, and that of industrial capitalism, which sought "social control for the benefit of outside entities" (1995a:77). Comparing wage labourers in both mining districts, Brooks (1995a:gl) found social and cultural patterns very similar to those of prospectors. These include high physical mobility, use of temporary housing, and material culture that is likely identical to that of the prospector. Capitalists, merchants and professionals tended to form the permanent base of the community. These people moved into an area with the intention of staying and Victorian values were a large component of the baggage they brought with them (Brooks 1995a:20). Capital investors for mines in the west were located in American cities such as New York, Boston and San Francisco (Brooks 1995a:82). Typically, capitalists remained in these cities while managers and engineers handled the development and day- to-day operation of the mines (Brooks 1995a:96). Based on the comparison between the White Pine and Black Hills districts, Brooks (1995a:97) predicts that the growth of industrial capitalism in these locations would result in improved transportation to larger mines, and the construction of crushing mills and smelters. Changes in material culture would include the appearance of houses with compartmentalized interiors, and an increase in mass produced goods associated with Victorian changes in the operation of family households (Brooks 1995a:97). Based on the different patterns observed between prospector, wage labourers and capitalists, and Kent's ethnoarchaeological research on anticipated mobility, Brooks (1995a:39-40) derived a set of four expectations for the archaeology of transient mining sites. These expectations were tested against archaeological data from mining sites in the White Pine and Black Hills mining districts. The results indicate that differences in the expected length of stay by prospectors and capitalists are visible in the archaeological record. The first expectation is that energy and time investment in the construction of structures will be kept to a minimum when a short stay is intended. One can expect simple habitations with few design embellishments. Brooks (l995a: 103) found that structures tended to be small, averaging 9 m2, and consisted of a single room with dirt floors and generally no heating. Construction materials were of locally available resources. Brooks (1995a: 109) notes that the distribution of structures within a given area appears to be random and unorganized. Refuse disposal can be a key indicator of anticipated mobility. Brooks' second expectation is that people intending a short stay will give little consideration to trash removal, that is, using sheet refuse disposal practices instead of a designated midden (Brooks 1995a:137). Artifact distributions in her study areas where a short stay was intended demonstrate that refuse was simply thrown out the cabin door. This practice was at odds with Victorian norms and sensibilities of waste disposal, health and sanitation (Brooks 1995a:138). The third expectation of transience, is that fewer objects will be present at sites where the inhabitants did not intend to remain long (Brooks 1995a:40), and makes sense from an intuitive standpoint. If one does not intend to stay long, fewer supplies are needed and energy would not be expended to transport unnecessary items. The contents of artifact assemblages are also indicative of anticipated length of stay or occupation. The fourth expectation then is a difference in the types of artifacts found at transient versus permanent habitation sites (Brooks 1995a:40). There are two primary aspects to consider in this regard, the diversity of the artifact assemblage, and the presence of artifacts associated with Victorian lifestyle (Brooks 1995a: 1 17). One would expect the artifact assemblage associated with the mobile life of a prospector to be much less varied than that of a permanent resident (Brooks 1995a: 115). Brooks (1995a: 116,123) found that the artifacts at short-term sites were largely those associated with subsistence and work. Most prominent are tin cans and bottles fragments, primarily alcohol bottles, but medicine bottles were also recorded. Other artifacts include stove parts, barrel hoops, fuel cans, pails, and a few inexpensive ceramic sherds. In contrast to the short duration sites in the White Pine District, permanent sites contained a more diverse artifact assemblage (Brooks 1995a: 123). Prominent in these assemblages were artifacts associated with Victorianism, such as personal hygiene objects, ceramic dinnerware, and architectural artifacts. Brooks (1995a: 115) found the presence of work-related items to be an indicator that a short stay was intended. Separation of the public and private spheres of family life was a primary characteristic of the Victorian era. Therefore, work-related items would not be expected at the site of a permanent residence. To test the hypothesis that the artifact assemblages from transient and permanent sites are different, Brooks (1995a: 124) created richness values based on artifact types. Due to differences in recording procedures at some of these sites, richness had to be measured by a count of the number of artifact types based on presencelabsence data. Fourteen artifact types were used, including: tin cans, alcohol bottles, food bottles, medicine bottles, glassware, stoneware, teaware, tableware, other ceramics, personal, leisure, nails, furnishings, and oriental ceramics. The results show broad trends that seem to suggest that permanent sites had higher richness values. The modal value for permanent sites was five artifact types, and ranged from 0 to 12 types out of the total 14. Sixty-seven percent of the permanent sites have an artifact richness value of 4 or greater. Transient sites had a modal richness value of 0, and ranged from 0 to 7 types out of a possible 14. Eighty-three percent of transient sites have richness values less than 4. There is a greater degree of overlap in these results than one might expect. One third of the permanent sites have richness values more in line with transient sites and more than a quarter of the transient sites had richness values within the range of permanent sites. Brooks made her comparison using architectural data to classify each site as transient or permanent. If one ignored the architectural information and simply plotted each site's artifact richness value, excepting points at the upper end (i.e., above eight), it would be very difficult to separate the sites deemed transient from the permanent. For sites with richness values below four, there is a one in three chance that the site selected would be permanent. Brooks (1995a: 132) is aware of this problem, and suggests that further investigation is needed to determine whether the permanent sites with low artifact richness values are the result of differences in sampling methods, looting, or habitation by transient individuals. There are a number of other problems associated with using presencelabsence data in Brooks' analysis with importance for later analysis of the Dawson City data. For instance, the number of artifact types will increase, to a point, as the sample size increases. Presencelabsence comparisons therefore could be affected when some assemblages are derived from excavation and others from surface recording in which only artifact types, and not counts, are noted. The types of artifacts found in excavated assemblages also can be considerably different than surface assemblages due to depositional and behavioural factors. Presencelabsence data is also problematic when some of the predicted differences between the two site types are based on artifact classes such as teaware, tableware and other ceramics. Richness values cannot account for the quantities of these diagnostic artifacts, which are important in differentiating transient from permanent sites. Small quantities of ceramic fragments were found at some of the transient sites in Brooks' study. In the presencelabsence comparison one small ceramic plate fragment is equivalent to an entire table setting, but it is the presence of the tableware or teaware set that is the key element in identifying a permanent home site. Brooks identifies a related problem, that tableware as a category can include tin plates as well as ceramic plates, and while the obvious function is the same "they reflect two different sets of cultural values" (1995a: 132). Brooks suggests that personal items are indicators of permanent residences, and her artifact type tables show only one transient site with personal artifacts. Brooks' analysis demonstrates general trends that support the expectations for transient and permanent sites, and identifies material culture categories that are important for identifying transience in the archaeological record. In developing a method for identifying the contributors to a late nineteenth - early twentieth century refuse dump in Skagway, Alaska, Blee (1 99 1) listed transient men on their way to the Klondike as potential contributors. The Mill Creek Dump was situated between Skagway's commercial district and an area of town known to have been inhabited by male transients. At the turn of the century male-only households comprised 5 1% of the Skagway's Euroamerican households, and more than half of these were men who lived by themselves (Blee 199 1 :33). Using historical documents, Blee (1 99 1: 16- 18) identified two social units (family households, transient male households) and four economic units (saloons, hotels/restaurants, brothels, military) that could have used the Mill Creek Dump. Blee used least squares multiple linear regression in her analysis. While not focussing on that method here, her comparative assemblages for transient male households and family households are useful. These comparative assemblages were created by combining artifact collections from sites in the west with known functions (i.e., either known family household or transient male sites), inhabited between 1880 and 1920, by people with access to national markets (Blee 199 1: 130). The functional artifact classification adopted by Blee is particularly useful as it was designed to distinguish between these social units, and highlight their unique attributes. Thirteen artifacts categories were used in the analysis: food storage containers, decorated dishes, undecorated dishes, other household items, generic personal items, child-specific, female- specific, male-specific, liquor-related, bottle stoppers and caps, pharmaceutical bottles, armaments and military, and, lastly, other artifacts. It is important to note that metal containers were excluded from the analysis due to the effects of differential preservation from one site to the next (Blee 1991:101). Based on historic photographs of miners' cabins and archaeology in other mining districts, Blee (199 1:87-88) predicted that artifact assemblages from male-only households should be characterized by high relative frequencies of tin cans, liquor bottles, tobacco related items, and artifacts related to firearms. In addition, food preparation and serving items are expected to be predominantly metal. Men living alone tended to take their meals in restaurants or in mess groups; so low relative frequencies of food preparation and consumption related artifacts are expected. Blee ( 199 1: 159- 176) used ten different archaeological collections to create the transient male comparative assemblage. These ten sites consisted of five structures in the mining community of Rochester Heights, Nevada; a bunkhouse and boss' cabin at Bingham's logging camp in Oregon; two collections of artifacts from the Marion Railroad camp, Colorado, one associated with the labourers and the second with the boss; and a hunters cabin from Rockwood, Colorado. Artifacts from each collection were classified into the appropriate artifact categories, and the totals from each category for the nine sites were summed (Table 1). Small sample sizes from each of the nine sites used to build the comparative assemblages suggested to Blee (199 1: 177-8) that the sites had been occupied for short periods of time and the assemblage profiles were not so much the result of male-only habitation, as they were of transience. With a few exceptions the artifact categories in the comparative assemblage fit well with Blee's predictions. Male-specific and firearm-related artifacts are well represented; the relative frequencies of ceramics, both decorated and undecorated are low, and there were no female or child-specific items. The low relative frequency of liquor related items was unexpected. Blee (1 99 1: 178-9) suggests that transient men may have done their drinking in public places such as saloons, as opposed to alone in their homes. The high relative frequency of generic personal items was also unexpected (Blee 199 1: 179). Large numbers of tobacco-related artifacts included in this category might be responsible for the high frequency; alternatively Blee suggests that low frequencies in a number of other categories may also explain the high percentage. Blee (1991:301) concluded that transient men in Skagway maintained a minimal amount of material culture, all of which was portable. Items such as ceramic dishes and fancy glassware, which were both heavy and fragile, were not a regular part of their outfits, although, they were present in the assemblages in small numbers. Metal plates, cups and utensils were much more common, although Blee suggests that many transient men in Skagway would have taken advantage of free saloon lunches and eaten in restaurants on a regular basis, rather than preparing their own meals. The family household comparative assemblage (Table 1) is instructive as families, households that include women andlor children, are often associated with permanence in mining communities. Men who brought their wives with them to the goldfields were seen as intending to make a permanent home (Blee 1991: 178). The most obvious artifacts predicted to occur in family household assemblages are female-specific and child-specific personal items (Blee 199194-6). Higher relative frequencies of decorated
Table 1. Absolute and relative frequencies for Blee's (199 1: 158,177) transient male and family comparative assemblages. Artifact Category Transient Male Family Household n % n % Food Storage Containers 3 0 3 48 1 20 Decorated Dishes 5 0 190 8 Undecorated Dishes 16 2 202 8 Other Household Items 52 6 21 1 9 Generic Personal Items 393 43 227 10 Child-Specific Items 0 0 40 2 Female-Specific Items 0 0 65 3 Male-Specific Items 146 16 70 3 Liauor-Related Items 45 5 438 18 Bottle Stoppers and Caps 5 1 107 5 Pharmaceutical Bottles 22 2 142 6 Armaments 90 10 65 3 Other Artifacts 10 1 11 139 6 Total 1 905 100 1 2377 [ 100 1
ceramics, pharmaceutical bottles, and canning jars were also predicted for family assemblages. Liquor-related items were expected to be present in low numbers. Overall, Blee expected family household assemblages to contain a more diverse range of artifacts than transient male assemblages. Blee (199 1: 132- 157) used 14 individual collections from sites known to have been occupied by families to construct the family household comparative assemblage. Family collections were taken from sites in Skagway, Alaska; Georgetown, Colorado; Rochester Heights, Nevada; Bingham's Lumber Camp, Oregon; Simpson Springs, Utah; and Alwopa, Silcott and Texas, Washington (Blee 1991 : 157). Once again the comparative assemblage was created by summing each artifact category from all 14 sites. The comparative assemblage compares relatively well with the predicted attributes of family household assemblages. Food storage bottles (including canning jars), both decorated and undecorated ceramics and other household items have high relative frequencies. Female-specific and child-specific personal items are both present, but with low relative frequencies. Liquor related artifacts did not fit with the predicted frequencies, and were in fact higher than expected (Blee 199 1: 15 8).
Transience in Dawson City The Klondike Stampede represents a spike in the level of transience in the Canadian north, and much of the research done on the gold rush acknowledges this transient population. Three historical studies, by Helper (1945), Guest (1982) and Porsild (1994), have explored the issue in more detail and the results are summarized below. In an analysis of social disorganization in Dawson City during the gold rush, Helper (1 945) devoted considerable attention to the town's large floating population. Defining social disorganization as the "decrease of existing social rules of behaviour upon individual members of the group," Helper (1945:67), examined the community for indicators of disorganization: crime, alcoholism, unemployment, transience, prostitution, poverty, sickness, insanity, suicide, and political corruption. Not surprisingly, Helper (1945:68) found evidence for almost all of these indicators. She concludes that society in early Dawson was characterized by social disorganization, and that this hindered the development of communal institutions that would have provided a stabilizing effect in the community (Helper l945:89). Causes of social disorganization identified by Helper include many of the characteristics that form the backbone of gold rush mythology: the presence of social outcasts from other places in North America, disproportionate numbers of foreigners, the countless saloons and prevalence of prostitution. The more interesting factors identified by Helper are the breakdown of the "Sourdough's Code", the "Stampede Attitude", the rapid growth of Dawson City's population and the community's isolation from the outside world. Helper's attention to the historical context of the gold rush is a real strength in her analysis, particularly as she contrasts the individuals involved in the Klondike Stampede with the prospectors present in the Yukon prior to August 1896. The Sourdough's Code consisted of unwritten rules of behaviour for miners in the Yukon prior to the Klondike and was based largely on "brotherliness, honesty, trust and loyalty" (Helper l945:gO). These were practical rules adopted by individuals experienced with life in isolated and sparsely populated regions, where prospectors realized the importance of looking out for one another. This moral code worked well for the small population of miners that shared a similar approach to life based on mutual experience. Helper (1945) accurately identifies the motivations of people who joined the rush to the Klondike as one of personal gain. Simply put "[mlost of the newcomers came to dig gold, to make a fortune and to leave the inhospitable land with its hardships as soon as possible. They had not come to settle in Dawson" (Helper 1945: 10 1). These individuals used Dawson primarily as a base, and were always ready to leave. This attitude is a key concept in the present study. The "Stampede Attitude" was a combination of inexperience, a focus on personal gain and a lack of interest in the long- term welfare of the community that resulted in a breakdown of the Sourdough's Code. The transient newcomers are the key to Helper's argument. The stampede brought with it a tremendous number of people who had to be absorbed into a community for which they felt no commitment, a mixture that was sure to create chaos. Each of the identified causes is valid and important to an understanding of the community. Helper's comparison, however, appears to be based on modern, established communities in central Canada or the United States. While it might be difficult for a well-established community to accommodate an influx of ten thousand people in a period of months, Dawson, as a newly forming mining camp would not have encountered the same stresses. A second concern with Helper's approach is her treatment of the indices of social disorganization in a presence/absence framework. Dawson exhibited evidence of almost all the characteristics sociologists have associated with social disorganization; therefore, the community was disorganized. Each of the indicators of disorganization currently exists in every modern city in North America. Labelling Dawson as socially disorganized during the gold rush does not tell us much about the community. Guest (1982), like Helper, recognizes a direct connection between the large floating population in Dawson and many of the community's social problems. His demographic analysis of Dawson City's population presents some interesting insights into transience in the community. Perhaps most important for the present study was his discovery that the gold rush did not end as abruptly in 1899 as so many have thought. Instead, he creates a picture of a community with a large proportion of its population continuously shifting over a ten year period. New discoveries in Alaska, such as Nome and Fairbanks, drew large numbers of people, potentially in the thousands, away from Dawson. Guest's results indicate that people continued to arrive and leave during this period, even though the main stampede had subsided. Guest (1982:68) based his research on the Polk Directories, which first appeared for Dawson in 1903 and were subsequently published every two years until 1918. Taking a sample of individuals from the 1903 directory, he checked the appearance of those individuals in the following issues of the directory. His results indicated that two-thirds of the sampled individuals from 1903, were not listed as residents two years later, and by 1907 over eighty percent of the sampled individuals had left Dawson. These numbers are striking, as the analysis starts four years after the rush was generally considered to have ended. By 1907, over half of the sampled individuals listed in the 1905 directory were gone; by 1909 this number was over sixty percent. For the remainder of the decade the frequency of departures prior to four years residence remained greater than fifty percent (Guest 1982:70). Comparison of the proportion of people from his sample leaving Dawson, with the total population listed in the various directories, indicates that while the rate of people leaving the community was high, there continued to be a significant number of people arriving in the community. He estimates that the effects of the gold rush in terms of new arrivals continued until at least 1910. It is important to note that the directories used in the analysis likely under represent the transient element of the population (Guest 1982:69,73). Guest also examined persistence among the community's population with data from the directories. Defined as "the proportion of the population which remains in a specific area for a given time, usually a decade" (Guest l982:77), he calculated his persistence figures by dividing the number of continuous residents in his samples by the total number of individuals in each sample. As one would expect, the results demonstrated increasing persistence levels through time, peaking in 1909 when 30% of the population had lived in the community for a decade. The analysis also indicates that individuals involved in professional and mercantile occupations exhibited the highest levels of persistence. Porsild (1 994) has taken a community studies approach with her investigation into the experiences of the inhabitants of Dawson City during the gold rush, asking questions about the community's formation and growth, the existence of sub-communities, and the meaning of the community to the men and women who lived there (Porsild 19945). Like Helper and Guest, Porsild spends a considerable amount of time on the issue of transience and persistence. Contrary to the prevailing perception of transience in Klondike literature, she argues the population of Dawson City demonstrated a high degree of persistence. Where Guest emphasized the influence of the large floating population on the character of Dawson, Porsild (19945) has asserted the importance of the permanent residents' roles in community development. Her analysis of Dawson City's population is based on the census taken by the North West Mounted Police during the winter of 1898-1899, the Manuscript Census of 1901 and a master database she created by compiling information on all individuals mentioned in primary and secondary sources relating to the Klondike. While the author discusses a number of problems associated with each of the three databases, their use in combination lends strength to the analysis, as illustrated by the close correspondence of figures generated from these sources. Porsild (1994:60) uses persistence as a measure of the Dawson residents' commitment to their community. This analysis was made solely with data from the Manuscript Census of 1901, which recorded the year individuals arrived in town. Residence in the community for a period of three years was considered to be evidence of an individual's persistence. No explanation is given for the selection of the three-year period. Based on this measure, Porsild (1 994:6 1) found that 65% of the population of Dawson City in 1901 demonstrated persistence. Forty-four percent of the population had been in the community for four or five years, and 5% had been resident for more than five years (Porsild 1994:353). The highest degree of persistence was observed among merchants, professionals and miners (Porsild l994:6O, 14 1). Porsild (1994) also challenges the perception of social disorganization in Dawson, arguing that social divisions developed early in the community. Key factors in this social order were ethnicity, occupation and family. Members of the upper levels of society included the government officials, doctors, lawyers, teachers, clergy, and prominent individuals in the commercial sector. These people were accustomed to the social divisions of the Victorian Era, and sought to maintain this order in Dawson. Also of importance is the recognition that membership at the top of the social order was not determined by wealth alone. Porsild (1994:300) notes that prominent and wealthy miners, who demonstrated a commitment to the community, existed more on the fringes of the upper levels of society. Other wealthy miners were not included at all.
Conclusion This chapter situates transience during the Klondike Gold Rush within the broader context of a changing western society. Seen within the context of increasing industrialization and urbanization, three factors encouraged many, if not most, of the gold rush participants to leave for Dawson City. First, following a new opportunity was less of an issue given the increase in mobility within North American society during the middle to late nineteenth century. Second, by the time news of the Klondike discovery reached the outside world the gold rush was a well-known phenomenon. Most people who participated in previous rushes came away poorer than they would have been if they had stayed home, but for society as a whole the popular image of easily obtained wealth remained. Finally, the depression of the late 1800s magnified the effect of the Klondike gold discovery. After a decade of depression, news of the discovery of gold may have had a greater effect than if the period leading up to it had seen growth and prosperity. Previous studies of transience in Dawson City demonstrate several important elements of the transient population of Dawson City during the gold rush, but not all are in agreement. Helper (1945) and Guest's (1982) recognition of the effects the large floating population on the characteristics of the community is critical to an understanding of Dawson City's development. Helper's analysis seems to downplay or ignore structure in the social order of the community that is evident early in its development. Porsild has succeeded in demonstrating the existence of this order, but in doing so limits the role and influences of the transient population. Each of these discussions treats transience as an explanation for various characteristics of the community, rather than examining the nature of transience and the interactions between permanent and temporary members of society. Disagreement on the scale of transience in Dawson City is also evident, an issue that has significant implications for our understanding of community development. Porsild does not deny that people in Dawson came and went, but challenges previous views on the degree of transience and its influence, arguing instead that the population of Dawson exhibited a high degree of persistence. She considers residence of three years or more as evidence of persistence and an indication of the individual's commitment to the community. Guest claims the opposite, despite the fact that their definitions of transience and persistence differ by only a year, and Guest's is the longer of the two periods. This leaves the issue of transience at an impasse. How do we establish a relevant period upon which to differentiate transience from persistence? Anticipated mobility resolves this issue as it is not tied to length of occupation. Brooks' (1995a) assertion that anticipated mobility was a more important factor in the creation of the archaeological record than social class is also important as the stampeders' financial situations no doubt varied greatly. Certainly those transients who had sufficient funds could stay in hotels, boarding houses, or rental houses in town. We cannot, however, assume that everyone who lived on the hillside was poor. Wombwell (n.d.), in the Klondike for just a year, was able to work a claim, but prior to acquiring this ground he rented a cabin on the hillside that he maintained after he began mining for return trips to Dawson City. While Brooks' conception of prospectors as a subculture is consistent with the early Yukon prospectors, there are significant differences between these miners and the bulk of the people who made up the Klondike Gold Rush. Stampeders were not initiates of the prospector subculture as described by Brooks. They were individuals from all walks of life, few of whom had any experience with the type of life that they had just begun. They likely had some direct or indirect experience with mobility and saw a connection between mobility and opportunity, making anticipated mobility a valuable analytical concept. Differences between the early Yukon prospectors and stampeders are addressed in the following chapter. Although an unknown number of the stampeders continued the search for gold in the north and elsewhere following the Klondike rush, during the stampede they were not necessarily committed to a lifestyle based on constant mobility. Similarly, although the frenzied pace of the rush allowed many people to step beyond the strict confines of Victorianism (e.g., women wearing men's clothing,) they could only escape it on the trail. It is true that Dawson had a carnival like atmosphere, but, as Porsild claims, the structure was there and its basis was late nineteenth - early twentieth century southern North American society. The Klondike Gold Rush has much in common with other western gold rushes. Isolated as it was, Dawson City was intimately tied into the larger capitalist system through major urban centres in both Canada and the United States. Principle among these connections were transportation systems that efficiently moved large numbers of people and the necessary supplies into the north. The substantial numbers of transients that participated in the Klondike Stampede were one component of the increasing mobility in North American society. Men and women of numerous nationalities joined the rush with the hope of escaping the changes in their lives brought about by a shifting economy. Yet industrial capitalism followed close behind, and as in all gold rushes there was only a limited period of opportunity for the individual. At the centre of it all Dawson City was a new, urban community struggling with issues of its own permanence. CHAPTER THREE
DEVELOPMENT OF MINING IN THE YUKON AND THE KLONDIKE STAMPEDE
Introduction This chapter provides background information and a chronological framework for mining in the Yukon and the Klondike Stampede. A discussion of early mining in the Yukon drainage is presented in the first section. Its purpose is to trace the development of mining society in the Yukon between the 1873 and 1896. Prior to the Klondike discovery the social context of the Yukon miners' society underwent changes that altered the nature of transience in the region. These changes were magnified by the Klondike rush. Discussion of the changes taking place in early mining society and the motivations of, and trials faced by those who joined the subsequent stampede provides a foundation for the examination of transience in Dawson City and the role the community played in the development of the Yukon. The second section examines the Klondike Stampede itself focusing on the driving forces and its participants. While not a key element in this study of transience in Dawson City, the stampede was an important experience for everyone who arrived in the Klondike during the boom years.
Mining in the North: 1873-1896 Robert Campbell made the first recorded observation of gold in the Yukon in 1847 (Korodcil l970:46), followed by a Hudson's Bay Company employee posted at Fort Yukon, in 1864 (Ogilvie 19 13:85-86). Neither men acted upon their discoveries since at that time the fur trade was to dominate European enterprise for the next 10 years. Prospectors first entered the Yukon basin in July 1873, when Arthur Harper and four men arrived at Fort Yukon (Weppler 1969, Friesen 1978, Helper 1945) soon followed by Leroy "Jack" McQuesten, Alfred Mayo and James McKipp who arrived several weeks later. Harper, McQuesten and Mayo were prospectors and traders, and along with Joseph Ladue, who arrived in the Yukon in 1882, are remembered by history as some of the key figures in search for Yukon gold. All of these men had prospected in different districts before their arrival in the Yukon, including California, Arizona, New Mexico, the Black Hills of South Dakota, and the Fraser River, Cassiar and Omenica districts in British Columbia (Gates 1994:7, Haskell 1998:270). These four men had followed the search for gold north and were the on vanguard of what was to come. They made their most significant contribution, however, as traders, setting up an informal infrastructure within the Yukon that made continued prospecting feasible and to a certain extent more desirable (Wright 1976). They initially sent letters encouraging others to prospect the tributaries of the Yukon River, and as the number of miners increased, supplying the outfits required. George Holt made the next significant move into the Yukon, when he managed to cross the Chilkoot Pass (Figure 5) in 1878, and reported finding course gold in the interior (Dawson 1975:377, Wright 1976, Friesen 1978). Members of the Chilkat First Nation closely guarded the pass, as this route was key to their trading activities in the interior. This kept the numbers of miners able to access the Yukon low until a compromise was reached with the Chilkats. The first party, consisting of 20 miners, crossed the pass and arrived at the headwaters of the Yukon River in mid-July 1880 (Friesen 1978: 12, Wright 1976:137). Subsequently the numbers of miners entering the Yukon by the Chilkoot Pass increased during the early 1880's. During the early period of mining in the Yukon the prospectors who came into the territory, generally referred to as old timers, were primarily experienced miners. Their population was small and sparsely distributed throughout a vast region. Men tended to work in pairs or small groups, but membership was fluid (Power 1976:46). The Euroamerican population was male dominated, however, many of the miners were married to or lived with First Nations women. Power (1976) identifies a communal and egalitarian organization as characteristic of old timer society in the Yukon, where supplies and information were apparently shared freely whenever individuals met. Many DyeaISkagway to Dawson City
f/- - - Routcs fro~nDyca and Skagn;~? crosscd the Cl~ilkootand Whitc passcs rcspccli\.cly. Inct at Liodeman or Bcnlrtt :II~tlicn continued down thc YII~OII Ri\cr to Dawon City.
-0'"
I- hi-
~lzite/ior~( White one Rapids Miles* 1 Canyon .-- Lahc 1 ,- m Arhc
Figure 5. This map shows both the different rivers prospected prior to the Klondike discovery and the primary route and settlements in the Yukon during the stampede (routes based on Price 1898, after Hammond World Atlas 1980:94). people were concerned more with their lifestyle in the north, than obtaining wealth through their activities (Weppler 1969:36, Power 1976). This was demonstrated by miners who would head south during the winter, spend their entire earnings living a life of luxury, and then return to the north the following spring to start the cycle again (Burley 1985: 19). It is further shown by the reduction in size of the Fortymile claims during the initial rush to that site. This was decided at a miner's meeting with the intent that those 'in country' could have an equal share as well (Gates 1994). Early Yukon mining society lacked a hierarchical structure with the attendant positions of authority (Stone 1983:203). Issues and conflicts that required the attention of a larger segment of the population were addressed through the miner's meeting, "a gathering of all those men who chose to attend when someone called an assembly to discuss a particular issue or dispute or to formulate any rules which were going to be recognized in a particular camp" (Stone 1983:212). One individual was elected to chair the meeting and the decision was made by an open vote. The first reported miners' meeting held in Canadian territory was in 1886 (Wright 1976:250). Frank Leslie and a man known as Missouri Frank were both banished from the district by miners meetings, Leslie for attempting to kill his partners and Missouri Frank for stealing butter (Gates 1994:29). Prior to 1882 miners returned to the coast in the fall after the prospecting season. During the 1882 season a group of 12 miners, including Joe Ladue, wintered with McQuesten at Fort Reliance (Wright 1976, Friesen 1978). Stone (1983:204), citing Goodrich (1897:132), states that 50 miners wintered over in the interior in 1882, though he does not identify where they stayed. Typically, the traders would establish posts near the centres of mining activity. McQuesten and Harper, for example, opened a post at the mouth of the Stewart in response to the increased activity. Harper also opened a post near old Fort Selkirk and another, that he named Ogilvie, opposite the mouth of the Sixtymile River. The discovery of coarse gold on the Fortymile River by Howard Franklin and Henry Madison, was perhaps the most important event of 1886. In October they returned to Stewart spreading the news of their discovery (Ogilvie 19 13, Weppler 1969), which created a stampede to the Fortymile River. The Fortymile became the new focal point for mining in the territory. A miners meeting was held in March at McQuesten's cabin, and Fred Harte was elected mining recorder for the new district (Stone 1983:211). During the summer or early autumn of 1887, McQuesten and Harper moved their store from the Stewart River to the mouth of the Fortymile River, and a small community began to develop around the post. The first method of mining had been skim-digging, which recovered gold from the upper two or three feet of the gravel bars before miners often encountered permafrost. During the winter of 1887, miners began using a fire thawing technique to get through the permafrost and access the rich gravels overlying bedrock. This change in mining technology had a significant influence on social organization in the Yukon (Stone 1983:208). It allowed miners to work their claims all winter, stockpiling gravel to be run through the sluices in spring, resulting in a larger year round population. This resulted in the first shift from temporary camps to a larger community. Businesses in addition to the single trading post appeared in Forty Mile. The North American Transportation and Trading Company (N.A.T.&T.) opened a post to compete with McQuesten's Alaska Commercial Company (A.C.Co.) operation. The settlement also had saloons, dance halls, bakeries, a blacksmith shop and a barber, among other establishments. By the time news of the Fortymile gold fields had spread and the population had increased, its character changed. The old timers were no longer the majority. Instead newcomers were the main element in the population, and unlike the old timers, they were only there to get rich. Through the influence of these individuals the miners' meetings changed from thoughtfid attention to important matters to a less serious fhction (Stone 1979:87). In 1893, for example, J.J. Healy of the N.A.T.&T. fired a woman employed by the company for staying out all night after she had been warned against it. A concerned citizen in Forty Mile called a miners' meeting, which quickly decided in favour of the employee (Weppler 1969:32, Wright 1976:256). Healy was ordered to pay the woman one year's wages, which he did under protest. Later it was revealed that Healy had been set up, and the man who had called the meeting was the former employee's lover, and he had also collected her money. In 1893 the Canadian government, at the urgings of Healy, a clergyman and William Ogilvie (Wright l976:257), dispatched a Northwest Mounted Police contingent into the Yukon. Inspector Charles Constantine and Staff Sergeant Charles Brown arrived in the Yukon in August 1894. Beyond asserting Canadian Authority, they were to collect taxes and duties and assess the region's requirements for a permanent force. Constantine recommended a police force of 40, but the federal government sent 20. They arrived at Forty Mile in June of 1895 (Wright 1976:268), and began construction of Fort Constantine on the left bank of the Fortymile River, between the townsite and Fort Cudahy. The North West Mounted Police quickly asserted their authority over that previously held by the miner's meeting, and were welcomed by the old timers who had witnessed the degradation of their system of justice (Stone 1979). News of the Fortymile and Circle City goldfields continued to draw large numbers of people into the Yukon basin (Weppler 1969, Stone 1979, 1983, Burley 1985). These newcomers did not share the values and rules of the old timer's society and the end of this type of lifestyle was apparent. This change is evidenced by the formation of the Yukon Order of Pioneers. Burley (1985:20) viewed this as an attempt by old timers to uphold and preserve the principles by which they lived their lives.
The Klondike Stampede Exactly who should be credited with the discovery of the Klondike gold fields was a matter of debate during the gold rush. In 1898, Adney (1994) attempted to establish the sequence of events that lead to the discovery, but found that even at such an early date there were gaps in the story. In 1896, Robert Henderson was working a claim on Gold Bottom Creek (now known as Hunker Creek), a tributary of the Klondike River. He had been urged to try the Indian River drainage by Joseph Ladue, and in the course of prospecting had crossed the divide in the Klondike River Basin. After a trip back to Ladue's Sixty Mile post for supplies, Henderson decided to try to return to Gold Bottom via the Klondike River. At the mouth of the Klondike, Henderson met George Carmack, his wife Kate, Kate's brother Skookum Jim, and their cousins Tagish Charlie, and Patsy Henderson. Following the unwritten miner's code Henderson told Carmack of his discovery on Gold Bottom and invited him to stake a claim. Accounts are divided on what part of Carmack's party travelled to Gold Bottom, but at minimum Carmack, Skookum Jim and Tagish Charlie made the trip. Although Carmack staked a claim on Goldbottom, he was not overly impressed with the creek. On the way back to their fish camp, they stopped on Bonanza Creek (then known as Rabbit Creek) and made their famous discovery on 16 August 1986. Guest (1 982) has outlined three rushes to the Klondike. Soon after staking, Carmack and Tagish Charlie went to Forty Mile to record their claims. News of their discovery spread quickly in the community and by all accounts nearly the entire population left for the Klondike. Two hundred Forty Mile miners hired a steamship to take them to the mouth of the Klondike (Guest 1982:26). By this time Ladue had already staked what was to become Dawson City, and by the first of September had started to build the settlement's first structure (Ladue l897:5). When William Haske11(1998:240) arrived at Forty Mile he found that "[tlhe greater part of the place had vanished, moved bag and baggage to the "Thronduik". .." Haskell continues with "Men who had been drunk for weeks and weeks, infact, were tumbled into the boats and taken up without any knowledge that they were travellers." (1998:244). By January 1897, 500 claims had been staked (Gates 1994: 141). Later that month news of the Klondike discovery reached Circle City. During the next three months miners left Circle for the Klondike. Guest (1982:30) marks the spring break-up of 1897 as the beginning of the second rush to the Klondike. In addition to those coming up river from Circle City, were people floating down the Yukon River. Most of these south bound miners were heading for Circle, never having heard of the Klondike. When they arrived at Dawson City most of the primary creeks had been completely staked (Haskell 1998:286); some Circle City miners resorted to searching for fractions or small sections of creek bed improperly claimed by over measurement (Ogilvie 19 l3:208). By this time the quantity of gold in some of the claims on Bonanza and Eldorado creeks was coming to light. Haskell describes an example as: a pay-streak nine feet thick, one hundred and fifty feet wide, and five hundred feet long, every pan of which, so far as could be ascertained by sinking prospect holes to bed-rock in various parts of the claim, would contain over one dollar in gold, some of them as high as two-hundred and fifty dollars. Nor was this the exception, but the rule (1998:288).
Klondike claims considered to be of little value early on, were now bringing sale prices in the tens of thousands of dollars. A Seattle man purchased a claim on Eldorado Creek for the sum of $85 in January, and sold it only a few months later for $3 1,000 (Haskell 1998:323). During the 1897 season miners began to make their first trips outside since the discovery on Bonanza Creek. Although word of the strike had been sent outside previously, news of the Klondike did not reach the wider public until the streamer Portland arrived in Seattle 17 July 1897. The Seattle Post-Intelligencer, aware of the Portland's cargo, sent reporters aboard a tug to meet the steamer before it landed (Hunt 1974:30). The paper's headlines proclaimed a cargo of $700,000 in gold shared among 68 miners. The Excelsior had arrived in San Francisco two days prior to the Portland reaching Seattle. After interviewing many of the miners aboard the Excelsior, H.A. Stanley wrote a letter about the richness of the Klondike that was picked up by the Associated Press Service (Newell 1986:102) and thus entered the world's media. Carmack's discovery in the Klondike was well timed to create a substantial gold rush. The year 1896 marked the tail end of nearly twenty years of depression, and was only a decade after workers in the United States had experienced a period of strikes and unemployment on a scale not seen before (Trachtenberg 1995). News of the gold strike seemed to offer wealth to all those willing to go; an opportunity to escape the limitations created by the growing industrial economy. Not only did the news spread quickly, there was also great quantities of it. West coast cities were well positioned to reap the benefits of a large gold rush, and the local governments and commercial enterprises competed with each other through publicity campaigns. Vancouver newspapers urged the federal government to immediately establish custom points in the Yukon, in an attempt to get more business to come through their city instead of states south of the boarder (MacDonald l968:NO). Newell's (1986: 102) analysis of the publicity surrounding the Klondike Gold Rush, highlights its circular and compounding character. Commercial activity created by news of the discovery found its way back into the newspapers. Newspapers and businesses also applied pressure to the government, and any political decisions reflecting the north were then reported in the newspapers, resulting in a continuous stream that kept the Klondike in the news and before the public. For those determined to join the rush, an enormous number of guide books appeared on the market soon after news of the discovery reached the outside world. A quick, unsystematic search of Klondike references identified more than 80 guides published in either 1897 or 1898. This number does not include personal narratives also published in the same two years, by people who had been to the Yukon. Authorship, and consequently quality of these volumes varied considerably, from experienced northerners such as William Ogilvie and Joseph Ladue, to those published anonymously. The better volumes contained a variety of useful information on climate and routes into the gold fields. Other important information in these publications include lists of supplies stampeders would need, and information respecting mining laws and regulations. That Klondike became a household word is not surprising, given the amount of media attention it attracted; in 1897 and 1898 it may have been hard not to see or hear something about the gold rush on a daily basis. Estimates of the number of people who actually joined the rush to Dawson range as high as 100,000 from across the world (Innis 1936:191). Many who could not make the trip themselves formed syndicates, or helped fund a friend or relative. Adney captured the prevailing mood: Every class in the community was affected. Companies were formed and stock offered to the public merely on the strength of starting for the Klondike. Men threw up good positions in banks, and under the government; others, with homes and families, mortgaged their property and started; while those who could not command the one to two thousand dollars considered as the very least necessary to success were grub-staked by friends equally affected by the excitement but unable to go in person (1 994:6). Port cities on the west coast were crowded with people buying Klondike outfits (contents of outfits are listed in Appendix A, Tables A1-A4). Every ship leaving the west coast for the north was completely booked, some beyond reasonable capacity. Pictures of Seattle and Victoria from this period show goods piled in the streets, including everything from canned vegetables to boats. Anything that could conceivably be sold to stampeders was being advertised, and the stampeders were so anxious to go after their fortune, and so uninformed about the north that almost everything found a buyer. A wide variety of different routes to the Klondike were advertised; the Canadian Pacific Railway's pamphlet listed seven (Rickard 1946:10). The all water route took stampeder's up the Pacific coast to St. Michaels at the mouth of the Yukon River (Figure 1). From here they boarded a sternwheeler for a journey of nearly 2000 miles upstream. While this trip required the least personal effort, it was expensive and time consuming. Mary Hitchcock and Edith Van Buren, two wealthy Americans, undertook the trip to Dawson as an adventure. Hitchcock (1899) published an account of their trip, in which she indicates that they had a guide that provided information about different points along the river. Much effort, by a variety of different groups, was spent trying to promote an entirely Canadian route into the Yukon. Two routes left from Edmonton, Alberta (Figure 1). Those who chose this way had the option of an overland or a water route. Neither, unfortunately, took them to the Klondike very quickly. Fifteen hundred people set out from Edmonton, but only half made it all the way to Dawson (MacGregor 1970: 1). Eben McAdam (1954a, b, c), of Montreal, travelled to Duck Lake, Saskatchewan, where he began the trip to the Klondike on 12 March 1898. McAdam's route joined with those people departing from Edmonton north of the city at Fort McMurray. Their route followed the McKenzie River north to Arctic Red River and Fort McPherson, up the Peel River to Wind City where they wintered. Near the end of January they began working their way into the Stewart River drainage leading to the Yukon River. McAdam reached Dawson 15 June 1899 (McAdam 1954c:47). Two mountain passes, the Chilkoot and the White, located near the head of Lynn Canal, were the shortest and most popular routes into the interior (Figure 5). Steamers from the south unloaded passengers and freight at the American towns of Skagway and Dyea. Here arrangements had to be made to transport their requisite one ton of supplies over the passes. Individuals who could afford the extra expense hired packers to transfer their goods to the summit. Frederick Wombwell (n.d.: 1I), who had set out from London, England, on 10 February 1898, was one of the lucky ones. Having arranged to have his outfit packed over the White Pass for him, he left Skagway on 14 April and found the trail to be one of the hardest he had ever experienced. En route he passed people packing with horses, oxen, dogs and many carrying loads on their own backs. Some of these latter stampeders would have had to make as many as thirty trips packing or pulling their provisions on a sleigh. Although pack animals could be used on the White Pass trail, the death toll of horses reached unbelievable numbers. Animals were used on the lower section of the Chilkoot Trail, but once the real climb began people had to shoulder all the burden. When the last trip to the summit of the pass was completed the task began again, hauling the supplies down to lakes Lindeman and Bennett. Mart Howard left Webster, Massachusetts, on 20 October 1897 and arrived in Dyea on 21 January 1898. His party began packing their outfits over the Chilkoot trail with dogs and oxen (Avery 1959:36). By the middle of February, the group had managed to reach the summit. Transferring their supplies from the summit to Lake Lindeman took a month. From Lindeman they continued packing their outfits to Lake Bennett and then Tagish Lake, using sleds equipped with sails. Howard and his partner stopped to build a boat near the British Columbia/Yukon border. Wombwell's 2,000 pounds of supplies reached the White Pass summit on 16 April. Starting the next day, he had to transfer his outfit from the summit to Bennett himself on a sleigh. Making the journey in a number of sections, he would take a sleigh full, sometimes as much as 450 pounds, to a temporary cache and then return for another load. Although Wombwell does not state how many trips he had to make, he does note that he finally had everything landed at Bennett on 1 May. It took fifteen days to move his outfit approximately 27 kilometres. Settlements developed at both the north end of Lake Lindeman and the southern end of Lake Bennett. At the peak of the gold rush Bennett had a population of some 20,000 people (Hems and Nieuwhof 1994: I), most of them stampeders anxious to be on their way to Dawson. The town contained hotels, an office of the N.W.M.P., a large church (St. Andrews) and a variety of commercial enterprises. Colonel Samuel Steele was the head officer of the N.W.M.P. along the Canadian side of the trail. He (Steele 19 15:53) had joined the force almost at its inception and served on the prairies before being sent north in early February 1898. At his Bennett headquarters, Steele's (1915:302) day began at 5:00 am; at 10:OO am he began consultations with stampeders, who wanted information or needed disputes settled, which lasted into the night. From Lindeman and Bennett the journey could continue on the water, as the lakes ultimately drained into the Yukon River. At this point most stampeders had to construct boats. In the spring of 1897 the Northwest Mounted Police counted more than 1500 boats under construction at Lindeman and Bennett (Neufeld 1991:7). Unless they had packed lumber over the pass, they faced an arduous task. Trees of suitable size had to be found, felled and transported to camp at a time when there were hundreds of other people after them as well. The next step required a saw-pit be constructed and boards whip- sawn from the logs. It was not long before sawmills were in operation, such as King's Sawmill at Bennett (Neufeld 199 1:7); if one was lucky they could purchase lumber, if they had enough money they could purchase a completed boat. Boat style varied with the experience of the builder, but the most common type was a flat bottomed skiff or scow (Adney 1994: 120). When the ice finally went out in the spring of 1898 the N.W.M.P. enumerated 7000 boats beginning the voyage to Dawson. On one day alone, Steele (1 91 5:3 10) counted more than 800 boats on Lake Bennett. The river trip offered hazards of its own, particularly for those people with no previous experience on the water, and too often travelling in poorly designed and constructed boats. A wide and ever changing river, the Yukon had to be watched constantly so the boats stayed in the deep channels. A wrong choice could leave one stranded on a gravel bar, far from assistance. Julius Price (1898: 158) and his party came upon a man stranded on an island, his face was swollen from mosquito bites, and he had no boat. Rescue proved to be out of the question, as the strong current prevented landing on the island, and the marooned man had to wait for the next boat. A series of rapids along the Yukon further tested the stampeders mettle. At Miles Canyon the river was constricted by shear rock walls, not 50 m wide. The other side of the canyon was guarded by a whirlpool, and for those who passed beyond, lay the White Horse Rapids. Wombwell provides the following description of his trip through: Once or twice I thought it was all up with us. I had the bow oar, Dunham had the one in the stern, and the Captain was amidships with a long pole to fend off rocks. Before we knew it we were through the canyon and in the .. .Rapids. We passed many wrecked boats, and there were many portions of lost outfits drifting about in the eddies and whirlpools. As we rushed through the White Horse, we ran "head on" to a big rock with an awful thump, and for a moment I thought it was all over, but the boat was stauncher than I thought for; far from going to pieces as I expected, she did not even spring a leak. We were whirled through the final part of the rapids "stern foremost," and we are very thankful to have come through so well (n.d.:43-44).
Steele (1915:3 11) states that before he arrived at Miles Canyon, ten men had died and 150 boats with outfits had been lost in the canyon and rapids. He promptly declared that all women and children must walk around the canyon and no boat would go through unless under the control of a competent pilot. Unlike Wombwell, Howard (Avery 195959) and his partner Sheppard, hired a pilot to see them through the rapids. Price (1898:136) watched some stampeders who chose to loose their boats, allowing them to pass through unoccupied. Further downstream were the Five Finger and Rink rapids. At each step of the journey outfits were swept away and lives lost. Near the end of April 1898, an avalanche on the Chilkoot killed at least 53 people (Steele 19 l5:307). Stewart Campbell (n.d.) and his party packed their outfit over the White Pass and set up camp on Windy Arm, where they set to work constructing a small steamer. In his diary for this part of their journey (16 February - 26 May 1898), Campbell recorded the deaths of eight people. Three men drowned, two accidentally shot themselves, one died of meningitis, and one was murdered. When Campbell passed through Miles Canyon, he observed numerous wrecked boats and large amounts of supplies drying on the river banks. The day after Price (1 898: 154-55) and his party passed through Five Finger Rapids they watched two boats belonging to another party make the passage. The larger of the two boats was half filled with water, but came through alright, the smaller boat emerged from the rapids upside down and its lone occupant was never found. Howard and Sheppard reached Dawson on 22 July 1898, claimed a lot on the hillside and built a cabin (Avery 1959:59). Wombwell arrived in Dawson two days later, and remarked that "night makes no difference in the habits of the people here. From the appearance of the town it might just as well have been noon instead of midnight" (Wombwell n.d.:68). By chance he found two friends who offered to put him up in their cabin on the hillside. Disappointed with their prospects, his friends left the country and Wombwell (n.d.99) took over their cabin, which was rented from a store owner in Dawson. Howard's and Wombwell's boats were no doubt among the hundreds Jeremiah Lynch observed extending for a mile along the river front when the steamer Leah landed him at Dawson on 27 July 1898 (Lynch 1967:28,295). At the recommendation of a fellow passenger, Father J.B. RenC, Lynch pitched his tent on the hillside near the base of the Moosehide Slide. After setting up camp he made his way into town, noting that "At 10 P.M. the sun was shining brightly, and the streets or street was as animated as midday. Thousands of men and many women wandered aimlessly up and down the narrow thoroughfare or drifted into the saloons" (Lynch l967:3O). Those who made it passed all obstacles and arrived in Dawson City found the community swarming with life. Yet after such an arduous trip, they were forced to face the fact that the gold creeks were completely staked, in most cases even before they left home. The Klondike Nugget (23 June 1898:2) noted the presence of these newcomers in the community and chastised them for not realizing that this would be the case before they left their homes. Responses varied, with many simply selling their outfit and heading home. The journey alone had been enough for them. Those that were able, bought claims, others took a "lay" on a claim, providing labour for a portion of the take. Many more simply waited around for the next big strike, creating an ebb and flow in the population as they rushed off to reported new discoveries, generally returning when things did not pan out (Guest 1982).
Conclusion The intent of the foregoing was to illustrate the shifting nature of early prospecting and mining in the Yukon. Many of the early prospectors working the Yukon drainage had been miners in the south and worked their way north moving from one gold discovery to the next. This was certainly true of McQuesten, Harper and Mayo. It also demonstrates that physical mobility was a key component in these men's lives, and one of the characteristics of early mining in the Yukon. Prospectors are transients. Most early prospectors would spend the summer and early fall prospecting and then return to the coast for the winter. Only after 1882, did the number of miners who stayed year round increase. One could perhaps make an argument against a transient residency for people such as McQuesten, Harper, Mayo and Ladue, men who entered the Yukon and remained there most of their lives. Yet, such an argument could only be made at a regional level. Stone (1979:93) notes that even prospectors who invested a considerable portion of their lives in one district, still saw themselves as transient. Yukon traders also moved continuously throughout the Yukon basin. Their business depended upon the miners and the miners were always moving, always ready to pick up and join the next strike. These men typically worked in pairs as partners, or in small groups, and their lives fit well within Brooks' definition of a prospector sub-culture. The discovery of coarse gold in the Fortymile drainage, and the movement of a large segment of the mining population to the new diggings marks the beginning of the next stage of development in the Yukon, which eventually led to the breakdown of the old timers' way of life. The Northwest Mounted Police arrived in Forty Mile initiating the transition to Canadian authority, and replacing the miners' meeting. Newcomers did not share the values and rules of old timer society and the end of this type of lifestyle was apparent. With increasing population size it was no longer possible for all members of the community to know one another (Stevenson 1989:276). The old timers created the Yukon Order of Pioneers in an attempt to protect their values and way of life. New chapters developed in Dawson and other communities and became, for its members, one of the stabilizing institutions discussed by Stephenson (1 979). While the early Yukon prospectors can be recognized as a group with the shared values described above, the same is not possible for the Klondike stampeders (Burley 1985:20-1). The differences are significant enough that Burley proposed that the old timers and newcomers held entirely different cognitive patterns that should be identifiable in the archaeological record. Newcomers were individualistic, competitive, and entirely reliant on supply systems from outside the territory for their survival. Unlike the old timers, stampeders were members of nineteenth century Victorian culture, and when they came to the Yukon they brought Victorian beliefs, values and behaviours with them (Burley l985:Z 1, Stevenson 1989:274). The result was a community - Dawson City - substantially different from anything that had existed previously in the Yukon, in terms of social structure, architecture, material culture and use of space, including ideas about property ownership (Burley 1985:21). While there were differences between old timer and newcomers with respect to the reasons they were in the Yukon, mobility remains a shared characteristic, and anticipated mobility is perhaps even more applicable to the Klondike stampeders than the early prospectors. The two chapters that follow look specifically at Dawson City. CHAPTER FOUR
DAWSON CITY
Introduction This chapter examines the nature of transience within the community of Dawson City through documentary sources. It begins with a brief history of Dawson City between 1896 and 1910, providing historical context within which the nature of transience can be explored. Focus is placed on three key factors in the community's development that are directly related to transience: government, population and mining activity. Dawson City underwent constant change during the period of interest, and these three characteristics serve as indicators of changes that significantly affected the lives of transients. Following this historical summary three sections, Commerce, Industry and Government, examine issues or events that have particular significance for an understanding of transience in the community. The section on Commerce describes Dawson City's commercial sector as context for discussions regarding the role of transient traders in the marketplace, the cost of living that transients faced and the work they were able to find to allow them to stay in the community. This final subsection on occupation concludes with an analysis of the occupations held by individuals who owned property on the Dawson City hillside in the Judge Street area. The Industry section delves further into the development of corporate mining in the Klondike using the Treadgold Concession as a case study. Community members and government officials were divided on the influence large scale mining would have on the district and community. This section demonstrates the ways community members, including transients, organized themselves to fight government decisions that would adversely affect their interests. The final section of the chapter examines four issues that are directly tied to government action. Controlling the undesirable element, which was almost entirely transient, in Dawson City's population was a focus for the N.W.M.P. from the beginning of the gold rush, and one they continued throughout the period of interest. Gamblers were another transient group forced out, primarily by the Dominion Government under
54 pressure from various reform institutions in eastern Canada. Taxation and incorporation are important for an understanding of transience in the community. Examination of these two issues provides insight into the ways people sought to have their voices heard in decisions that affected their lives in Dawson, even if they had no intention of staying.
A Brief Life History Of Dawson City On 1 September 1896, Joseph Ladue (18975) started building the first cabin in the settlement he named Dawson City. According to Guest (1982:25-6), Ladue moved from the Sixty Mile River to the Klondike River based on Robert Henderson's work on Gold Bottom Creek, and was already in the process of staking the townsite when the discovery on Bonanza Creek was made. Ladue began selling lots in the fall of 1896 for $5.00 to $25.00, but as the population increased to approximately 500, land prices grew exponentially (Guest l982:3O). Across the Klondike River from Dawson was Lousetown, later known as Klondike City. Some of the first miners on the scene had purchased cabins in Lousetown from First Nations people' (Ogilvie 19 l3:2 16). When Haskell(1998:240) and his companions arrived at Lousetown they found the river bank crowded with tents. A trail to the creeks ran up the hillside and Haskell(1998:25 1) spent his first night listening as boats continued to arrive and miners who had just staked came back down the trail whooping at their fortune. The second rush, in 1897, doubled the population as would-be miners bound for Circle City began to come down the Yukon River and found Dawson City at the mouth of the Klondike (Guest 1982). The ice broke on 14 May 1897, and the first boats arrived two days later (Ogilvie 1898:216). The town consisted largely of tents, but by the summer of 1897 a business section was beginning to develop with the construction of a number of large log structures along the edge of the Yukon River. Jack McQuesten began construction of the A.C. Co. store and warehouses at Front Street (First Avenue) and King Street in June 1897 (Archibald 1982:11). This was a significant location as the trail to the goldfields (known as the A.C. Trail) left from the east end of King Street, and ran over the hillside behind town. The company owned an entire block in Ladue's townsite, which including the construction of their buildings cost a total of $250,000
1 During recent land claim negotiations Klondike City was returned to the Tr'ondek Hwech'in First Nation. 55 (Archibald 1982: 12). The rival N.A.T.& T. company owned the next block on Front Street. Ladue (1897:5) placed the population at approximately 4000, and the N.W.M.P. were already becoming concerned with the "number of disillusioned men" in town (Guest 1982:36). At this point few in the outside world knew of the discovery. Inspector Constantine was the top Canadian official in the region until 17 August 1897, when the Dominion Government appointed James Walsh the first Commissioner of the Yukon Territory (Bush 1974: 100). With the exception of the chief justice, the Commissioner had full authority over all government business including the N.W.M.P. Walsh left Ottawa near the end of September and had travelled halfway between Bennett and Dawson before stopping for the winter. He did not reach Dawson until May 1898. Based on reports of food shortages in Dawson throughout the winter and the increasing number of people coming into the interior, Walsh ordered each stampeder to carry sufficient provisions for one year (Bush 1974: 103). Once in Dawson, Walsh set about organizing the Yukon Council that was to assist him in governing. He imposed a 10% royalty on gold, and attempted to improve the medical facilities in Dawson by contributing $5000 for St. Mary's hospital, and half that much toward the construction of a second hospital. Both public hospitals constantly operated at full capacity, and with insufficient funds. Dawson also had private hospitals, and there was no lack of doctors; 70 were present at the height of the rush, giving the town a greater ratio of doctors to citizens than Vancouver (Lux 1989: 10 1). Typhoid fever and scurvy were two of the most prevalent afflictions, and resulted in three or four deaths each day (Lux 1989:99). In 1898Il899 the N.W.M.P. census recorded more than 15,000 people in the Dawson area (Porsild 1994:47-48). Sixty percent of the population was American. British subjects comprised 32% of the population. Dawson's first bank opened its tent doors in May 1898 (Guest 19825l), and soon after the first newspaper, the Klondike Nugget, was printed. By spring the following year Dawsonites could also read the Klondike Miner, Midnight Sun, Dawson Daily News and the Sunday Gleaner (Bush 197 1). Ingersoll(1981:106) stated that if Dawson was "not the largest city in the world, it now takes first rank among the liveliest and most thriving." Julius Price's description of the crowds in Dawson's streets during the summer of 1898 is a perfect illustration: Here was a big city growing before our very eyes. It recalled one of those street scenes that have become so popular at recent exhibitions, only this was before the opening ceremony, and they were hurrying up so they could get it finished in time! The footway was blocked to such an extent with men walking, or standing about, or sitting on the piles of timber, that it was with difficulty that we could get along (1898:169-170).
Land values in the townsite increased dramatically. Corner lots in the business section could cost $20,000 (with structure), and a vacant lot on Second Avenue would run $7,000. Rent for a waterfront lot was priced at $10 per frontage foot a month, and it could cost up to $600 a month to rent a cabin (KN 28 June 1898:3). As the stampeders continued to arrive the small floodplain quickly filled with tents. With limited amounts of level ground available and the high costs of property in the townsite, tents soon began to appear on the hillsides around the community. During this period miners worked by hand on individual claims. The majority of digging took place during the winter. Under a thin layer of muck, miners quickly encountered permafrost, and had to set fires in their shafts at night to thaw the ground. The following day the thawed gravel would be dug out, hauled to the surface and added to a growing pile. With the arrival of spring, sluice boxes were built and as soon as water started to flow all activity focussed on the "clean-up", that is, shovelling the winter's dump through the sluice to recover the gold. The Yukon was made a territory in June 1898, and William Ogilvie was appointed Commissioner the following month (Smyth 1991:6). He found that in addition to his duties as Commissioner, he was also the "mayor, city engineer and fire chief' (Morrison 1968:21). His appointment covered some of Dawson City's most boisterous years, as evidenced by Samuel Steele's comment that the Commissioner's term in office was "one long nightmare" (1915:329). By midsummer 1898, individuals within the community were already starting to talk about incorporation (Guest n.d.:82). In 1899 a significant discovery was made at Nome, Alaska, and estimates of the number of people who left Dawson range from 4000 to 7000. Guest (1 982:63) notes that many of these people returned to Dawson in 1900. At the request of the Yukon Council the N.W.M.P. conducted a census in Dawson during the spring of 1900. Results showed a total population of 5,404 (KN 2 May 1900). Men made up 84 % of the population, with records showing 6 16 women and 242 children in the community. Americans were the most prevalent nationality (3,361), followed by British subjects (1,712). Other countries represented in Dawson, all by less than 100 people, include (in descending order): Germany, France, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Russia, Japan, Belgium, Italy, Switzerland, Austria, Greece, Turkey, Portugal, Spain and China. Burley (1979) views the years between 190 1 and 1905 as a period of stabilization in Dawson. Ogilvie's term as Commissioner ended in June 190 1 (Bush 1974:1 13). He was replaced by James Ross. At that time the community had a population of 7,503 (Porsild 1994:342), with equal percentages (40%) of American and British subjects. While the percentage of men in the population (8 1%) remained similar to the previous year, the number of women had more than doubled (1,405). The Canadian government's confidence in Dawson's future was demonstrated by the construction of the large Territorial Administration Building, a new courthouse, post office and telegraph building (Guest 1982:64). Ross confidently expressed his feelings of permanency for the community. The Manuscript Census for 190 1 recorded a population of more than 9,000 for Dawson (Guest l982:68). A proposal for incorporating Dawson City was accepted by the Yukon Council at the end of 1901 (Guest 1982:90), and the first city government was elected early in the new year. In 1902, the city council set to work, issuing the first municipal taxes and spending $15,000 on road work (Guest 1982:95-6). Unfortunately, such spending was difficult for a civic government that suffered considerably and consistently from financial shortfalls. The first corporate dredge in the Klondike started work on Claim 42 n el ow*, Bonanza Creek, in 190 1 (Green 1977:1 1); within two years the owners acquired discovery and adjacent claims and moved the dredge. Proposals for large scale mining started early in the Klondike when a number of people applied for "concessions", leases on large sections of the goldfields that would make hydraulic and dredge mining profitable. Beginning in 1898, the Dominion Government began to grant leases or
The first claim located on any given creek was known as the discovery claim. All subsequent claims were numbered both downstream (below) and upstream (above) from the discovery claim. Claim 42 Below was, therefore, the 42ndclaim downstream from the discovery claim on Bonanza Creek.
58 concessions in the Klondike (Green 1977:18- 19) that covered large areas of ground. A considerable segment of Dawson's population was opposed to these concessions. A considerable amount of energy was expended trying to have the leases cancelled (see Green 1977). Between February and April 1903,800 people left Dawson for Fairbanks and the new discoveries in the Tanana District, Alaska (Innis 1936:222). The exodus was a blow to the community, resulting in a downturn in the economy and cutting into the city's tax base (Guest 1982: 103). Frederick Congdon, former legal advisor to the Yukon Council, was appointed the fourth Commissioner of the territory in March 1903, and Ross was elected as the first Yukon Member of Parliament (Bush 1974: 1 18). Capitalization and mechanical mining methods also gained prominence in 1903 (Innis 1936:223). The Acklen's, for example, began hydraulic mining on their property located on the north side of the Klondike River across from the mouth of Bonanza Creek (Green 1977:91). This type of mining required a large volume of water, and the Acklens received permission to draw water from the Twelve Mile River and Moosehide Creek, which would be transferred to their operations in large flumes. Water from Moosehide Creek was to be brought across the face of the Moosehide slide and along the Dawson hillside. Protests against large concessions continued and met with some success in 1904 when the government cancelled the large concession it had granted A.N.C. Treadgold on Bonanza Creek. Treadgold, however, had been buying claims on Bonanza and other creeks since his first trip into the Klondike, which he continued to hold regardless of the cancellation of his concession. Throughout 1904- 1905 people continued to leave Dawson for Fairbanks (Innis 1936:260). Faced with increased taxes, a petition to return to governance by the Yukon Council was circulated. A plebiscite was held in mid-September 1904 (Guest 1982:105), which favoured removal of the city council. Despite allegations of tampering with the voting process, the Yukon Council revoked the city's charter and once again assumed control of Dawson. William McInnes became the fifth Commissioner of the Yukon in May 1905 (Bush 1974: 127). The approaching end of hand mining began in 1905 with the arrival of large mining corporations (Burley 1979, Guest 1982). The Boyle concession had not been cancelled, and in 1905 the Canadian Klondyke Mining Company was formed and announced that it would construct a power plant and dredge at Bear Creek (Green 1977:141). Both the power plant and dredge began operation in mid-August, and proved very successful over the next few years. Treadgold continued with his plans to develop a power plant and dredging operation for his Bonanza Creek holdings, and had managed to interest the Guggenheims in his project. In 1906 they founded the Yukon Gold Company (Cunynghame 1953:59-60), and started building three dredges. The company also began construction of a power plant on the Twelve Mile River, and took over the Acklen's flume projects. During McInnes term in office, a Miners' Lien bill was enacted providing mine labourers with wage protection in the event of mine closure (Bush 1974:130). Construction of the Klondike Mines Railway to service the goldfields began in March 1905, six years after Thomas O'Brien and his fellow investors had been granted a charter (Johnson 1997:35). Plagued by disagreements by claim owners along Bonanza Creek, work on the line was halted a number of times while issues were settled through the courts. The railway finally reached Grand Forks on 16 July 1906, and regular commercial service began a month later. Slightly more than 30 miles of track had been laid at an estimated cost of one million dollars (Johnson 1997:55). Freight charges to the creeks, which had always been expensive, costing as much as $0.40 per pound in 1898, dropped significantly by 1906 when the railway charged 1 Yi cents per pound. Passenger service was always well below expectations, starting with service six days a week, it was later reduced to three and finally one day per week before being discontinued altogether in the fall of 1911. The Klondike Mines Railway's most profitable years were 19 12 and 19 13, during which it hauled thousands of cords of wood into the goldfields to power steam plants and dredges. The 19 13 season was the last for the Klondike Mines Railway, the four engines were parked in the Klondike City roundhouse in October, and never operated in the Klondike again. The last Commissioner during the period to 19 10 was Alexander Henderson, who took office in June 1907 (Bush 1974:136). His tenure as Commissioner lasted four years, and during this time the Yukon Council became a wholly elected body, with only the Commissioner's post remaining appointed. Large mining companies continued to control the goldfields. Early in the spring of 1907, the flume built across the Dawson hillside began operation, and the Twelve Mile power plant was up and running by the end of May (Green 1977). The Yukon Gold Company had another four dredges under construction, two on Bonanza Creek and two on Hunker Creek; the following season the company had seven dredges in operation. The Yukon Gold Company also introduced contracted labour into the Klondike in 1908, hiring 100 labourers in Vancouver. The ditch bringing water from the Twelve Mile River was completed in 1909 and was immediately used to operate hydraulic monitors. By 1910 the Yukon Gold Company alone employed 600 people, and Joseph Boyle announced that the Canadian Klondyke Mining Company had just contracted to have the world's largest dredge built for its Klondike operations. Mining was now firmly under the control of these two companies. By 191 1 the population of the entire territory had dropped to 8'5 12 (Morrison 1968: 100).
Commerce With its close links to all other components of the community, Dawson's commercial sector provides a useful measure of the community's strength at different times throughout its history. Businesses in the community varied from stores operated by the owner to large enterprises, such as the A.C.Co. and N.A.T.&T., which had their headquarters in large American cities. These two companies had enough capital behind them to also operated a number of steamboats on the river providing transportation for both people and supplies. In 1898 Dawson City's market was hectic as hundreds of disappointed stampeders tried to sell their outfits in addition to the community's retail stores (Mizony 1956: 19). As the boom passed Dawson's commercial sector stabilized and began a slow contraction along with the rest of the region. Depending entirely on outside suppliers for their merchandise, Dawson merchants faced a variety of difficulties (Archibald 198 1:46). One of the primary results of the physical barriers to transportation in the Yukon was high freight charges (Bennett 1978:77), which resulted in high product prices, and gave rise to the high wages paid for most occupations. Prior to completion of the White Pass and Yukon Railway (W.P.8zY.R.) supplies had to be packed over the passes to Lake Bennett, where they could be transferred to boats. Large transportation companies brought supplies by steamer to St. Michael at the mouth of the Yukon, where they would be transferred to riverboats for the long journey to Dawson. Once the W.P.&Y.R. was completed through to Whitehorse in 1900, the upper Yukon River became the primary transportation corridor in and out of the Yukon (Bennett 1978:62). At Whitehorse freight would be transferred to sternwheelers for the three hundred miles that remained to Dawson. It was not long before the W.P.&Y.R. began operating their own steamers, and soon had a monopoly (Coates and Morrison 1988:167), but it did not lead to reductions in freight charges (Bennett 1978:77). These charges became a point of contention between the company and Yukoners. W.P.&Y.R maintained that its rates were necessary for continued operation, yet freight costs could at times exceed the value of the goods being shipped (Bennett 1978:77). Responding to protests from citizens, the Dominion Government ordered the company to reduce its freight charges in 1901. Government measures seemed to do little to actually alleviate the problem. Archibald (1 98 1: 1 18) presents a breakdown of the prices and shipping costs for various items from Vancouver to Skagway, and finally Whitehorse. To ship beef or pork, for example, from Vancouver to Skagway cost $27 per ton. From Skagway the W.P.&Y.R. route charged between $60 and $70 a ton to move these products as far as Whitehorse. Beef purchased at $16 per ton in Vancouver was worth approximately $43 per ton with the addition of shipping costs once it arrived in Skagway. The W.P.&Y.R.'s freight charge varied between 139 and 162 percent of the product's cost after it was landed in Skagway. A comparison of the rates charged by the Canadian Pacific Railway (C.P.R.) and the W.P.&Y .R. (Archibald 1981 : 1 18) further illustrates the reasons Yukoners sought assistance from the government. Different rates were charged depending on the type and quantity of goods shipped. Examples of the prices charged, in cents-per-ton-mile, to ship a car load of goods by the C.P.R. include: flour 56, sugar 76, butter 106 and hay 46. Prices charged by the W.P.&Y.R. to ship these same goods equal: flour 406, sugar 416, butter 546 and hay 506. On average the freight costs for the shipment of goods between Skagway and Whitehorse were 7 to 10 times higher than the costs of shipping those same goods with the C.P.R. in southern Canada. Businessmen in Dawson City also had to order enough stock for almost the entire year. Once the Yukon River froze there was no means of transporting large shipments. This also required the merchant to have sufficient storage space once it arrived. Between 1901 and 1905-06 a consistent pattern in the numbers of different types of stores is evident. After a slight increase in numbers, generally from 1901 to 1902, the quantities of stores began to decrease (Archibald 198 1: 12 1). Thirty grocery stores were present in Dawson during 1901 and 1902; the number rose to 39 the following year, but by 1905 less than half of these remained in business. In 1902 Dawson had 21 general merchandise wholesalers, three years later only seven were listed in city directories. Numbers of hardware dealers, dry good and clothing stores, fruit and confectionary stores, meat merchants and cigar and tobacco dealers all followed a similar pattern of decline. Merchants were not the only ones to suffer, as businesses in the service sector, such as saloons and restaurants, were also reduced in number. Of the numerous ways of classifying these businesses, the most important for the present study is into local merchants and transient traders. Local merchants were those people and businesses who made an investment in opening a store in Dawson City. Transient traders, as the label suggests, took advantage of the market created by the rush, bringing in a shipment of supplies and leaving again as soon as their stock was sold.
Transient Traders In addition to all those seeking their fortunes mining gold, Dawson City also hosted transients who participated in the community by offering goods or services for sale. Known as transient traders or "scow men" (KN 14 April 1901:3), these individuals sought to capitalize on the community's booming market. Dawson's isolation and the rapid increase in population created great demand for goods of almost every description with high prices that offered the potential to make a handsome profit even with transportation costs. Under Yukon law a transient trader was "any person, partnership or company doing business within the Yukon Territory without having any established place of business either as a proprietor, tenant or occupant of any lot of ground subject either to rent or to taxation or in the possession of any private individual within the territory" (as quoted in Archibald 198 1: 142). Transient traders were most prominent at the height of the rush and during the first few years afterward. Aside from low or no overhead these traders had other advantages over the established merchants in Dawson (Archibald 198 1: 3 8). First, they generally handled small quantities, transporting the goods in their own scows. This allowed them to reach Dawson before the steamers employed by the larger commercial interests (Archibald 1981 :70). Being the first to arrive in Dawson after the winter with a consignment of fresh vegetables, fruits or meat guaranteed the trader a healthy profit. Once a load of merchandise was sold the trader would return south for another shipment. Second, the relative speed with which these traders could bring their goods to Dawson allowed them to take advantage of current trends in the market ahead of the larger companies. While there was considerable diversity in the sizes of these operations, and their methods of doing business, they can be divided into three broad categories. First, are what might be call situational traders. Hundreds of stampeders arrived in the Klondike only to find that the area did not meet their expectations, both gold and employment were difficult to find, and as a result they were determined to return home. Many of these people ended up selling items they had brought for their own use before leaving the community, often to acquire the cost of passage outside. Large sections of the waterfiont were covered with makeshift shops comprised of tents with plank counters. Among these sellers were individuals who made an impromptu business of acquiring and reselling outfits. One such individual was Frank Hart, who had brought a consignment of "knock down" beds, chairs and tables that he reassembled and sold. He also purchased outfits from people turning back, noting that there were "plenty of these people who either failed to get a good claim, or who found it was not as easy to make a fortune as it had looked hundreds of miles away from the Klondike" (Hart 1929:20). For many of these sellers such activities offered a means of obtaining the funds needed to start their mining career. These operations ranged fiom small set-ups on the riverbank to large undertakings. Archibald (1981:40) singles out Jeremiah Lynch as an example of someone who speculated in provisions and made a profit. Lynch did not need to participate in this business to acquire funds, and unlike the majority he was in a financial position to take advantage of an opportunity when it arose. A large shipment of merchandise brought in from St. Michaels fell into the hands of a bank when the consignee refbsed to pay the transportation company. Lynch (196750-52) purchased 5,000 sacks of flour for a total of $25,000. With flour selling at $8 a sack in 1898, Lynch's $5 per sack purchase price would allow him to make a good profit. His first task was to move the flour off the riverbank and find a place to store it. Warehouse space in Dawson was at a premium and Lynch was faced with the task of building his own. In the meantime, he had to hire a 24 hour guard for the flour at $1 an hour. Lynch met an acquaintance from Seattle who owned property in Dawson and they came to an agreement over the construction of a storehouse. While Lynch does not state the cost of the warehouse, 250 feet of road through marshy ground cost him $500. Two weeks later when the building was finished he found it was cheaper to buy horses and haul the flour himself rather than hire a teamster. Lynch later purchased additional supplies from the same consignment and in addition to selling these he rented out space in the warehouse. Second, were the scow men, individuals who would bring a boat load of merchandise that would be sold directly off their boat moored at the waterfront. These traders specialized in high demand items that were either not taken in the stampeder's outfit or were quickly used up such as fresh meat, vegetables and dairy products (Archibald 198 1:38). During Dawson's early years all fresh meat, with the exception of wild game, had to be brought in from the south. While the potential profits were great it was a risky and difficult undertaking. Norman Lee left his Chilcotin ranch in the interior of British Columbia on 17 May 1898 with 200 head of cattle bound for Dawson City (Lee 1991). On the way he passed Johnny Harris who was also driving a herd of cattle north. They followed the Telegraph Trail to Telegraph Creek and then proceeded to Teslin, over the Stikine Route, arriving in early October. The cattle were butchered at Teslin and loaded aboard two scows for the river trip to Dawson. On the third day out heavy weather forced the party to land the badly leaking scows that then broke apart on the rocky shore. With the majority of Lee's beef ruined, the party divided its provisions and went their separate ways. The majority of the men built smaller boats and continued to Dawson. Lee returned to Teslin, and eventually made his way to Wrangell where he took a steamer south. He later learned that Harris' scows became frozen in the river and did not reach Dawson either. Chris Bartsch appears to have had better success, in April 1900 he and his wife, Grace, left Seattle for Dawson with both cattle and sheep, on what was Chris' third trip (Bartsch n.d.:76-77). The animals arrived safely in late May and the Bartschs took up residence in a small cabin at the base of the Moosehide Slide. They returned to Seattle later in the summer to arrange another shipment for Dawson in late August. Finally, there were transient traders who arrived in Dawson and rented space for a few weeks to sell their goods. These may have been individuals or agents for southern commercial companies that wanted to take advantage of the booming market. Such companies would advertise in Dawson with mail circulars prior to their arrival in the spring (KN 14 February 190 la:3). The agents would rent retail space in Dawson for a month, sell all their merchandise and leave as soon as possible. Robert Williams (1 898a) arrived in Dawson on 2 1 June 1898 with a consignment of fur goods to sell. He and his partner lived on their boat while they tried to find a place to set up a store. He soon learned that on Front Street the rent charged for setting up a tent was $10 per frontage foot a month. Williams (1 898b) eventually found space in a building he describes as "mostly cloth, that leaked more or less", which he shared with five other businesses and the public library. Rent for the counter he shared with John Matson, a dry goods dealer, cost them $350 a month. Near mid-July Matson had sold his stock and was on his way back to Montana. Fur sales were understandably slow, and after only three weeks in this building Williams was forced to box up his product and move out. Rather than rent space again, he purchased part of a lot on the lower reaches of the hillside just off the A.C. Trail. Here he built a cabin that was both home and store, to spend the winter when the weather would create more demand for his furs. Williams (1 898c) wrote in early October that he had hung a sign out front of the cabin, "Williams & Wermecke Fur Goods" along with a variety of his products as an advertisement. In a letter dated 27 February 1899 he reports that he (Williams 1899) had almost no business. Transient traders were in direct competition with Dawson's permanent merchants, who claimed that these traders had an unfair advantage and appealed to the Yukon Council for some measure of protection for their businesses. Dawson's businessmen argued that they took all the risk of fire, had to pay taxes, supported public enterprise, employed labour year round and were there to supply the community even during the slow season (KN 14 February 1901c:8). Transient traders, on the other hand, did nothing for the development of the country, did not pay their share of the expense of the territory and made no contribution to public welfare (KN 14 February 1901a:3). When interviewed on the subject by the Nugget (14 February 1901c:8), H. Te Roller took the opportunity to point out to Dawson consumers that the scow men offered inferior products, and when problems were encountered the trader would have long left Dawson. Permanent merchants in the community, however, would be there to gladly exchange any sub-standard merchandise they had unwittingly sold to their customers. The ~ugget~(14 February 1901a:3) clearly backed the permanent merchants, and urged members of the community to support local businesses. Reiterating the arguments stated above, the paper added that the permanent merchants kept money in Dawson and showed a faith in the country that entitled them to first consideration. Transient traders, on the other hand, who took advantage of the local market and left immediately were "of no value to the community," and had a negative affect on both Dawson's merchants and the people who bought from them. In short, transient traders should not be allowed to operate on an equal basis with permanent businesses. Transient traders were already required by law to purchase a license to operate in Dawson City. At a meeting of the Yukon Council on 14 July 1900, the Finance Committee estimated $450.00 in revenue would be derived from transient trader licenses (KN 19 July l9OOa:6), but the majority of transient traders avoided paying the license fees. Henry Ingram was arrested and charged under the unlicensed transient trader ordinance for selling hay off his scow (KN 19 July 1900b:8). Ingram pleaded guilty in the police court and was fined $20. The issue was raised again by Council in April the following year, when Judge Dugas questioned the Commissioner on why only three out of 150 transient traders had paid for a license (KN 14 April 1901:3). Ogilvie's response
As the Klondike Nugget newspaper is used throughout this dissertation it is important to note that like all newspapers it is not an unbiased source. The Nugget was generally opposed to the government, and as strong booster for Dawson City's permanence commonly favoured the perspective of local merchants. 67 that many claimed they were bringing in goods for local merchants indicates that the traders were not ignorant of the law, but were actively attempting to avoid the fees. A variety of different opinions existed as to the best way to make transient traders pay their share and equalize the advantage they had over local merchants (KN 14 February 190 1b:8). Edgar Mizner suggested transient traders should be charged a sliding fee based on the tonnage of their merchandise, starting at $100 and increasing to a maximum of $500. Te Roller contended that a traders license was not enough, and the scow men should be made to pay a transportation fee as well, likely in response to the high transportation costs the larger companies had to pay. Others suggested that restrictions should be placed on the types of merchandise the scow men could bring into the Klondike. The tax structure in Dawson at this point taxed local merchants on an estimate of the turnover of their stock, and J.P. McLennan argued it was only fair that transient merchants be charged a fee that would cover their operations for the whole year. McLennan also advocated that the police be given specific instructions to report all new businesses to the tax collector, so that they could be taxed before they sold their goods and left the community. Arguments in favour of the transient traders are much less common than those against. Not long after printing their article urging members of the community to patronize local merchants, the Nugget (2 1 February 190 1:3) indicated that it had received a response from an anonymous reader. The writer was concerned that the taxes and fees proposed in the paper would drive the transient traders away altogether, leaving residents dependant on the big companies for supplies. The fear was that the big companies would charge higher prices if they had no competition. This certainly seems to have been the case in the W.P.&Y.R.'s monopoly over freight movement on the upper river. Whether Dawson merchants would have done the same is open to question. During the winter of 1898 when provisions in the community became scarce many accused the A.C. Company and N.A.T&T. Company of speculating in foodstuffs. Frederick Wombwell stated that after fire destroyed a large part of the community in October 1898, one of the large companies, either the A.C. Company or the N.A.T.&T., had the cheek this morning to charge a man three ounces ($50.00) for a fifty-pound sack of flour, and they are both asking unheard of prices for everything, which is damned heartless. This kind of thing had to be stopped and quickly, so the Police took over their supplies, which will, in the future, be sold at fair prices and rationed. (n.d.:93).
Ironically, the Nugget, which in 1901 supported the larger companies, was in 1898 one of the most outspoken critics of these firms' actions during the winter of short supplies (Archibald 1981:36). Adney (1994:330) maintains that this was never the case, but such accusations may form the basis for concerns over the lack of competition in the marketplace. In 1902 the problem of licensing transient traders fell to the newly elected municipal government. Transient traders were charged a fee of $150 in 1899. The mayor and majority of aldermen were closely allied with the merchants in the community, and it comes as no surprise that they quickly raised the cost of a transient traders' license to $500 (Archibald 198 1 :70). Local merchants stated early in 1901 that they did not think there would be much profit for transient traders that spring as the large stores were in a position to bring goods to Dawson at rates cheaper than ever before (KN 14 February 190lb:8). Both of these factors appear to have had some effect as the number of transient traders listed in city directories was reduced by more than half between 1901 and 1902 (Archibald 198 1:64). Transient traders in Dawson were not a unified group of merchants, but a diverse collection of individuals who took advantage of the opportunities offered by the gold rush. The size and methods of their operation differed considerably, and not everyone made the great profits they had hoped, but their activities clearly influenced Dawson City's marketplace. In the early years disappointed stampeders selling their outfits on the waterfront flooded the market with certain goods taking profits away from merchants (Mizony 1956:19), while in the first years of the new century their arrival every spring had a destabilizing effect on the market (Archibald 198 1:40). Local merchants advanced self-serving, but nonetheless cogent arguments for some measure of control over these traders. While they made no direct contribution to the development of the community, transient traders did provide competition for the larger companies that may have helped to keep prices down. Guest (n.d.57) argues that the municipal government's treatment of transient traders had a negative effect on both it and the community as a whole. High license fees reduced the number of traders coming to Dawson and with fewer traders the government lost a source of income.
Cost of Living In their role as consumers, transient individuals would have participated in the greater community, and contributed to the economy. Perhaps more importantly these activities comprised one of the primary arenas for personal interaction with other community members. Material culture associated with transients in Dawson City during the gold rush was a function of the items they brought into the Yukon and those items available for purchase in the community itself. By the end of the nineteenth century rapid developments had been made in techniques of mass production, the products of which had found acceptance and were incorporated into daily life (Majewski and Schiffer 2001:35). Stampeders were influenced by the growing consumer mentality before they even started their journey to the Klondike. Few people had any experience or knowledge of the north prior to the Klondike Gold Rush, creating a great demand for information that was eagerly met by producers of guidebooks. Ignorance of the north also created an opportunity for manufacturers of a wide variety of products, who took advantage of the situation by using Klondike in advertising their products, such as Klondike boots and Klondike stoves (e.g. Ogilvie 1898). All these different sources of information, and misinformation, influenced the materials stampeders chose to include in their outfits. Klondike outfits were made up of items necessary for travelling and living outdoors. Tools included were oriented toward boat construction. Cooking pots and utensils were kept to a minimum and durable materials such as tin or enamelled tin plates and bowls were recommended. These outfits were intended to be used for a relatively short period of time. In pursuit of their fortunes, many transients unfamiliar with the conditions in the goldfields probably did not intend to stay much longer than one year when they set out from home. Anticipated mobility, on the part of transients, would to some degree affect their material expressions of status and wealth. Transients in Dawson were a diverse group including both labourers and professionals; those who could barely scrape together enough money to get themselves to the Klondike and those that had the hnds to invest in claims once they arrived. For both the fact that they did not intend to make their permanent homes in Dawson would have affected the extent to which they would invest time and money in material goods. The cost of living in Dawson was high, and the market was characterized by considerable seasonal fluctuation. Prices generally increased as supplies decreased through the winter. While the quantity of various goods often ran low, the diversity of merchandise available to residents was extensive given the community's young age and isolation. In the fall of 1900, the Nugget remarked that the "only condition requisite to high living in Dawson is possession of the necessary price" (KN 7 October 1900c:4). In 1897, Haske11(1998:299) found that an economically minded individual eating a "monotonous diet of stale and canned stuff' would require $2.50 a day for food alone. In addition to food, there were also expenses associated with shelter, clothing and in the winter, firewood. Ingersoll(1981:64) estimated the cost of living per person in Dawson during 1898 at between $5.00 and $10.00 per day. Upon their arrival in Dawson City stampeders generally spent the first few days or weeks living on their boats along the waterfront or in tents scattered throughout the city. Those who intended to stay through the winter needed a more substantial dwelling. Among the options open to them were hotels, renting a cabin, purchasing a cabin, or building their own cabin. In 1897 and 1898 all of these options were expensive. Renting a cabin could cost $75.00 per month (Carter 1973:136). Lynch (1967:37-38) moved out of his tent, and into a cabin that had been divided into two rooms, for which he paid $100 dollars a month. Buying a cabin could cost anywhere from $500 to $1000. One of Belinda Mulrooney's many businesses in Dawson was building cabins and then selling them to miners (Mayer and DeArmond 2000:68-73). She purchased lots for $50 to $100 dollars and hired carpenters to build log cabins. She set the sale price by doubling her construction costs. Some of her first cabins sold for $1000. Eventually prices went up as she began to put more furnishing into the structures and including a doghouse. Local celebrities such as Curly Monroe and Swiftwater Bill Gates both bought cabins for $3500 and $6500 respectively (Mayer and DeArmond 2000:70,72). These were likely far better than the average cabin in the community. Lot prices in Dawson were high during 1896 and 1897, and climbed even higher in 1898 and 1899. Lots in the flat section of the Government Addition sold for $200 - $250 (Block ByLot 4; Block I, Lot 1) in 1898 (Wade 1898). The further up the slope the cheaper the property. A lot in Block K was worth $100 (Lot 3), up slope in Block S, where construction would have been difficult, lots were only $50 (Lot 2). Unfortunately, data for the years 1899-1901 were unavailable, but 1902 appears to have been the high point, at least for property in the Government Addition. In 1902 the same lots in the lower section of the addition were worth $450 (Block I, Lot I), in Block K and S land values remained unchanged (YA GOV 1191). By 1903 the value of Lot 4, Block Byand Lot 1 Block I, had dropped to $300 and $325 respectively (YA GOV 1192). The value of Lot 3, Block K had decreased to $80. In 1904, lots in the level section of the addition were valued at $200 each, lots in Block K were valued at $20 and lots in Block 0 and S immediately up-slope from Block K, were only valued at $10 (YA GOV 1193). Property values in the Day and Menzies additions followed a similar course. Lot 7, Block 10, in the Day addition was valued at $450 in 1902 and 1903. The following year the value dropped to $350. When Fred Dewey (1898) built a hillside cabin over looking the Yukon River near Klondike City, he used 60 logs (6" to 8" in diameter), 130 saplings (3" to 4" in diameter) and some 50 bags of moss. The few photos that show the hillsides structures up close indicate that log cabins were the dominant construction style (Figure 6). A rough count of the logs used in the construction of the pictured cabins suggests that 60 logs was probably average. In the fall of 1897 cabin logs could cost as much as $4.50 each (Carter 1973: 137), and during the summer of 1898 it cost $200 to secure enough logs to build a small cabin (Williams 1898b). Lumber sold for $140-$200 per thousand feet, and glass for a small window cost $25. Additional costs of between $15 and $20 per day would be incurred if one had to hire a carpenter to build the cabin. Buying a lot and building a cabin in the lower portion of the Government Addition in 1898 would have cost more than six hundred dollars based on these prices. Construction material costs, like property values, gradually declined in the years following the boom. Balloon frame construction replaced the log cabin as the dominant structure form. Log cabins appear to be associated with temporary occupations in the Yukon, while balloon frame structures are an indication of permanence (Hammer 1999:130). In August 1901, the Nugget (17 August 1901: 1) proudly announced a small construction boom in modern houses by prominent members of the community. These structures were closely tied with permanence in the minds of the community, as the article's subtitle states, the passing of single room log cabins was a demonstration of residents' faith in Dawson's future. The paper remarked "People of ordinary means do not usually invest $2000 to $8000 in a home unless they expect to occupy it some time." (KN 17 August 1901:l). These new houses were far from one-room cabins. At the top of the list were the new Commissioner's residence at a cost of $25,000, and the Presbyterian manse at $10,000 (KN 17 August 1901 : 1). Six of the 11 other residences listed were two stories
Figure 6. Structures on the Klondike City hillside, showing the log cabin as the dominant construction style (Photograph 92.93x89.4.1A.836, used with permission of the MacBride Museum). high and contained seven or eight rooms. Their construction costs ranged from $3000 to $8000. The five remaining houses, referred to as cottages, were all likely single story dwellings with up to four rooms. While prices had decreased through the years following the boom they could by no means be considered low by southern standards. Decreased demand for lumber in 1903 (Eamer and Zedda 1997:38), equates with a reduction in new construction, and was clearly related to population decline. By 1908 the price of dressed lumber had dropped to approximately $75 per thousand feet (Eamer and Zedda 1997:43). Food prices, like the costs of dwellings, were considerably higher in Dawson than in southern cities and towns. A comparison of the prices of staple products in an outfit purchased in Edmonton in 1898 (Ogilvie 1898) with those available in Dawson near the end of 1897 clearly illustrates the differences in the cost of living (Appendix A, Table A6). Flour, the most plentiful food in any outfit, was selling for 2.56 per pound in Edmonton and anywhere from 126 to $2.40 per pound in Dawson. The prices for beans show a similar difference. Baking powder, at 256 per pound in Edmonton, cost four times as much in Dawson. Bacon was also almost four times as expensive in Dawson. Condensed milk, a common item in the hillside collections cost 506 per can in Dawson and only 19$ per can in Edmonton. Other food items showed similar differences in price between the two cities. Perhaps the most startling differences were found in items such as tobacco and alcohol, which could cost as much as $7.50 per pound and $40-80 a gallon, respectively, in Dawson. Prices fluctuated constantly during the boom period as demand for certain goods ran up against limitations in supply created by the community's isolation. This condition is best illustrated by the cost of flour during the winter and spring of 1897-1898 (Adney 1994:466-467). In 1897 the residents of Dawson faced the potential of a starvation winter. Low water and an early freeze on the rivers had prevented the steamboats from reaching Dawson with necessary supplies. In October flour was selling for an astronomical $2.00 - $2.40 per pound. By January 1898 prices had dropped to 506 - $1.00 per pound. With the arrival of spring the price of flour was down to 256 per pound. That summer, when fresh supplies were again plentiful the price was reduced to 66 per pound. Other supplies experienced similar price fluctuations depending on their availability at any given time. As the boom subsided transportation systems became better established, and local merchants were able to make better estimates of the quantities of supplies the community would require through each winter. As a result, fluctuations in pricing in the market began to stabilize, but never entirely disappeared. Seasonal price fluctuations between summer and winter continued to be a factor residents faced during the first decade following the rush (Archibald 1981:127). These fluctuations were not always in the same direction; that is, summer prices were not always cheaper than winter prices for specific products. Depending on the available supply of certain items, prices could be quite high during the spring relative to other times of the year. A 50 lb. sack of flour, for example, cost $3.25 during the winter of 1902. The price increased to $4.00 in the spring before the first boats arrived, and remained at $4.00 through the summer. A tin of butter, on the other hand, cost $1.25 during the winter, jumped to $1SO in the spring, and then fell to 756 that summer.
Occupation Those stampeders who did not leave immediately after reaching the Klondike had to find jobs that would help them meet the high costs of living. I.R. Belcher (1898), for example, arrived in Dawson on 15 June 1898 and began looking for work the very next day. Although Dawson was a thriving town during the rush with almost constant construction underway, finding a job was not an easy task. A number of stampeders remarked in their journals and letters that there was no work to be had. Marvin Marsh (n.d.) arrived near the end of July 1898, and complained that with the spring work finished there were no jobs to be had. "No money and no work, is all the cry in Dawson," he claimed. Yet, by 17 August Marsh had found a job. Adney (1994:380) and Mizony (1956: 19) also remarked on the disappointment many stampeders face when they failed to find work. Wages paid in the Yukon (see Appendix A, Table A5) were considerably higher than in the rest of Canada and the United States. A dollar and a half per hour appears to be have been the going rate for semi-skilled trades, with common labourer being paid slightly less. An average day's work was approximately 10 hours. Saloons and dancehalls paid their employees quite well, with bartenders, dealers and musicians earning between $15 and $20 a day. Wages for women working in the dancehalls were enhanced by commissions on the drinks they sold; with the high alcohol prices they could earn $20 from a single customer's purchases (Wombwell n.d.:70-71). Porsild (1994) has made the most systematic analysis of occupations in Dawson City based on the 190 1 Manuscript Census. Ninety-four separate occupations are listed in the census, which Porsild has divided into five categories: professional, commercial, skilled and semi-skilled trades and finally unskilled/service sector. Semi-skilled trades and unskilled labour are the largest categories (Porsild 1994:343-345), followed closely by the skilled trades. Frenzied construction during the boom years created a large demand for workers in the construction trades and numerous fires maintained the demand for these occupations. On the surface it would seem that the majority of jobs for transients would be found in these categories. Other common occupations in these categories include carpenter, engineerlsurveyor, tailorlshoemakerlmilliner,transporthtorage, cooWwaitress/bartender, domestic service and manual labour. Excepting engineering and tailor related occupations, most of these types of work would have required little prior experience. Stampeders, however, came from many different walks of life, and one would expect that some of them brought skills with them that would prove advantageous in a relatively new community. These skills would have allowed them to take jobs in the professional or commercial sectors. Miner is the most frequently recorded occupation, representing 35% of the community's work force in 1901. One would expect that the number of people identifying themselves as miners would have been higher in earlier years given the larger population. It would not be surprising if the percentage of people in the population who considered themselves miners was also higher. Most stampeders came to the Klondike to mine gold, and no doubt considered themselves miners; and a $10 license fee gave them a paper identifying them as such (Adney 1994:436). The miner label has the drawback of covering a diverse range of actual positions and activities. The term covers a wide range of people from the individual hired to shovel all day, to someone who owned a number of claims, but hired others to do the work. Large numbers of people were hired as employees by claim owners, and performed a range of tasks for wages. The term miner may also have applied to, or been used by individuals who spent the majority of their time prospecting. Finally, there are those who came to the north to mine and considered themselves miners even though they may never have done so. Limerick (1 987: 106-7) found that the undifferentiated use of the term miner in California extended into the 1880s, and interpreted it as a delayed recognition of the stratification inherent in corporate mining. Wages paid miners varied with the types of work they preformed. General miners were paid between $1 and $1 SOper hour for a ten hour day and a foreman may be paid slightly more (Appendix A, Table A5). In 1898, Mart Howard and his partner purchased a five-eighth interest in a mine on Gold Hill (Avery 1959:60). They kept the operation going 24 hours a day, with Howard supervising the night shift and his partner looking after the day. In addition to their share of the profits the two men paid themselves $1 per hour for their work at the mine. Howard employed 15 men to do the actual mining and paid them $0.75 per hour. Wages steadily decreased after the gold rush and by 1908 the going rate was $4 per 10 hour day. Identification of the occupational status of hillside residents is limited by a dearth of available data. The fact that many of the people living on the hillsides were squatters precludes any systematic analysis. Blocks K, 0 and S in the Government Addition, covering the Judge Street area, are used here as a sample. This analysis is limited to property owners, not all of whom lived on the hillside lots they owned. A total of 76 property owners were identified for the 42 lots in this area between 1898 and 1907 (see Appendix B, Table B1) through a variety of sources, including government correspondence (Wade 1898, Willison 1899), Applications for Town Lots in the Government Addition (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 8 1 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2), Assessment and Tax Rolls for the years 1902-04 (YA GOV 119 1, YA GOV 1 192, YA GOV 1193), Patent and Land Title Records (Land Titles Office, Whitehorse) and the 1901 Census (Canada 190 1). An interpretation, based on available data, was made as to whether or not these owners lived on the property they owned (Appendix B, Table B2). Using these and additional sources (C. Craig n.d., Polk 1903, Ferguson 2003) the occupations of 48 property owners were identified (Appendix B, Table B3). Data was insufficient to determine if ten of these individuals lived on their hillside property. Of the remaining 38 owners, six lived on the hillside. Ten could have lived on their lots (i.e., a structure was present during the time they owned the property) and 22 did not live on the hillside (their lots were vacant, or an address was found indicating they lived elsewhere in the townsite). Nineteen different occupations were identified. Fifty-four percent of the owners list their occupation as miner. Lawyer, contractor, and civil employee are each represented by three people. Other occupations identified for property owners include: police chief, bank manager, manager, dentist, stenographer, butcher, clerk, newspaper circulator, entertainer, janitor, lumberman and rancher. Of the four women who owned property in this area, only Marion Tracie's occupation could be identified. She was a popular entertainer in Dawson (KN 5 July 1900:4), and owned her hillside lot for less than a month (LT 28B, Land Titles Office, Whitehorse). The dominance of miner as an occupation among the property owners compares favourably with the overall occupation profile for the community in the 1901 census (Porsild 1994). One owner listed as a miner likely lived on his lot, ten more could have lived on their property, and 11 probably never lived on the hillside (seven had insufficient data). Eight of the owners identified as miners had a different occupation listed in another source. In all but one instance, their listing as a miner occurs in the earliest source, generally the patent for their property. Among owners with occupations other than miner, four (butcher, carpenter, janitor and rancher) likely lived on their hillside lot. Three, a dentist, the manager of the BNA bank, and a bookkeeper owned property when improvements were known to be present on the lot and at least had the potential to have lived there (although they could also have rented it out). Eleven of the non-miners who owned lots in this area most likely never lived on them. Eight were members of a profession (lawyer, civil employee, engineer, dominion land surveyor, police) or skilled trade (entertainer, contractor). While no clear pattern emerges as to the occupation of hillside residents, the data does suggest that although professional men and skilled trade workers owned property on the slopes they did not live there. Industry Mining was the primary industry in the Klondike and all other components in the economy were tied to conditions and developments in the goldfields. During the early years mining was dominated by individual claim owners, whom who worked their own claim, or hired labourers a small number of labourers. Clement (1983:175-176) refers to these miners as independent commodity producers who exchanged their gold with merchant capitalists, such as one of the large trading companies or Dawson's banks. Some, like Alex Macdonald, owned numerous claims or portions of claims with various partners (Haskell 1998:359). Their approach, however, does not appear to have been to assemble claims for a single large scale operation. Instead, each claim continued to be worked separately, largely by hand and with rudimentary technology. Hand mining with such a short season required a considerable amount of labour and provided a ready source of employment for many stampeders. Wombwell (n.d.) and two partners took a "lay" on claim No. 32 Below on Upper Dominion Creek, which was owned by the Alaska Commercial Company. Their agreement stipulated that Wombwell and his partners would do the mining and half of the gold recovered would go to the company. The three partners started mining in the end of November 1898. They hired Dr. H.P. Bunn, a friend of one of Wombwell's partners, to cut and haul wood to the claim for thawing the gravel, for $20 a day (at that time equal to 1 % ounces of gold) with room and board. When the partners hired Bunn they had no idea how much gold was in the claim. They later hired a second man to help out. After only a month Wombwell's two partners were discouraged, and in early February they gave up and returned to Dawson. Wombwell and Bunn formed a partnership and kept the hired man on at wages. Giving Wombwell a "lay" on this claim allowed A.C.Co. to both hold the ground and have it mined with no expense and no risk. This was a transitional system between independent miners and corporate mining (Clement 1983: 183). At this time wages in the Klondike were too high for profitable industrial capitalist methods. Wombwell and his partners covered all expenses and took all the risk. If the claim had turned out barren or produced insufficient gold to meet expenses the A.C.Co. would share none of the responsibility, but would still receive a half of the gold recovered. The preceding account of the change in Wombwell's partners was likely a common situation for many individual miners, and one has a sense of an ebb and flow from the creeks both in terms of claim holders (including laymen) and hired labourers. Like Wombwell's original partners, a miner working upstream on Dominion Creek gave up after becoming discouraged at the poor prospects on his claim. Lynch and Howard, while both mining single claims, ran larger operations. Through the winter of 1899 Lynch (1 967: 178-179) employed 30 men. During spring clean-up he did not require as much labour and reduced the number of men in his hire. At the same time he had already planned to hire 100 men for the following season. There does not appear to have been any formally organized mine labourers' union in the Klondike during nor in the few years following the rush. There are references to the Dawson Trades and Labour Council (e.g., Morrison 1968:49, 53), but archival research was unable to find any additional information on its inception and goals. A Miners' Association was formed in August 1898 (Morrison 1968:25-26), and anyone who held a miner's license was eligible to join. It is important to remember that all one had to do to obtain a license was pay the fee; they did not have to actually be involved in mining. The association's purpose was to make the Dominion Government alter its mining laws, particularly lowering royalty payments. After becoming embroiled in a number of other political issues, including that of incorporation, the Miners' Association was dissolved in early 1899. Mine owners attempted to reduce labourers wages on the creeks in the fall of 1897 (Haskell 1998:485). A meeting was held at the confluence of Bonanza and Eldorado creeks in mid-September and the group posted a notice proclaiming the decrease that was to take effect at the end of the month. Unfortunately Haskell does not describe the labourers' reaction to this notice, stating only that the shortage of supplies in the region meant that any man who had his own food could almost dictate his wages. Hired miners' wages were often negotiated to be paid following the spring clean-up (Porsild 1998:76), and when the claims proved poor many men had trouble obtaining the wages they were due. In March 190 1, a bill was introduced to the Yukon Council that would have required mine owners to pay their employee's wages before debts acquired during the mining (Morrison 1968:38). This bill was considered to be too much in the labourers favour, and was replaced by a miners' protective wage ordinance that charged the courts with the responsibility of appointing a receiver to prioritize claims against the mine. This appears to have been relatively ineffective as the Dawson Trades and Labour Council drafted a lien bill in 1903, approved by a mass meeting, which was to be put before the Yukon Council (Morrison 1968:53). A miner's lien bill was passed sometime in 1903 (Morrison 1968:56), but was declared beyond the authority of council. Demands for a better lien law were made again in 1904. In 1905, Alfred Thompson, the Yukon representative in the House of Commons, took the issue to the Dominion Government and requested a lien law to protect those working in the mines. A draft lien law prepared by George Black, which provided grantees for labourers working in the mines, was passed by the Yukon Council and made law by parliament in 1906 (Bush 1974: 130). Mining laws were the sole domain of the Dominion Government and Yukon miners registered many complaints about the royalties, regulations and their administration. The issue that had the most potential influence on transience in the Klondike that the government was directly involved with was hydraulic mining and dredging concessions. Robert Anderson was granted a concession for 2 '/z miles along Hunker Creek (Green 1977: 17- 19). He had submitted his application to Gold Commissioner Thomas Fawcett on 2 September 1897, arguing that the character of the ground was unsuitable for traditional hand mining, and proposed to extract the gold by hydraulic mining. Fawcett sent the proposal to the Minister of the Interior with a letter recommending the lease. He then closed this section of Hunker Creek, preventing any other miner from staking a regular creek claim. Concessions were supposed to be granted only in locations where the gold content was so low it could not profitably be worked by hand methods. Large scale mining that could effectively recover the gold, such as dredging and hydraulic mining, required large areas to make it profitable. Green (1977: 19) suggests that Clifford Sifton believed the introduction of large scale mining could possibly prevent the pattern of boom and bust common to gold discoveries. Acceptance of the Anderson Concession led to a spate of applications; 40 were eventually approved. What exactly constituted ground not suitable for hand mining appears to have been flexible in the eyes of some applicants, as even the most important creeks of the goldfields were covered by concessions. In 1900 the law was changed and required concession applicants to not only prove that the ground was unsuitable for hand mining, but also that there were no claims being successfully worked within the vicinity (KN 7 October 1900b:3). In the Nugget's opinion this new rule would prevent further applications. Understandably the majority of miners in the Klondike were opposed to the granting of large amounts of ground to any one individual or company. Concessions dramatically reduced opportunities for individual miners, and it was these very opportunities that had encouraged thousands to head for the Klondike. Questions still remained as to legality of the concessions already granted and the Nugget urged miners who were working ground covered by a concession to take the matter to the courts. Public opposition, however, focussed on the concession granted to Arthur N.C. Treadgold and his English investors in June 1901 (see Green 1977:33,40,74). Treadgold was interested in large scale mining from the beginning and his attempts to gain a concession began with the Anderson Lease in 1898 (Green 1977:21). On route to the north Treadgold stopped in Ottawa and met with Sifton. They met again in October 1898, and maintained a correspondence respecting concessions after Treadgold returned to London. His correspondence with Sifton refers to "our scheme" (Green 1977:26). Part of Treadgold's plan was to acquire power over all water supply and hydroelectric generation in the district. He was also buying up claims, although not always in his own name. Walter Barwick a Toronto lawyer, became involved in the process near the end of 1899, and prepared a draft Order in Council that he submitted to Sifton. Treadgold, Barwick and Malcolm Orr Ewing were finally granted their concession in mid-June 190 1. While preserving the rights of previous claim owners, the concession was extensive, covering the primary creeks in the Klondike: Bonanza, Eldorado, Bear and Hunker (Green l977:3O). Perhaps the most contentious aspect of the concession was their sole right to build water supply systems and acquire any abandoned claims. News of the Order in Council reached Dawson on 15 July 190 1. A public meeting in opposition to the concession was held two weeks later (Green 1977:33) and concluded with a resolution calling for cancellation of the Treadgold Concession and the formation of a committee of three to continue the matter. Commissioner Ross responded to complaints by stating that the concession did not give overly excessive privileges to the concessionaires; they were still required to stake abandoned claims like everyone else (KN 7 August 1901:3). He added that the government had acted to ensure that the rights of existing claim owners were protected, and that these large-scale mining operations were beneficial to the whole territory. The concessionaires were not, however, required to pay any fees, nor do any representation work on these claims, and unlike the individual miner there was no limit to the number of claims they could stake (Green 1977:38). Treadgold had an employee working on the Gold Commissioner's files compiling a list of claims and the date on which they may have become available. Matters became worse from the community's perspective early in the new year when a new Order in Council was posted stating that all abandoned claims went directly to Treadgold. This last amendment united the community against the Treadgold Concession. Numerous members of the community saw cancellation of the concessions as the only way to save Dawson (Green 1977:61). Granting large tracts of ground to one concern had already reduced opportunities for individual miners, but now that abandoned claims automatically went to Treadgold, they had no chance. Further, with the concessionaires in control of the water supply, costs could rise to the point where it was no longer possible to mine a single claim. An end to individual mining opportunities was bound to be accompanied by an exodus from the community. Mass meetings were held in Dawson and out on the creeks, and committees were appointed to make representations to different members of government including the Prime Minister, Wilfred Laurier. Two representatives were sent to Ottawa, and in the middle of April 1902, Dawson's Gold Commissioner received a telegram instructing him to re-open nearly 3,500 claims that had been tied up by the Treadgold Concession (Green 1977:45). Despite these achievements the concession remained and to make matters worse, news of new discoveries in the Tanana District (Alaska) reached Dawson in January 1903 (Green l977:6 1). From the merchants perspective the Treadgold Concession and the new strike in Alaska could potentially threaten Dawson's permanence. In May 1903, the Treadgold Concession was debated in the House of Commons (Green 1977:68-69). Laurier pointed out that the grantees had not satisfied all the requirements needed to put the Order in Council into force, and stated that the government would undertake an investigation of the entire issue. The result was the Britton Commission, which arrived in Dawson during August (Green l977:7l-8 1). Dawson Board of Trade lawyers W.A. Walsh and C.M. Woodworth, presented the case against the concession. When the commissionaires realized how much opposition there was they set a limit of less than one week to receive complaints (Green 1977:74). Members of the community expressed their frustration with the commission at a mass meeting near the end of August. The commissioners were also becoming frustrated and after arguments with two people on the stand they called an end to the proceedings and left town that same afternoon. The end of the Treadgold Concession came not from the government and protests made by the people of Dawson, but from the grantees themselves (Green 1977:84-86). A letter dated 2 June 1904, stated that through the changes to their charter, and the government's attitude, they had lost the support of their backers and were forced to withdraw. The grantees claimed that their main interest was trying to bring much needed water to the creeks for the good of the district. It is safe to assume that few people in Dawson would have believed such a statement. Further attempts to combat the other concessions started in 1905 and extended through to 1908 when the courts finally decided in favour of the concession holders (Green 1977:87). The government's support of corporations worked against independent miners and created conditions that were favourable for the introduction of new mining technology. New technologies, such as hydraulic monitors and dredges were expensive to purchase and put into operation, and were thus available only to capitalists who could access the necessary funds, often from outside sources (Clement 1983: 178). Once it had a foothold corporate mining began to take control of the goldfields, edging out the individual miners. New machinery increased production, and at the same time reduced the amount of labour required (Clement 1983:184). By 1908 the face of Klondike mining had already changed; gone were the frenetic days when thousands scrambled for claims. A number of large corporations were mining in the Yukon prior to 1910 (Green 1977:303-308). Although his concession had failed, A.N.C. Treadgold still held a considerable number of claims in the heart of the Klondike that he started to develop in 1905 (Green 1977:92). Backed by the Guggenheims, he bought out the Anglo-Klondike and Fuller Nonvood mining companies and in 1906 started plans to transport water from the Twelve Mile River via a fifty mile long ditch. A power plant was also built at the Twelve Mile River. The new concern would eventually be named the Yukon Gold Company. Operations began in May 1907 (Green 1977:103). Tremendous numbers of men were employed during the construction phase, with the company planning to employ 2000 workers in 1907 to complete the ditch from the Twelve Mile River. These were not permanent jobs, and once construction was complete the number of workers required would be much less. In June 1908 the Yukon Gold Company contracted with 100 men in Vancouver, offering them transportation to the Yukon and back again if they completed a four month work season (Green 1977:120). Wages offered were $2.25 per day plus board. When this news reached Dawson a mass meeting was organized to protest both the contracting of labour from outside the community and the decreased wages that were to be paid to these men. F.T. Condgon was hired to represent Dawson's miners and negotiate an agreement with Yukon Gold. The company agreed to hire more local workers and pay contracted workers $4 per day, if they paid their own transportation to, and from Dawson. From this point on the majority of employment in the Klondike was with these large dredging companies. The prospect of work drew people from the south each summer, many arriving destitute and unable to support themselves, which aroused concern among Yukon authorities that these men would become burdens on the Canadian government (e.g., Wood 1909). Inspector J.A. MacDonald (191 I), head of the R.N. W .M.P. in Whitehorse, wrote to his superior in Dawson in April 191 1, noting that the destitute and unemployed were already beginning to enter the Yukon. The matter was referred to Commissioner Alexander Henderson (191 I), who requested that enquiries be made with managers of the large companies as to their labour needs for the coming season. At that time the primary employers in the region were Canadian Klondyke Mining, White Channel, Yukon Gold, North Fork Power, Northern Light and Power and the Klondike Mines Railway (Snyder 1911). Only the White Channel Company indicated that they had positions available for 75 to 100 workers, which they thought could easily be obtained from the local population. Yukon Gold manager C.A. Thomas' response to the enquiry captures the employment situation in the mining industry during this period: We are just beginning work and find plenty of men at this writing. At this time of year there are always a great many men looking for work, but as soon as the river opens and small boats can be used down river we find the over-supply quickly vanishes. I doubt very much is [sic] this year will be in any way different from former years as we have found them with reference to labor conditions. Each year it would seem that a great many more men were coming into the country than could possibly find work, but during August and Sept. they have thinned out to such an extent that we find it difficult to keep our crews up to their maximum strength (as quoted in Snider 19 11).
As mining in the Klondike shifted from the gold rush when the goal of stampeders was to stake a claim of their own, to an industry dominated by large mining companies the nature of transience in the region also changed. People no longer came seeking to dig their fortune from the ground and return home to the life of the wealthy. Instead, they came seeking employment. Thomas' comment demonstrates the transient nature of this labour force when he notes that by fall they had thinned out; having worked for the summer they returned south before winter set in isolating the Klondike.
Government Three different levels of government were responsible for Dawson City during the period of interest; the Dominion Government of Canada, a temtorial Commissioner and Yukon Council, and a short lived municipal government. Community members had varying amounts of input into these governments, generally highest with the lower levels and decreasing as one moved to the national scale. Participation in government was also determined by the personal position of each individual. Dawson's multi-national population meant that segments of the community could not vote, including a large number of the transients in town, and therefore had no direct involvement in their own governance. Ultimate authority over the Territory rested with the Dominion Government in Ottawa, and the Minister of the Interior, Clifford Sifton, was given responsibility for the Yukon (Dafoe 1931 : 152). Initially, the Dominion Government saw the Yukon as nothing more than a passing opportunity to derive revenue from a remote comer of the country. Sifton would not even compare the Yukon to other areas where gold had been found. In his eyes the Klondike was a completely temporary episode (Stuart n.d.:20) and referred to the Yukon as "good for nothing except mining" (quoted in Dafoe 193 1: 154). Initially, the N.W.M.P. were the only governmental institution in Dawson City. Their duties went well beyond the usual policing tasks. During the early period they fulfilled nearly all governmental roles, including magistrate and Justice of the Peace, land agent, mining recorder, as well as the postal service, causing Adney to remark: "It seems' to be a well-ordered Canadian's belief that an "official," whether a policeman or a land- surveyor, is qualified, by reason of being an official, to fill any post under government" (1994:433). In 1897, Dawson came under the authority of a Commissioner and Council, to which citizens would later have the right to elect representatives. Other officials sent to Dawson included a judge, gold commissioner and land and timber agents, among others. Walsh held much the same opinion of Dawson and the Klondike as Sifton, and advised people to make money while the camp lasted (Morrison 1968: 13). When he arrived in Dawson, Walsh made his camp on top of the hill behind the community (Price 1898:184), an interesting choice of location when presumably the N.W.M.P. had already established structures on the Government Reserve. As crowding along the waterfront became a problem, Walsh ordered stampeders to remove their tents from the streets. He told these squatters that they could move to the top of the hillside (Guest 198259). Walsh did not last long as head of the territory. He submitted his resignation before completing a year in office. When the Yukon became a separate territory in 1898, the Dominion Government decided that Dawson City was going to be more than a temporary camp, and realized that some form of proper governmental machinery would have to be put in effect (Morrison 1968: 18). A Commissioner who held full governmental authority, but was to take direction from the Dominion Government, and a six member council were to administer the territory. Ogilvie was appointed Commissioner and his original council was to consist of Samuel Steele (N.W.M.P.), T. H. McGuire (Judge), J. E. Girouard (Registrar of Lands) and F. C. Wade (legal advisor); however, C.A. Dugas and W.H.P. Clement replaced McGuire and Wade (Morrison 1968:21). After the height of the rush had passed Dawson achieved incorporation and for a short period a municipal government took over responsibility for the city. Dawson's charter was later revoked and the Commissioner and Council resumed control. Each level of government had different powers and responsibilities that affected the citizens of Dawson City, but there were issues that involved them all to some degree.
Undesirables In the fall of 1897 Dawson faced a winter of starvation. News of the discovery had brought a large contingent of people into the settlement, many of whom did not have enough supplies to last them through the winter (Adney 1994: 184). An early drop in water levels in the Yukon River made it nearly impossible for A.C. and N.A.T.&T. company steamers to reach Dawson with much needed provisions. By late September government officials were becoming concerned about the situation and posted a notice urging all those without an adequate supply of food to leave Dawson and head down river to Fort Yukon. Signed by Inspector Constantine of the N.W.M.P., D.W. Davis, Collector of Customs and Gold Commissioner Thomas Fawcett, the notice plainly stated "to remain here longer is to court death from starvation." In their attempt to manage the situation the authorities considered ordering "the "non-producers," rounders and crooks" (Adney 1994: 189) out of the community and down river. Adney makes no mention of this idea ever being formally undertaken. Clearly many of these non-producers, criminals and so called rounders, would have been part of the community's transient population. One of the activities of the police, in addition to attending to the lawless element in the community, was keeping track of those with no visible means of support. Requiring all stampeders to have enough provisions to last one year was an attempt to reduce the number of paupers entering the Yukon that would later become a drain on government resources. Many of these individuals were likely transients with no intention of staying and pursuing what they saw as opportunity in the new community. Clifford Sifton, Minister of the Interior, checked the legality of these measures with the Ministry of Justice and was informed that there was no such charge as "entering the country without means of support" (Mills 1899). Ogilvie and Steele knew such measures were illegal from the beginning, but thought it would bring about positive results for the territory. One of Inspector Constantine's methods for dealing with criminals was forcing them to leave the territory, relieving the police from having them in custody and more importantly removing them from the community altogether (Guest 1982:1 18). When Constantine was transferred out of the territory in June 1898, he was replaced by Superintendent Samuel B. Steele. A forceful personality, Steele started from the position that the actions of his men should be beyond reproach in the community. Consequently, organization of the force improved and the police continued to keep tight control over Dawson. To acquire the large quantities of firewood necessary for police and government stoves, Steele put prisoners to work on the woodpile keeping "50 or more of the toughs of Dawson busy every day" (1915:328). Another useful tool used by the police was the charge of vagrancy. As a means for dealing with individuals not considered an asset to the population, the vagrancy charge and the woodpile continued to be used by the police in the years immediately following the stampede. When Steele left Dawson in 1899, he felt that the police had purged the community of much of the lawless element. A. Bowen Perry, who replaced him, was also soon transferred out of the territory. It was during this time that the discovery of gold on the beaches at Nome, Alaska, drew a large segment of Dawson's population away, and with them went many of the less desirable characters in pursuit of new opportunities (Guest 1982:132). Zachary Taylor Wood, whose tenure in the community was to last ten years, replaced Perry. Wood witnessed many of these undesirables return to Dawson from Nome (Guest 1982:134) in early September 1900. By the time these thugs and "Hop" or "Hypo" fiends" (KN 20 September 1900a:3) reached Dawson the police were already aware of their presence and character. No doubt they were watched closely, as the paper noted "if, at the close of navigation, these fellows are still here they will be "vagged" and put to work on the woodpile" (KN 20 September lgOOb:7). The purpose of the punishment was to prevent such individuals from being free in the community during the winter, when the chance that they would leave of their own accord was slim, given the difficulties and dangers associated with winter travel. The same article noted that those charged with vagrancy the previous year received three to five months on the woodpile. The police thus held them until the river broke up and the steamships started operating. Upon their release prisoners were likely anxious to leave the community. At the end of September, Wood had 100 individuals served with a warning to find work or leave Dawson (KN 30 September 1900:4). Samuel McCartney had previously been warned, having spent two years in Dawson without working and when he did not comply was given a six-month sentence (KN27 September 1900:8). After a Dawson saloon was robbed in November, Wood ordered all vagrants prosecuted. He also compelled 280 people to leave the territory (Guest 1982: 136). The discovery of gold in the Tanana Valley, Alaska, created another exodus in 1904 and 1905, as a large number of people headed for Fairbanks (Innis 1936:260). Once again this movement included a good portion of the lawless element in the community. Dawson City, however, continued to draw these types of individuals, and the police effectively advised as many as 200 to leave the community (Guest 1982:142). This ebb and flow appears to have been a common occurrence, likely due to Dawson's position as a hub of river travel in the territory. Undesirables passed through the community on their way to Alaska, or on the reverse trip (Guest 1982: 145). The Yukon administration feared that they would end up having to support indigents that were making their way up river from Tanana on their way outside (Bums 1905). Prostitutes from cities on the U.S. west coast regularly made trips to the Yukon each spring (Wood 1908a). In 1907 and 1908 the police had an annual roundup of undesirable people, who were told to leave Dawson (Guest 1982: 145). Both the police and territorial officials lamented the lack of government agents who could prevent "criminals, lunatics or other undesirable citizens" (Senkler 1908) from entering the Yukon. Assistant Commissioner Wood (1908b) sent letters to both the Commissioner and the Comptroller of the Royal Northwest Mounted Police (1908a) urging them to either station immigration officers at Carcross and Forty Mile or grant police and customs officers the authority to refuse entry. An American immigration officer regularly patrolled between Skagway and the Canadian border, turning undesirables and indigents back into Canada. As late as 1913, the police still kept a tight lid on the unwelcome element in the community and found deporting people from the territory an effective means of dealing with them.
Gum blers Dawson City, like all gold camps and towns attracted a large number of people who made their living by using various means to take money from miners in the saloons and dancehalls. Among these were professional gamblers. These people were transients who moved from one camp to the next taking advantage of the excitement created by the boom. Gambling was a popular pastime among Klondike miners and gamblers had no difficulty plying their trade; contemporary journals and letters are full of stories of big wins and losses. In the beginning, Dawson's saloons and dancehalls were unregulated. This changed with the passage of the Yukon Act that effectively handed control of Dawson to the commissioner and council, which promptly instituted a licensing system for these businesses (Guest 1982:214). As part of the council and as head of police, Samuel Steele held considerable influence in its decision-making. Steele's (1915) disdain for gamblers and the saloons they habituated is clearly evident in comments made in his autobiography on their presence in Wrangell, Skagway and on the White Pass Trail. Dawson, Steele (1915:323) remarked, "was full of loose characters who had come into the country to prey upon the respectable.. .and I dealt with them with the utmost severity." One hundred and ninety gamblers were rounded up and appeared before Steele in court, where they were issued $50 dollar fines and "invitations to leave the city" (Guest l982:2 15). This policy recognized several thousand dollars over a short period of time that was used to help fund the struggling hospitals (Steele 1915:323). Although few restrictions were placed on saloons and dancehalls, the police kept close watch over the activities in these establishments. In his 21 July 1900 report to Commissioner Ogilvie, Major Wood stated that Dawson had eight gaming houses employing a total of 110 gamblers. Conditions changed when the Dominion Government became involved in the fall of 1900. Clifford Sifton wrote both Ogilvie and Wood notifying them that he had received numerous complaints regarding saloons and dancehalls in Dawson (KN 9 September 1900:4). His first concern was the use of women of bad character in drinking places to decoy people into the bars and the presence of open gambling. One of the common methods used to separate patrons from their money was referred to as box rustling. Women in the saloons and dancehalls would take patrons to private boxes where they were convinced to buy drinks. These women received a percentage of the money the patron spent. Frederick Wombwell (n.d.:70-7 1) experienced box rustling first hand on his third day in Dawson. Visiting the Eldorado dancehall, Wombwell sat in a box above the dance floor to watch the evening's activities, where he was joined within five minutes by a dancehall girl. The woman suggested he buy them both drinks, specifying Bass Ale. The two bottles of ale cost the unsuspecting Wombwell $40. Half of this money went to the woman as her commission. Sifton was concerned not only with the fact that open gambling was allowed, but that the police policy of regularly rounding up the gamblers and fining them could be construed as an indirect licensing system that permitted them to continue their conduct as before (KN 9 September 1900:4). He explicitly demanded that both dancehalls and open gambling be immediately and summarily suppressed. Ogilvie and Wood, based on their experience and familiarity with the community, opposed the minister's decision and protested his instructions. Foremost among their concerns was the potential for such an order to result in more trouble than benefit by removing gambling from under the watchful eye of the police to underground locations. Sifton refused to recognize their arguments and held firmly to his previous directive (Guest l982:2 19). Sifton's ban was to originally have taken place on 15 March 190 1 (Guest 1982:219). There may have been a local delay as suggested in an article in the Nugget (28 February 1901:7), which states 1 June was the day the ban would take effect. At any rate, the ban went ahead as planned and by 16 March gambling ceased in Dawson. Prior to this date, F.C. Wade had wired Sifton explaining that the gaming houses were in debt after the long winter and would default on their loans if forced to close before the spring clean-up on the creeks. Such a result would be detrimental to commerce in the city. Members of Dawson's commercial sector also took it upon themselves to telegram the minister to request a postponement while those indirectly involved took steps to protect their interests (KN 2 1 March 190 1 :2). A delay was granted, but this news did not arrive in Dawson until 18 March. An order was finally given at the end of November 190 1 that put a stop to all open gambling in Dawson City. The Nugget (20 November 1901:3) estimated between 250 and 300 people were at that time making a living directly or indirectly from gambling.
Taxation Increasing demand by members of the community for improvements to the streets and other areas of town lead the Public Works Committee to make two recommendations to the Yukon Council (KN 27 April 1900a:I). First, a wagon and team were required to carry out improvements. Second, in cases where the majority of residents requested improvements to their street, the Council should comply as long as citizens paid two- thirds of the costs through local taxation. At that same meeting the Council passed an Ordinance Respecting Assessment, which effectively required Dawson residents to pay taxes on property (both real and personal) and income above $2000. Taxation was to cover unincorporated Dawson consisting of the Government, Smith, Menzies, Day and N.W.M.P Reserve additions and the Ladue and Harper Townsite. Taxation by the Yukon Council had a number of impacts with respect to transience in the community. While newspaper articles suggest that everyone was to be included on the tax roll, property ownership was likely to be a key criteria in deciding who paid taxes. Articles in the same issue of the Nugget (KN 27 April 1900b:1) indicate that squatters were still present in the townsite. This meant that many transients in the community would not be contributing to the improvements, but would benefit from them while they were there. Members of the community objected to taxation on the grounds that they had no representation on the Yukon Council (KN 12 July 1900a:1). Provisions had been made two years previously for two elected council members; the council, however, had taken no steps in this direction. In August 1900, F.C. Wade submitted the Dawson Board of Trade's Committee on Assessment and Taxation report stating that the imposition of taxes by a Council without citizen representation would be illegal and that protest on this basis would be successful (KN 12 August 1900:4). Canadian Parliament, however, had passed amendments to the Yukon Act on 11 August 1900, that allowed the Commissioner to impose taxes, and created two elected positions on the council (Smyth 1991:7). An interview with Commissioner Ogilvie published in the Nugget on 13 December 1900, indicates that the two elected representatives were ready to sit in Council and the question of taxation would soon be settled. After this point the issue seems to have raised little protest. In the new year the council invited the Board of Trade to participate in developing a fair means of tax collection (KN 17 March 1901:3). At the end of March a public notice appeared in the Nugget (3 1 March 1901:5) informing citizens that taxes were due by the end of June. While the issue seemed to have been satisfactorily solved, one may speculate that there was still an outstanding problem from the perspective of many transients as only British subjects were eligible to vote. Therefore, while representative government had been achieved, a large portion of Dawson's residents would have had no direct participation in selecting representatives from the community. British subjects made up 41% of Dawson's population in 1901 (Porsild 1994:342); the remaining 57% (nationality is unknown for 2%) of Dawson's residents were from the United States, Continental Europe, Scandinavia, and Asia. We may also speculate that these people would have been less likely to become permanent residents. People owning lots and living on the hillsides, many of who would have been transient, would also be required to pay taxes. Yet, these areas possessed no roads or other services provided by the Council and as a result residents would see no direct benefit from their taxes.
Incorporation Issues of taxation in Dawson were closely tied to arguments concerning incorporation, and like taxation, the municipal government had an influence on, and was influenced by transients in the community. Constantine first received inquiries in favour of incorporation in the fall of 1897, just as the stampede was getting started (Guest n.d.:33). The request was made by a group of Americans and may have been made on the general principal of self-organization in frontier American towns. They were informed, however, that only British subjects could undertake the formation of local government. C.M. Woodworth, a Dawson lawyer, raised interest in incorporation again in the summer of 1898 (Morrison l968:26). He expected a municipal government to be more effective in communicating with the Dominion government and securing resolutions to miners' complaints regarding mining regulations and administration in the Klondike. Woodworth used the Miners' Association as a means of gaining support for a proposal to the Yukon Council. At the same time a second group calling themselves the "Citizens' Committee" held public meetings to discuss the need for Yukon representation on the Council and in the Canadian parliament. The Miners' Association also took on both ideas. Leaders of the Miners' Association met with the Commissioner in September 1898. Ogilvie stated that in his opinion the time for incorporation had not yet arrived and that city administration was best left in the hands of the Council (Guest n.d.:35). The association was informed that the issue would be considered if sufficient public support existed, but 2000 signatures were required for incorporation as a town, and more than twice that number for a city. It was decided that the Miners' Association would oversee a petition for incorporation. Leroy Pelletier offered an interesting counterpoint to the call for incorporation at this meeting. Pelletier argued that it was unfair to tax the residents of Dawson, many of whom had no intention of remaining, for city improvements that would only benefit those who came later (Guest n.d.:36). This is truly a transient perspective on taxation and incorporation. How much support Pelletier's opinion received is unknown. Although it did not change the course of the meeting it is unlikely he was alone in this conviction. Support for the petition did not meet expectations, and by the middle of October 1898 only 1200 people had signed (Guest n.d.:36). Activity by the Miners' Association trickled off over the winter and by spring it had ceased to exist. When incorporation was raised again in fall 1899, Dawson was witnessing unprecedented population loss as thousands of people left for Nome (Guest n.d.:36-7). Opinions among merchants in the community were divided between those who favoured incorporation as evidence of Dawson's growth and progress and those against it and the increased taxes it would demand. These supporters clearly saw Dawson as a permanent home and were willing to make an investment in the community. The position of those who held the latter idea is more difficult to assess. It could indicate that they were only in Dawson while there was money to be made and had no intention of remaining in the community. Some of these men, however, ran leading businesses in the community, and it seems probable that they simply did not want higher tax rates to consume profits. They had been operating in a community where the majority of public expenditures had been met by the council, and even if taxes were assessed by the council they would not be as high as those required to support a local government. Guest (n.d. 38) presents an argument made in the Yukon Sun against incorporation based on a fear that the wrong type of people would gain control of a municipal government. Who these people were is not specified, but it does not sound like a general statement; it must have referred to certain individuals or a specific group of people. Political lines of division were clearly present in the community. The Yukon Sun was allied with the government, whereas the Klondike Nugget opposed the Commissioner and council on almost every issue. While the Sun opposed incorporation, the Nugget contended that if taxation could not be avoided their own government would ensure the taxes collected were used for improvements in the community and would better serve the citizens. In presenting this argument the Nugget (1 5 July 1900:3) published a list of Dawson's characteristics that demonstrate what community members considered the hallmarks of permanence. Based firmly in economics it includes the presence of two banks and other important financial concerns, and the large number of business transactions made daily in the community. They even go as far as stating that there was probably more money in Dawson per capita than anywhere else in the world. Dawson could boast electricity, telephones and a number of newspapers just like any southern city. On the social side the Nugget pointed to the range of church organizations in Dawson that owned their own buildings, the construction of hospitals and existence of charitable organizations. Arguments for the permanence of the community such as this are interesting given that the settlement was scarcely four years old and had just suffered unparalleled population loss. Support for incorporation was short lived. Five months later the Nugget had completely reversed its opinion and clearly stated that Dawson was not in favour of self governance, even more surprising was its assertion that Dawson was well and fairly administered by the council (KN 30 December 1900:4). Recognition that taxes needed to finance a municipal government would be far higher than those collected by the council was certainly an important factor, especially for Dawson's businessmen. Two other arguments provide more insight into the community. First, by law only British subjects were eligible to vote and serve in a municipal government, which could not be truly representative of the population it would govern. This suggests that a large proportion of the population originally lobbying for incorporation were Americans, as they were the single largest non-British group. Second, concerns over who might obtain power resurfaced (KN 3 January 1901a:2). Once again no mention is made as to who the people feared would take over the town. One possibility was the saloon and dancehall owners who had originally been firm supporters of incorporation (Guest n.d.:39). Saloon owners hoped that a civic government would allow them to circumvent stringent laws respecting gambling and liquor that Sifton was determined to have enforced in Dawson. Once they realized that a local government could not contradict federal laws they no longer had a strong interest in incorporation. A petition against incorporation submitted to the Yukon Council on 29 December 1900, stated in part "having in view the fact, among others that the population of the city is for the most part transient, and that the time is not ripe for such incorporation" (Mizner et al. 1900:2). This suggests permanent members of the community feared that transients could potentially have taken control of a civic government. Clearly, these two groups would have had different agendas and once incorporation was finally accomplished this tension was a factor in the election of the first city council. After years of debate by citizens' groups over the issue of incorporation, in the end the Commissioner made the decision. Ogilvie had found that administering Dawson took a considerable amount of his own time and that of the Council's. When Ross assumed control he was committed to reducing the Council's involvement in local governance, and quickly submitted a bill that would allow him to incorporate Dawson (KN 14 August 190 1: 8). Council passed the incorporation bill in mid-December 1901 and gave Dawsonites the choice of an elected mayor and aldermen, or a commission appointed by Ross. The Commissioner and Council favoured an elected municipal government and Ross clearly expressed his desire that those elected hold the confidence of the entire community including those taxpayers who could not participate directly in the city's affairs (KN 18 December 190 1:8). A group of representatives from the Board of Trade and Citizens' Committee approached the Commissioner before the bill was finalized requesting that all taxpayers, regardless of citizenship, be allowed to vote. Ross was not open to discussion on this point, and neither the mass meetings that were held nor the fact that two Yukon Council members favoured the proposal would change his decision (Momson 1968:41). Dawson City's charter restricted the vote to British subjects who appeared on the previous year's tax assessment and were not in arrears (Brown 1907:206). Further criteria were applied to the Mayor and Aldermen. Candidates had to be taxpayers over the age of 25, and the mayor had to satisfy a property qualification of at least $2000. British subjects made up 41% of Dawson's population in 1901 (Porsild 1994:342), the number of these individuals eligible to vote would be somewhat less once those not on the tax assessment and children were removed. Dawson was to have its elected council at last, but the decision over who would govern was to be made by less than half the community. Citizens first had to decide whether they wished to be governed by an elected council or an appointed commission. Members of the business community advocated an appointed commission, while the small property owners favoured a mayor and council (Guest n.d.: 42). These two sides organized themselves into committees as the "Citizens" and the "Kids." The "Citizens" were responsible members of the community, while the 'Kids," according to the Nugget, were only in politics for the money and had nothing to lose. Based on the Nugget's characterization of the two committees the difference appears to be the level of commitment to the community. The "Citizens" being individuals who had made investments in the community likely saw Dawson as a permanent home and could be trusted to make decisions that were the best for the community. The attitude ascribed to the "Kids" is clearly one of personal benefit, and with less commitment to the community it is speculated that these individuals did not intend to stay in Dawson indefinitely. This seems to be a realization of the fears that appeared in the spring of 1900 and again early in 1901 that the wrong people would take control of the town. In the election held in February 1902, the "Citizens" prevailed as their candidates took the mayor and four alderman positions.
Conclusion Much of the section looking at the cost of living in Dawson was aimed at conveying the conditions transients experienced on a daily basis if they remained in Dawson for any length of time. All options for accommodation in the Klondike were expensive, regardless if one wanted to live in a hotel or build their own cabin. Food prices were high, and fluctuations in pricing were common during the boom years. Miner was the most commonly listed occupation in the community, and among the owners of hillside lots in the Judge Street area. The variety of other occupations identified with these property owners indicates that people were taking any employment opportunity they could get, or possibly falling back on the professions and trades they practiced at home. The fact that so few of the owners could be definitely associated with living on their lot suggests that many may have purchased the property as a real estate investment. This topic is addressed in more detail in Chapter 5. Changes in the mining industry from individual miners using rudimentary technology to capitalist domination of the goldfields, had a substantial impact on the nature of transience in the community. The governments positive attitude toward capitalist production in the goldfields reduced individual opportunity to own a mine. As new technologies such as dredges were introduced the amount of labour required was also greatly reduced. Eventually transience became linked to wage labour for the mining corporations. The police focussed their attention on those people they deemed undesirable, including criminals, gamblers, prostitutes and people with no visible means of support, many of whom were transient. These people were considered a threat to the stability of the community and considerable effort was expended trying to encourage them to move on. Sifton was also desirous of removing such people, however, unlike the police, his motive appears to have been pressure from parties in eastern Canada that wanted Dawson cleaned up, even though they had no connection to the town. The Ontario Women's Christian Temperance Union was adamant in their demands that Sifton put a stop to prostitution in Dawson (Ryley 199757-58). The related issues of taxation and incorporation present an opportunity to view interactions between the government, permanent residents and transients. Council's proposal to initiate taxation to pay the costs of city improvements was greeted by almost uniform opposition, but the debates indicate tension between the permanent and transient members of the community. Tensions in the community surfaced again during the fight for incorporation. Residents were divided into the "Citizens" who saw themselves working for the betterment of the community and, the "Kids" who, at least in the eyes of the citizens, represented the transient portion of the population. These two different outlooks fit well with the concept of anticipated mobility; people's attitudes and actions reflect the length of time they intended to stay in Dawson. Tension between the permanent and transient portions of the community were prominent again in the debate surrounding transient traders. City merchants were strong supporters of the first local government and their influence is likely responsible for the excessively high cost of transient traders licenses, and the ultimate demise of this type of merchant. One of the pertinent questions with respect to transience in Dawson was how transients interacted with the permanent sector of the community. Unable to vote, foreign transients were effectively barred from participation in decisions that directly affected their lives in Dawson. Based on the foregoing examples, mass meetings were one means through which they could have engaged in the significant issues that concerned them. Such meetings were called on the issues of taxation, incorporation and during the fight to have mining concessions revoked. These were open forums, with no restrictions on citizenship, where members of the community met to discuss issues and actions. Here foreigners could have their views heard and have an opportunity to impress their ideas upon those residents who could vote. The next chapter explores the settlement development of Dawson City, bringing together the spatial and social organization to identify the place the hillsides held within the social context of the community. The first section continues the discussion of differences between pre and post- 1896 society started in Chapter Three, by pointing out the differences between Dawson City and earlier mining settlements. The chapter also expands on the discussions of hillside property owners, and the lack of city improvements for hillside residents initiated in the present chapter. CHAPTER FIVE
SETTLEMENT DEVELOPMENT
Introduction A variety of information about the community is recorded in the physical characteristics, or landscape, of mining towns (Francaviglia 199 1). A settlement's physical characteristics at any given moment are the product of both the natural environment and social forces during its development, and understanding this landscape is one means of approaching the social system of past communities. Investigation of the development of Dawson City's physical organization has the potential to offer insight into the place of the hillside and transient life within the social context of the community. The following sections discuss Dawson City's development, starting at the regional level and progressively narrowing the focus to the hillsides areas. A comparison of Dawson City and Forty Mile identifies physical characteristics in each settlement that reflect significant changes in social organization between the early Yukon population and that of the Klondike Gold Rush. Consideration is then given to Dawson's regional place in the Yukon drainage during and immediately following the boom. This is followed by a brief discussion of the physical development of the settlement as a whole, underlining the different forces that helped shape the community. Land title and property tax assessment data are used to place the occupation of the hillsides within the context of the settlement's development.
Changing Settlement Form Settlement forms in the Yukon underwent a marked shift following the discovery of coarse gold on the Fortymile River. A number of related factors combined to create a community substantially different from those that preceded it. Forty Mile, however, was clearly the offspring of the earlier settlement pattern. Formerly a discovery resulted in a small concentration of miners and the establishment of a trading post, around which a few individuals built cabins. Becker (1983232-83) presents a similar discussion and notes that these settlements developed in an unplanned and unregulated manner. He states that these communities were initiated by the traders, but this is best read in a passive sense. It is more likely that the trader's post provided a focal point, rather than the merchants intending to found a settlement. McQuesten and Harper transferred their Stewart River post to Forty Mile, setting up on the right bank of the Fortymile River at its confluence with the Yukon. Similar to previous posts, miners built their cabins in proximity to these traders. It appears that structures were located in the same informal manner as the community grew. The map of Forty Mile (Figure 7) shows a community that fits Francaviglia's (1991:32) description of a convergent layout. The main townsite occupies a triangular area bisected by a slough. Most structures are aligned with the banks of the Fortymile and Yukon rivers, and along both sides of the slough. Primary businesses were located along the bank of the Fortymile River (Guest 1982:73-74). The overall visual effect consists of four lines of structures converging on the trader's building. Between these lines are a variety of cabins that have no strict alignment or organization (the only exception is a second line of buildings roughly paralleling the row of cabins along the west side of the slough). Ogilvie surveyed the Forty Mile townsite early in the summer of 1896. In his own words: "I made a complete survey of Forty Mile, locating and taking the dimensions of every house in it, and it's the worst jumble I ever saw." (Ogilvie 1975:395). Three years later, when the Minister of the Interior suggested that lot sizes be standardized, Ogilvie discouraged the idea as impractical, there being so many buildings that one lot would take in a number of different structures (Becker 1983:83). Dawson City was founded by Joseph Ladue in the fall of 1896. Use of the term "founded" is important, as Ladue's intention was not simply to set up a convenient post from which to supply the miners. He had been in the Yukon for more than 20 years, and knew, like all prospectors expect, that the big strike was coming. That the population of the region was changing would have been readily apparent to Ladue, as evidenced by changes in settlement at Forty Mile and Circle City. Dawson differed from other Yukon Fortymile 1891 [ tYukon River -I Scale 1:4,000 -
Figure 7. This trace of Ogilvie's 1896 map of the Fortymile townsite (bracketed labels not on original) shows the lack of organization in structure locations (CLSR 40332, William Ogilvie Surveyor, Field Book 6191,6192, Canada Land and Survey Records, Legal Surveys Division, Natural Resources Canada, Whitehorse). settlements in that, when Ladue built his post he also staked and submitted an application for a 160 acre townsite. Becker (1983) identifies this as a new settlement process, in this case the trader truly did initiate the settlement, and intended to make a profit from the sale of property. Another important difference between Dawson City and the mining camps that preceded it was the government's involvement in the townsite from the beginning. Early on, the N.W.M.P. received six requests to purchase the townsite (Guest 1982:28). Inspector Constantine was of the opinion that the Dominion Government should retain ownership of the land and administer all lot sales, but applications for sections of Dawson were recognized, and William Ogilvie made the initial survey of the settlement in 1897 using a standard grid pattern with avenues paralleling the Yukon River.
Dawson City and the Gold Fields As the Klondike became the primary locus of mining activity in the Yukon, Dawson quickly attained a dominant position in the region. The N.W.M.P. and the two principal trading concerns moved their headquarters to Dawson, and a number of different religious denominations opened churches. As the gold rush progressed, the Dominion Government began to install a considerable bureaucracy to run the territory. Dawson's role as the capital of the Yukon Territory, and as the largest city in the north, significantly influenced the social and physical organization of the community. Its general population contained a large number of people not directly involved in mining, such as merchants and others in the service industry, those in government employment and people waiting around, perhaps involved in casual labour or prospecting. As the primary supply centre for the district, many miners who lived on claims in the gold fields came to Dawson for supplies and entertainment. Every issue of the Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget contains columns devoted to visitors from the creeks. These "Brief Mentions" often note an individual's name, and where they were staying while in town. Other columns provide short news items regarding events on the various creeks. The consistency of these elements of the paper demonstrate the close connection between people in the community and those in outlying areas on a social level. They allow people to keep track of one another and facilitate interaction when people from the creeks come to Dawson. Dawson City was the most important location for movement along the Yukon River. It held a central location and served as the hub for river steamers that provided the region's principal means of transportation. It seems likely that the community functioned as a temporary base for many people following the boom. While waiting for another large discovery, casual work was more easily obtained in Dawson than anywhere else in the territory, and it was an optimal location for keeping abreast of the latest reports of new discoveries. Local newspapers and personal writings, such as journals and letters, often make mention of stampedes to new creeks. Small stampedes were short lived, and the participants generally returned to Dawson. Two substantial discoveries, at Nome and the Tanana River, had a greater effect on the community's population. Large numbers of people picked up and left Dawson when gold was discovered at Nome. Contemporary issues of the Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget are filled with announcements of steamers leaving Dawson fully loaded with passengers bound for the beaches of Nome. That the exodus raised concern among segments of Dawson's population is apparent; the editor of the Nugget remained confident in the community's future, yet at times his optimism seemed hesitant. Letters containing news and information about new discoveries were dispatched from people at the scene to friends in Dawson City. These were often reprinted in local papers, giving the wider public access to information on potential opportunities elsewhere in the territory. Despite the numbers leaving, Dawson continued to draw people from the outside. The Nugget contains numerous reports that small boats continued to arrive in Dawson from upriver. Like the small local stampedes, many of those who had left for Nome returned to Dawson (Guest 1982). News of the new discovery was enough to make them drop everything and leave, to take a chance, but like most stampedes there was little hope of making their fortune. It is interesting that instead of staying in Nome when they realized they had missed out, and seeking other opportunities, many chose to return to Dawson. During the boom and through the next few years Dawson witnessed a continuous fluctuation in its population. The apparent commitment of those returning to Dawson is tempered by the fact that they were always ready to leave again.
Townsite Layout Long before the Klondike Gold Rush started, Dawson City was effectively in the hands of a few individuals. Ladue's 160 acres covered the majority of the floodplain at the Klondike's mouth, extending from the right bank of the Yukon over the hillside to the east (Figure 8). Soon after Ladue filed his townsite application, Inspector Constantine set aside 40 acres at the south end of Dawson as the Government Reserve. Arthur Harper, a long time associate of Ladue's filed for the 18 acres between the Government Reserve and Ladue's property. Albert H. Day and Stewart Menzies each submitted applications for 42 acre additions to the townsite in Dawson's south end. Day's property is situated along the left (north) bank of the Klondike River and Menzies' abuts the southern edge of Ladue's addition. Little level ground remained in this area of the townsite, and the greater portion of the Day and Menzies additions cover the hillside. The patent for Day's addition to the townsite was not issued until 30 May 1900. Menzies' patent was issued the following month. Most of north Dawson is covered by the Government Addition to the townsite, the only property the Dominion Government retained to sell lots directly to the public. A small 14 acre parcel, known as the Atkins or Smith Addition is situated between the Yukon River and Government Addition. The Roman Catholic Church obtained a small piece of land in the northwest comer of the settlement. Ogilvie made a preliminary survey of the townsite early in 1897 using a standard grid pattern, beginning with Ladue's 160 acres (Guest 1982:29). Avenues and streets were laid out using standard widths. James Gibbon, DLS, arrived in Dawson during the summer of 1897 and set to completing the townsite survey (Guest 1982:34). Lots were also laid out in Klondike City. In the original plan both streets and avenues were designated with numbers. Avenues parallel the Yukon River, with First, or Front Street (really an avenue) along the river bank, and extend east to at least Sixteenth Avenue on top of the hillside. First Street was placed roughly in the centre of the settlement, with Second through Ninth streets located to the north. Streets in the south half of Dawson were numbered First Street South through Fifth Street South, starting at the right bank of the Klondike River.
Figure 8. Dawson City as mapped by James Gibbon, DLS, in 1898. The Government Resewe. Harper, Ladue, Day and Menzies additions are all clearly marked. Missing are the ~tkinsl~mith and Government additions that lie north of the Ladue Addition. Gibbon identifies Klondike City as having originally been a First Nation village (Canada Land Survey Records, Legal Suweys Division, Natural Resources Canada, Whitehorse).
In May 1901, the Yukon Council received a petition asking that either the streets or avenues be designated by names, as the designation of both with numbers had resulted in "too much profanity already" (KN 5 May 1901 :2). The decision to name the streets was made in July (KN 17 July 1901 :6). A map published by the Nugget (9 November 1901:8) four months later has street names that agree with the present townsite. The dividing street was changed from First to Third, and the latter given the name King Street. King Street's east end connects with the A.C. Trail, which runs diagonally across the hillside en route to the goldfields. During the gold rush Dawson City is commonly portrayed as chaotic in its organization and lacking formal structure. While there is no denying that Dawson was a lively camp, authors such as Stone (1 983) and Porsild (1 994) have argued that there was a definite structure, and it was present early in the community's existence. The physical layout of the town (grid pattern, standardized streets etc.) certainly seems to support the presence of this organization when compared to the more informal organization of earlier settlements. Undoubtedly, many decisions regarding the settlement's layout were made on the ground during the survey. Gibbon's (1 898) plan of the Dawson and Klondike City townsites, however, indicates that the town plan was not entirely an in-field development. The early plan indicates areas set aside for both a public and Roman Catholic cemetery on top of the hill. At the beginning of September 1896, the settlement consisted of two cabins, a sawmill, warehouse and a small scattering of tents (Haskell 1998:356). Adney (1994: 178-18 1) provides an interesting description of the community one year later in October 1897. Front Street was the only road that really existed on the ground and all major development was along its east side facing the river. At the southern end, the Government Reserve consisted of approximately ten N.W.M.P. buildings arranged in a 'U' shape facing the river, with a 4' high brush fence along the front. North of the Government reserve were small log cabins, followed by a series of two-story log hotels. Other businesses operated out of small cabins or tents located between these larger structures. North of the hotels the A.C. Company and the N.A.T.&T. Company each owned entire blocks that contained their respective stores and warehouse facilities. In the northern portion of the townsite were the Harper and Ladue sawmill, more small cabins and finally the Catholic Church and associated St. Mary's Hospital. On the opposite side of Front Street, along the river's edge, was a largely unorganized collection of rough buildings and boats with tents placed upon them that served as residences and places of business. At this time, lots that had been purchased the previous year for $25 or less, sold for anywhere from $800 to $8000 (Haskell 1998:356). Activity in the real estate market is a useful indicator of the community's health, the vitality of the economy and the commitment of its members. Dawson's real estate market was dynamic from the very beginning, offering some individuals an opportunity to do fairly well for themselves. Haskell(1998:357) describes a young man, from Pennsylvania, who turned $500 worth of town lots into $20,000 in less than a month. He used these profits to purchase more lots prior to the arrival of the stampeders. That the market was booming during the height of the rush may go without saying. Cabins suitable for business purposes could be rented for $600 a month, lots on Front Street were rented out at $10 per frontage foot a month; $7000 for a vacant lot on Second Avenue was considered a real bargain, and a two story log cabin on a corner lot sold for $20,000 (KN28 June 1898:3). Property appears to have changed hands frequently from the beginning of the rush through to at least 190 1 (Ross 190 1). A brief look into the post-boom market, provides a sense of how the community weathered the decline. Most of this information is derived from the Klondike Nugget, which maintained an optimistic outlook for the community and a somewhat antagonistic attitude toward the government. In January 1900, the editor was after the government for the lengthy delays in providing property owners with clear title to their land (KN 17 January 1900). Ladue and Harper began selling lots in 1896. Owners were notified by the Commissioner in November 1898 to file their titles with the Dawson registrar so that patents could be issued by the Dominion Government. After a two year delay, the government's lack of punctuality was, in the eyes of the Nugget, having an adverse effect on real estate values. Three months later the issue of property titles reappears (KN 19 April 1900), but at the end of this article readers were assured that the present lack of title does not indicate any defect in ownership, nor would it hinder any future property transfer. The first group of patents issued by the Dominion Government arrived in Dawson during July, and advertisements were placed in the papers requesting that owners of specified lots call for their titles (KN 26 July lgOO:7). In June 1900, there were an abundance of cabins available for rent in Dawson (KN24 June 1900a:5), even though business in the community remained strong. These were described as dingy and not suitable for families, having been inhabited by men alone. It is possible that the former occupants of these cabins had left sometime earlier for Nome, as steamboat traffic would have only recently opened for the season. Unfortunately, the locations of these cabins are not identified. By mid-September the tide appears to have turned, as the Nugget (KN 13 September 1900:3) notes the fortunate position of those who had invested in cabins when the rush to Nome was at its peak. By early October the paper states that demand for residential structures was the highest in the community's history (KN 7 October 1900a:1). This would have been near the end of steamer operations for the season, and unless they intended to make their way out over the ice, new arrivals in Dawson would have needed a place to spend the winter. In the Christmas Day issue of the Nugget (25 December 1900: 1) the editor proclaimed that Dawson was now a modern city and no longer a frontier mining camp. Hammer (1999: 130) has suggested that log cabins are associated with temporary occupations at Yukon historical sites, whereas balloon-frame structures are an indication of permanence. The article accompanying the modern city statement, plays on this same line of reasoning, noting that log cabins, while still present, were being replaced by modern frame buildings. In addition to the construction of residential houses, the article notes the dramatic increase in commercial structures, primarily warehouses, along the waterfront and in other areas of the community. Topping off the discussion of recent construction was the newly completed Dominion Post Office. This was the first in a series of government buildings built in Dawson over the next two years, all of which demonstrate a feeling of permanence for the community. The New Year found the Nugget (KN 3 January 190 1b:8) taking a step back from its enthusiasm over the rapid rate of construction the previous year. Dawson's real estate market was once again flooded with empty houses. Values were, however, reported to be solid, with a slight increase throughout the previous six months (KN 6 January 1901:4). Business in the community was reported as quiet, but the town still warranted investors' confidence. In May 1901, the paper's enthusiasm for the community was clear again as it reported increased activity in the real estate market, and the highest prices Dawson had witnessed to date (KN 12 May 1901:8). Property on Second Avenue was in demand for commercial development. Frame structures continued to replace the older log cabins, as many men were bringing their families north during the coming summer with the intention of making a permanent home in Dawson. While Dawson was developing a more permanent look, rental costs in the business section continued at boom time rates (KN 5 June 1901:4). Landlords set their rents at rates that would allow them to recoup their investment within a couple years. These rates were no longer tenable in 1901, in the Nugget's opinion, since Dawson was past the mining camp stage and significant improvements had been made with respect to the risk from fire. Interestingly enough, in the following March the Nugget (KN 21 March 1902: 6) carried an article lauding the prosperous nature of the south end of the city, and portraying the high rents that property owners were able to charge in a positive light. Originally part of the Government Reserve until 1899, property in the south end of Dawson appears to have been in demand in the summer of 1900 and again in the spring of 1902. Its most attractive quality was the fact that it lay along the primary route to and from the goldfields. Before narrowing the focus to the hillside areas themselves, it will be useful to look at the physical, social and political divisions of the community. All communities have such divisions, such as the downtown core, the industrial areas, and upper and lower class neighbourhoods. These divisions, especially in residential areas, generally have a social basis, but their boundaries are often marked by physical features, both natural and human created. The goal is to create a sense of the different parts of the community from the perspective of the members themselves, particularly with respect to the hillsides. The primary physical divisions have already been discussed; that is, the partition of the community by the Klondike and Yukon rivers into the main townsite, Klondike City and West Dawson. Within the main townsite, the downtown core, or commercial section of the community originally encompassed First Avenue north of the Government Reserve and later grew to include Second Avenue. As the region's primary transportation system consisted of steamers on the Yukon River, the waterfront naturally became the focus for activity in the community. From a business point of view, proximity to the river was an important factor for their location. As indicated above, once parts of the south end of the townsite were released from the Government Reserve in 1899, a small commercial section developed to take advantage of its proximity to the road to the creeks. Once again, the newspapers prove useful in delineating the different divisions of town. This area was generally known as "South Dawson" (KN 23 August 1900:4) or the "south-end" (KN 21 March 1902:6), suggesting that it was considered a distinct area. Both articles focus on recent developments at the intersection of Fifth Avenue and Dugas Street. In 1900, J. R. Watson was building a business block that was to have four store units at street level and five residential rooms on the second floor. The Nugget speaks highly of the building and suggests that it would be an excellent location for a drug or hardware store, since no such businesses existed south of the post office. Unfortunately no indication is given as to how the residential areas in this end of town were perceived. Crown Prosecutor F. C. Wade sent a letter to Commissioner Ogilvie, on 12 July 1900, complaining about the placement of a garbage scow at the north end of the waterfront. His letter suggests that the residents of this end of town considered it a distinct neighbourhood of the community: As you are doubtless aware, a number of people purchased Dominion Lands and built their residences in the northern part of the city. This was not done because of any exuberant fertility of the soil there, but largely to insure health for their families, and also I have no doubt that in some cases, they were attracted by the scenery and natural surroundings (Wade 1900).
In closing, Wade notes that if changes were not made the residents of the north end would join together against the Health Department. Almost a year later an anonymous letter to the editor, also concerned with the garbage issue, and signed "North-Ender," appeared in the Nugget (12 June 1901:6). One may speculate that Wade also authored this letter; however, together these documents suggest that people did identify themselves with specific parts of the community. Little evidence has been found for the existence of ethnic neighbourhoods in Dawson City. An article in the Nugget (28 August 1901: 1) identifies a Japanese section of Second Avenue. The focus of the article is an argument between Tom Matsu, proprietor of a hotel, and D. Yasuagua a cook at a local restaurant. It appears that both the hotel and restaurant were in this area, but no other information is provided about this section of town. There were 66 Japanese or Chinese people in Dawson in 1901 (Porsild 1994:347). Much of the available gold rush literature leaves one with the impression of a very open and fluid society with few class divisions. Dawson was not, however, a classless society and the community's social hierarchy developed at an early date (Porsild 1994:297-299), with social divisions drawn by occupation and ethnicity. Dawson's social elite has been referred to as "the four hundred" (KN 12 January 1900). No doubt this name was adopted from New York City's high society, headed by Caroline Astor and known as the Four Hundred (see Micheletti 2002 for the origin of this idiom). Porsild (1994:37) found that this term was used in Dawson by a local doctor as early as 1898. This upper class of Dawson society was intimately tied to the annual Saint Andrew's Ball, the premier social event of the season. An article reporting the success of a masquerade ball held in the Palace Grand opera house on 1 1 January 1900, subtitled "Dawson's Four Hundred in Gorgeous Array" states: "The best people of Dawson were out en masse and in masque, and the fact was unquestionably established that Dawson has a "four hundred" just the same as cities and towns 'back home,'. .." (KN 12 January 1900). A photograph taken in 1900 bears a caption indicating that the view was "Nob Hill where the 400 reside in Dawson" (YA 2885), suggests there were class divisions in the physical layout of the community. Guest (1982:~)argues that there were no upper class neighbourhoods, supporting this assertion with the fact that each of the three judges in Dawson lived in a different part of the community. One means of addressing this question would be to identify the location where each member of the four hundred resided. Mention is made of the four hundred, throughout 1900, in various articles and a column in the Klondike Nugget devoted to social life in Dawson. A list of names has been compiled, but information respecting their residences and occupations was unavailable. A level of community concern with some activities in specific locations is indicated by restrictions placed on prostitutes and their movements within the city. In 1898, Paradise Alley was located near Second Avenue, between Princess and Queen streets (Morgan 1998:104-5). A fire started by one of the prostitutes raised concern in the community about their activities, and the N.W.M.P. moved the "demimonde" one block north and two blocks east to Forth and Fifth avenues, between First and Third streets. According to one newspaper editor (Morgan 1998: 104-5), the prostitutes had become too showy on Second Avenue, and as the town developed the real estate had become quite desirable, leaving few in the business sector sad to see the women move. Business interests appear to have played an important factor in this move. Fire was a considerable threat in Dawson and large amounts of property could be (and was) easily destroyed before the situation could be brought under control. As the business district grew, Second Avenue became too valuable, in the eyes of the businessmen, to be left in the hands of prostitutes. Beginning in 1900, social pressures within the community ultimately resulted in the prostitutes being moved outside city limits. Plans had been made to build a public school at Third Street and Third Avenue, which would place the students in proximity to the prostitution district. When interviewed in November, Commissioner Ogilvie stated that while it had been decided the prostitutes could not stay on Fourth Avenue, the council had been unable to choose where they would be relocated (KN 25 November 1900: 1). His own suggestion, on top of the hill east of town, was rejected on the grounds that the isolation of this area would make it difficult for the police to prevent crime. That word of Ogilvie's choice for re-location had become public sometime earlier is evidenced by a letter of protest in the Klondike Nugget from a "Hillside Resident" (KN 1 1 November 1900:2). Early in the New Year, the police issued an order to the estimated 100 prostitutes to relocate outside city limits by 1 May (KN 28 February 1901:7). City limits as detailed in the order extended from the Klondike River in the south, north to the Moosehide Slide, and from the Yukon River on the west, east to the last cabin on the A.C. Trail (effectively in the area of 26thAvenue). Only Klondike City and West Dawson were available for the evicted women, and by April the Nugget (2 1 April 190 1: 1) reported that many had already moved onto the island at the mouth of the Klondike River. Residents of the island did not want the prostitutes near their homes any more than people in the townsite. Their protests proved effective when the police altered their definition of the city limits to include the island. This new order did not include that portion of Klondike City located on the left bank of the Klondike River, where a number of women operated their businesses. By October, approximately 25 prostitutes remained in Klondike City after a number left the community on what were probably some of the last steamers of the season (KN 16 October 190 1:4). Dawson authorities showed little ambition to do away with prostitution in the community altogether, but were intent on keeping tight control over it, and any associated activities. An unexpected result of closing the designated prostitution district was that instead of leaving the city limits as ordered, many women spread throughout town and operated cigar stores and laundries as legitimate fronts for their prostitution (Wallace 2000: 187). Prostitutes that had originally moved outside the city eventually began moving back into town (Ryley 1997:62-63), and by 1902 a number were operating in South Dawson. As noted above, this part of the community was considered a favourable business locale, and also, one would expect, residential area. A residents' committee was formed to petition the new municipal government. In addition to the moral issue of having these women amongst their homes, was the potential effect of the prostitutes' presence on property values. Dawson's first municipal government inherited the prostitution problem. One proposed solution was to again designate a specific area of the community for those activities (Wallace 2000:2 18). Their choice of locales was between King and Duke streets and Eighth and Ninth avenues. This location was at the eastern limit of the townsite and on the lower reaches of the hill. Residents of this area reacted quickly once news of the proposal became public. A petition was started and complaints were lodged with Major Wood, who in turn warned the Mayor that the chosen location would be unworkable. Although the neighbourhood organization of Dawson has yet to be completely established, the foregoing demonstrates that members did recognize subdivisions within the physical layout of the community. Furthermore, people identified themselves with one portion of the community and residents had enough commitment to enter protests when their area was threatened with negative influences. The Dawson hillside was considered to lie within city limits, at least as they were defined by the N.W.M.P. People clearly identified themselves as residents of the hillside, and at least one person was willing to protest the forced movement of prostitutes onto the hill. The next section examines the hillside areas in more detail. Occupation of the Hillsides As the price of real estate increased, few stampeders would have been able to afford to buy or rent property within the townsite. This, coupled with a large section of undesirable, swampy ground in the central part of the settlement, led to an early occupation of the hillside. In the background of an 1897 photograph (reprinted in Cohen 199650) showing the front of the N.W.M.P. stockade, there appears to be a tent located among the trees on the hillside. Long-range panoramic photographs were popular during the gold rush and allow a general estimate of the number of structures on the Dawson hillside. Three conjoining photographs of Dawson taken from the west side of the Yukon River in 1898 (YA 2007,2008,2009) show approximately 393 structures on the Dawson City hillside, excluding the area under the Moosehide Slide (Figure 9). Most of these structures appear to be tents. While there is a relatively diffuse scatter of tents covering most of the hill, three areas of denser occupation are evident: (1) Crocus Bluff at the
Figure 9. Taken from the west side of the Yukon River, this 1898 photograph shows the central and southern portions of Dawson City, and the hillside behind covered with tents, which show only as white dots (Yukon Archives, VPL Collection #2007, used with permission of the Yukon Archives). south end of the hillside, (2) on the hill at the east end of Harper Street, and (3) near the east end of King Street and the beginning of the A.C. Trail. Another series of pictures (YA 20 16,2917,20 18) taken 4 July 1899, shows an increase (to 563) in the number of structures on the hillside. Cabins were now the most common structure on the slopes. Although there are more structures on the hill overall, their distribution is less dispersed than the previous year. The density of structures in the three areas identified in the 1898 photo appears to have increased, particularly at Crocus Bluff and at the east end of King Street. The number of cabins on the slope between Crocus Bluff and the cluster of cabins at the east end of Harper Street is visibly reduced in the 1899 photographs. Three new areas of dense occupation appear in 1899: (1) around the point where the A.C. Trail crests the hillside, (2) between York and Duke streets and (3) at the end of Albert Street. Little formal organization of the hillside structures in evident in these photographs. Being the only road on the slope, the A.C. Trail served as a focus for cabin construction as occupants took advantage of the accessibility afforded by the road (Figure 10). The only other location that shows any kind of organization is above Seventh Avenue at the east end of Duke Street. Here there are two rows of cabins, situated one above the next, on either side of a trail. There are three cabins in the northern row, and six in the southern. There are a couple of cabins located between the two rows. A number of prominent trails are visible on the Dawson hillside. At the south end most of these simply run straight up the slope, providing access to platforms on the hill and to cabins located at the top of the hill. Four trails starting near the east end of Albert and Duke streets (at the north end of town) extend above the occupied section of the hill; at least one of these was a route to the Midnight Dome. The others may have been used by hillside residents to access areas where they could obtain firewood. Few trails running across the hillside are evident in contemporary photographs. There appears to have been a trail that ran across the hillside, beginning near the point where the A.C. Trail reached the crest of the hill, extending north in a straight line across the slope, and ending above the east end of Albert Street, though it is not visible in every picture. Running slightly downhill, the trail crossed immediately above the highest cabin in the row of six east of Duke Street, and immediately below a cabin with a large cleared Figure 10. Central Dawson City, 4 July 1899, showing the A.C. Trail running across the hillside behind the townsite (Yukon Archives, VPL Collection #2018, used with permission of the Yukon Archives). yard on the hillside above Albert Street. The trail was in place as early as 1898 (YA 6463), and is still visible in pictures from 1902 (PAC C-22350). A photograph taken 27 July 1899 shows a trail extending from the east end of King Street up to the trail running across the slope (BCA 21 16b). A trail ascending the slope from the east end of Duke Street, between the two rows of cabins, may also connect with the trail across the slope. The peak occupation of the hillsides was between 1899 and 1900, after which the number of structures began to decline. Of the six clusters of cabins identified in the early photographs, Crocus Bluff was the longest lived. By 1900, the density of cabins in proximity to Crocus Bluff was visibly reduced (PAC #PA-1 61 84), but stabilized at the 1900 level until at least 1903 (Figure 11). In 1916, there were still six to eight structures in this area, but all located near the base of the slope (YA 5930). There were more than 20 cabins in the cluster at the east end of Harper Street in 1899 (YA 2017, YA 201 8). By 1903 there were less than five cabins in this area, and by 1910 only structures within the townsite remained. The cluster of cabins above the east end of King Street remained until at least 1903, but all had disappeared by 1910. At the northern end of the hillside, the clusters of cabins above the east ends of Duke and Albert streets followed similar patterns of decline. In 1899, approximately 20 structures were present off the east end of Duke Street, including the two organized rows of cabins (YA 2016). Only half of these cabins remained in 1904 (YA 409), and all but two were gone in 1910 (YA PHO 120 #2 Acc 80128). Exemplifying the decline above the end of Albert Street, in 1899 two prominent trails (YA 2016) had approximately 37 structures between them. Twenty-two cabins were left in 1904 (YA 409), and only one was still present by 1910 (YA PHO 120 #2 Acc 80128). Based on contemporary photographs, the principle occupation of the Dawson hillside had ended prior to 1910, though a few scattered cabins remained into the following decade.
Figure 11. Taken looking up the Klondike River from its confluence with the Yukon River, this photograph shows south Dawson (on the left) ca. 1903. The Dawson City hillside ends at Crocus Bluff just above the river on the left side of the photograph. The east side of the Klondike City hillside is visible on the opposite side of the river (to the right) (Yukon Archives, VPL Collection #2019, used with permission of the Yukon Archives). Clues to the community's perception of the hillside areas are scarce. A quote from William Haskell, who was in the Klondike soon after the discovery, provides an interesting perspective: As demand for building lots grew and the evidences of the unsanitary condition of the soil became more apparent, people began to pitch their tents and build cabins on the hillside. Such locations are some distance away from the business center, but none too far for such as desire to live quietly. The view from these hill residences, overlooking Dawson and the river, is fine and in time it will become, doubtless, a coveted residential quarter (Haskell 1998:356).
Although the occupation of the hillside was residential, there is no evidence that it was considered desirable. As the boom of the gold rush began to subside, the hillside areas were some of the first to be abandoned. Laura Berton stated that when she arrived at Dawson in 1907, the hillsides were inhabited by "a variety of curious men in tiny, immaculate log cabins" (1955:37). By the 19301s,Dawson began to resemble its current size and the hillside was once again overgrown (Minni 1978:80). Newspaper articles in the Klondike Nugget that refer to the hillsides during 1900 and 190 1 present a curious picture. Fourteen different events or people are represented in 18 articles. Half of these events have subjects that are of a criminal or unsavoury nature. These include: a suicide (28 May 1900:l), mysterious rifle shots followed by a man running down the hill with a lighted lantern (23 September 1900:6), theft of food from a cabin (21 November 1901:I), 60 cases of contraband whisky (16 August 1900:6), and butchering a steer within city limits (24 June 1900b:8). Also included in this number, while not necessarily criminal, is a letter protesting the proposal to move all prostitutes onto the hill (1 1 November 1900:2), and a notice to squatters to either purchase the property they live on or move (3 1 August 1901:8). Three reports concern odd events or people on the hill. The earliest article is about a young man who lives at the crest of the hill, and while the individual is not necessarily peculiar, the editor writes as though he is solving a mystery of the light at the top of the hill each night (13 March 1900:1). Next, is a short note about a man living on the hill, who has as a pet a large bluebottle fly that he managed to keep alive through the winter (27 January 1901:4). Finally, four articles (lOa, b, 14,28 March 1901) describe a 121 glacier forming on the hillside and urge readers to go see it. Ice began forming on the uphill side of the A.C. Trail, in line with Mission Street, in early March. By the lothof the month, an acre of ice, 10 feet thick in places, covered the slope, and partially filled 15 cabins. Two cabins had been completely filled with ice and had water seeping from their roofs. On March 14'~the Nugget reported that the ice continued to spread, and by the ~8'~ it covered several acres. Laura Berton (1955:37) also notes an incident in which a cabin on the hillside filled with ice one winter from a spring below the structure. From a physical standpoint alone, the hillsides would appear to be marginal areas of the community. Francis (1 970) discusses the concept of marginal areas in reference to the settlement of regions, particularly small agricultural settlements away from major centres. Much of his discussion is also applicable to the fringe areas of communities. The term "marginal" is used to describe locations at the edge of settled areas that lack services readily available to people in regional centres. In this sense, the term "marginal" carries negative connotations through comparison with a central area. In Dawson City one can compare the development of the hillside and the services provided for its residents relative to the rest of the townsite. While the grid pattern on paper for the town extended up the hillside, with the exception of Seventh and Eighth avenues on the lower part of the hill, no other roads were constructed in the areas surveyed for this project. The only formal transportation route for hillside residents consisted of a single road, the A.C. Trail that was built as a route to the goldfields. Access to hillside cabins was mainly by way of foot-paths that appear to have developed in a haphazard way. Reports of people and activities on the hillside in the Nugget either do not give a description more detailed than simply mentioning the hill, or reference is made to the nearest street in town (e.g., east of Fifth Street) or the A.C. Trail. By the end of 1899, Dawson could boast graded and drained roads with side- walks and electric street lights (Innis 1936:212). Residents of the townsite (i.e., on the flat flood plain) enjoyed utilities such as telephones and electricity and the protection of a system of fire hydrants (Guest 1982). To date, no indication has been found that these services were also supplied to those on the hillside, even though the water tank that supplied the town was apparently located on the slope (Guest 1982:195). Hillside Property Ownership Another means of comparing the hillsides with other portions of the townsite is through an analysis of property ownership. Four different sources of data are used for property ownership in the Day, Menzies and Government additions to the townsite, where archaeological investigations were conducted. While a number of these sources also cover the Ladue addition, there was insufficient time to include all of it in this analysis. A series of original (or carbon copies) Applications for Town Lots Dawson in the Government Addition, submitted to the Agent of Dominion Lands in the spring and summer of 1898, are the earliest source available (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). Each application consists of a single page, on which the applicant was required to provide their name, the lot they wished to purchase, improvements made to the property and identify any other individual they knew to have an interest in the lot. A total of 202 applications were recorded for Blocks D-Z and 1-4. Comparison with Wade's (1898) list of lots sold in the Government Addition, indicates that this series of applications is largely complete. Assessment and Tax Rolls for the years 1902, 1903 and 1904 of the City of Dawson (YA GOV 1 19 1, YA GOV 1 192, YA GOV 1 193) were examined for the Day, Menzies and Government Additions. Data was taken from the original assessment and tax roll books, which contain a wide variety of information, the most important for the present analysis being the property owner, the assessed value of the property and the assessed value of any improvements made to the property. At present, information from the 1902 assessment and tax roll for Blocks A-I in the Government Addition is missing in the analysis. Property title records held in the Yukon Land Title office', in Whitehorse, were also examined for hillside lots in the Day, Menzies and Government additions. This office holds the original land title volumes from Dawson City. The information collected from this source relates specifically to lots located on the hillside. Information respecting lots in Blocks 2, 3, 6, 7 and 10 in the Day Addition, and Blocks I - L in the Menzies
' The original property titles for Dawson were kept in large books, and these, along with the patents, are now held in the Land Titles Office in Whitehorse. The in text references that follow are the specific land title (LT) and patent numbers. 123 Addition, was not collected, and leaves a gap in the analysis. Information provided by land titles includes the name of the property owner and their occupation. Finally, a variety of correspondence relating to property ownership in various parts of the community has been gathered. Much of this material consists of government documents concerning the sale of property in the Government Addition of the townsite. Unlike the previous sources described, these documents, on the whole, do not represent series of data on all the lots within any one addition. Instead they relate to single or small groups of lots, and address specific issues in relation to those lots.
Klondike City Three blocks in the Klondike City townsite plan have lots on the hillside: (1) a single row of five lots in Block 4; (2) a row of five lots in Block 5, and; (3) 54 lots designated as Block 7 lying along the south side of Bridge and Cliff streets and Klondike and Mountain avenues, at the base of the hillside. Gibbon's plan (1 898) shows the lots in Blocks 4, 5 and 7 at the base of the slope and not on the hillside. This would suggest that all 56 house platforms and the 15 possible platforms recorded on Klondike Hill are outside the confines of the townsite, and that the inhabitants of these platforms were squatters. Recently, however, Brent Riely (Yukon Heritage Branch 1999) has overlaid the townsite plan of Klondike City on current topographical maps. The results suggest that lots in Blocks 4,5 and 7 were actually on the lower portion of the hill, roughly between the 320 m and 340 m above sea level (ad) contours. The placement of these lots is particularly important with respect to the central and eastern sections of the hillside, where the majority of platforms are located between these elevations. If Riely's overlay is accurate, a large number of platforms (35 platforms and 11 possible platforms) recorded on Klondike Hill lie within town lots, or on a street within the townsite plan. Based solely on their placement with respect to the town lots, this would leave only 21 platforms and four possible platforms that would have been inhabited by squatters. An undated schedule (Klondike Addition n.d.) lists 23 lots in Block 7 for which the government had not granted patents. The schedule likely dates to 1903, as that is the latest year given for a patent issued in the block; a letter from the Timber and Land Agent to the Department of the Interior in the same file dates to 17 March 1903 (Marleu 1903). All of the lots that did not have patents granted were along the eastern half of Klondike Hill. The Timber and Land Agent's letter notes that two of the lots that appear on the
above schedule had been purchased in 1899, the new owners (John L. Hutchinson - Lot
29; Walter Raggett - Lot 30) each paid $15 on the lot price of $30. In May 1902, letters were sent to both owners requesting that they pay the outstanding balance, or forfeit the property and any improvements to the Crown (Marleu 1903). Hutchinson's letter was returned by the post office as uncalled-for, and Raggett gave no response. It is quite possible that Hutchinson had already left the Klondike. A list of property sales attached to the Land Agent's (Marleu 1903) letter provides a measure of the value of lots in the different blocks of Klondike City during 1899 (Table 2). The Klondike (City) Addition consisted of two distinct sections separated by a slough that ran up against the base of the hillside between the two halves. The two halves were connected by a road (Klondike Avenue) and a single row of lots (in Block 7) located either on the base of the slope or immediately below it. The east half of the addition is bordered by the Klondike River and the west half by Yukon River. Although not a representative sample, these prices suggest that some parts of Klondike City were valued more than others. Blocks 4 and 7 lie at, or on the base of the hillside, which is likely the reason they are on the lower end of the price scale. Lot 10, Block 7, is more than double the price of the other two lots in this block; while there is no readily apparent explanation, the higher value may relate to the lot's position relative to the foot-bridge to Dawson. Lot 5, Block 6, is in the same general area, and had the same value.
Dawson City Albert H. Day's addition to the Dawson townsite is located at the south end of the community. Day's blocks and lots on the slope cover the southern portion of the hillside, ending at Crocus Bluff. Blocks 2,3, 6,7, and 10 lie partially on the lower end of the scarp, and Blocks 11, 12, 13, and 14 lie wholly on the hill. Ownership data of the lots in Blocks 2, 3, 6, 7, and 10 are not included in this analysis. Research in the Land Titles Table 2. Property values in Klondike City (Klondike Addition), 1899 (based on Marleu 1903). BLOCK LOT LOCATION VALUE ($) 4 2 South end of West half of addition at base of hill 30.00 6 5 North end of West half of addition at base of hill 75.00 7 10 West half of addition at base of hill 75.00 7 29 East half of addition at base of hill 30.00
7 30 1-East half of addition at base of hill 30.00 8 1 West end of East half of addition on flat ground 150.00 8 25 West end of East half of addition on flat ground 125.00 10 11 Centre of East half of addition on flat ground 100.00 11 5 Centre of East half of addition on flat ground 90.00 11 6 Centre of East half of addition on flat ground 90.00
Office indicates that none of the 56 hillside lots (Blocks 11-14) in the Day Addition were ever sold individually. Portions of specific lots were sold to the Northern Light, Power and Coal Company in 1909 (LT 145P, 146P, 147P), and title to the remainder was not transferred to another owner until 1931. It would appear that none of the inhabitants of the more than 40 platforms recorded in this area owned the land they lived on. No evidence has been found to date that would suggest Day had rental agreements with these individuals, though that remains a possibility. According to the Assessment and Tax Roll for the Year 1902 (YA GOV 1191), J.H. Davison owned four lots in Block 10; all were unimproved at that time. T.D. Patullo and Mrs. Dufferin Patullo owned three lots between them; each owned one separately, and split ownership of the third. Mrs. Patullo's property had improvements assessed at $500. Only two other properties in this block were built on, with improvements assessed at $500 for Lot 2 and $1200 for Lot 10. William, owner of Lot 2, has laundry written after his name in the 1903 tax roll (Dawson City Museum 1903). Lot 10 was owned by Alexander McCarter, a jeweller. A copy of the 1903 tax roll indicates that Day was still the registered owner of five and a half lots in Block 6 and seven and a half lots in Block 7. Two lots in Block 6 and one lot in Block 7 had improvements made to the property. Two lots in Block 7 were owned by Mrs. Lou McCarthy and neither had any improvements. Property values dropped consistently between 1902 and 1904. Blocks entirely on the hillside were accorded very little value relative to those on the base of the slope or on level ground. In 1902, the assessed value for all of Blocks 11 - 18 was $3000 (YA GOV 119 1). Gibbon's plan (1898) of the townsite shows 124 lots in these eight blocks, which would place the value of individual lots at approximately $25. By 1903, the value of a lot was down to just over $20, and by 1904 each lot would have only been worth $15 (YA GOV 1192, YA GOV 1193). Lots in Blocks 9 and 10, for comparison were assessed a value of $450 - $500 in 1902, values in 1903 were very similar, but by 1904 property values had dropped to $340 - $400. The Stewart Menzies Addition to the Dawson townsite is located immediately north of the Day Addition. Portions of Blocks I, J, K, and L, and all of Blocks M, N, 0, and P are situated on the hillside. Lots 1 - 5 in Blocks I, J, K, and L front onto Eighth Avenue, which is currently the eastern most avenue in the townsite. On the lower part of the hillside behind these blocks, a narrow road graded into the hillside may have been Ninth Avenue. If this is Ninth Avenue, Lots 6 through 10 in Blocks I - L and Lots 1 - 5 in Blocks M - P, would have had street access. Although the exact location of this road was not plotted in the field, it seems that it was low enough on the hill that it could also have been an alley between the lots in Blocks I - L. Menzies had better luck selling his hillside property, but as of 1903 he still retained possession of a considerable number of hillside lots. Assessment and Tax Rolls for 1902 and 1903 (YA GOV 119 1, YA GOV 1192) indicated that Menzies owned two and a half lots in Block K, all ten lots in Block M, five of the ten lots in Block 0 and eight of the 12 lots in Block P. In Block T, at the crest of the hill, Menzies owned all ten lots. Of the 42 lots in Blocks M, N, 0,and P, only 19 appear to have been sold. Susan Harkin purchased all of Block N in 1902 (LT 74E), which passed to her husband following her death in 1907 (LT 136M), along with a number of lots in the Ladue Estate. The 1902 tax assessment lists building and improvement values of $100 for two of these lots, and $50 for five others (YA GOV 1191). It seems unlikely, however, that Harken ever lived on the property herself, and may have purchased it as real estate investment. It is possible that the purchase of Lots 2 - 5 in Block 0 by Louise Callinet early in 1902 (LT 25 ID), was done with the same idea in mind. Two lots were sold a number of times during a relatively short period. Lot 1 in Block 0 first sold in June 1902 for $150 (LT 222E). It sold again in October for $750 (LT 101G). The 1902 tax assessment lists the value of the property at $50, and an additional $200 for buildings and improvements (YA GOV 1191). The lot was sold again in 1903 for $100 (LT 203H). Lot 1, Block P, was purchased in 1902 and sold again in 1907 to an individual who also owned two other properties in the Menzies Addition (LT 38G, LT16M). Lot 2 in Block P was first bought in November of 1901 (LT 142D). It sold again one year later, and then again in 1906 (LT 82G, LT33M). The 1902 tax assessment indicates that the owner lived in Grand Forks (YA GOV 1 19 1). The presence of squatters on the land Menzies claimed is obvious in correspondence between Menzies' representatives and officials of the Dominion Government in 1899. Although Menzies had applied for his addition to the townsite in 1897, the patent was not granted until June 1900. The delay, in part, was the government's concern over the rights of individuals who had squatted on the property prior to Menzies application (Perfontaine 1899, Wilson 1899). Perfontaine (1899), based in Montreal, states in his letter to Sifton that the number of squatters on the land left few lots open for his clients to sell. He goes on to assure the minister that his clients fully intend to treat the squatters fairly. There is no mention in either of these letters about where these squatters were located, but it is likely that all parts of the addition were concerned. Considerably more information is available for the Government Addition to the townsite. F.C. Wade (1 898), Land Agent, noted that when he arrived in February 1898, construction of buildings in the Government Addition was proceeding rapidly. Once the survey had been completed and the lots valued, applications to purchase property were accepted starting 15 April 1898. One hundred and ninety-eight applications, dated 1898, were found for the 427 lots in the addition (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). Information present on these applications provides insight into a number of different aspects of land use and ownership. During the early period of settlement in the community those people who could not, or did not want to purchase a lot from Joseph Ladue, presumably looked to areas outside of his 160 acres. This is evidenced by squatters in the Day and Menzies additions, and the construction referred to by Wade (1 898) in the Government Addition. Whether or not these individuals knew they were building on land that had been previously applied for, or even concerned themselves with that point remains unknown. They were, however, considered squatters in the eyes of the original land applicants and the government. In his letter to Commissioner Walsh, regarding the sale of lots in the Government Addition, Wade (1 898) states that the original squatters would receive preference. Cabin construction in the Government Addition began in autumn 1897 and was largely confined to those lots in the western part of the addition. Blocks D, E, F, G, H, I and L, witnessed a considerable amount of construction during September and October, totalling approximately 45 cabins (see Figure 12) (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 8 1 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). Blocks D through H are all within the relatively flat portion of the addition and have access to avenues on either side of the block (either Third or Fourth avenues). On the east side of Fourth Avenue lie Blocks I, J, K and L. Cabins were built
on ten of the 16 lots in Block I during the fall of 1897. Lots 1 - 3 and 8 - 10 in Block J contain a small cemetery. Lot 6, Block J, and Lot 3 Block K, both had cabins constructed on them in the fall of 1897. Cabins are listed on the applications for Lots 1 and 2, Block K, but no construction date is given (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 8 1 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). All of these lots lie within the current limits of the community. East of Blocks I, J and the eastern halves of Blocks K and L, very few cabins were constructed prior to 1898. Block X is the exception; six lots had cabins built on them in the fall of 1897 (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). Blocks 1 and 4 each had one lot with a cabin built prior to 1898. In general, construction patterns support the idea that hillside areas were generally perceived as less desirable. The initial construction of cabins, both in 1897 and 1898, was largely limited to the level, western portion of the addition. The number of lots for which applications to purchase had been made is suggestive of the same valuation of the hillsides. While numerous lots in the hillside blocks had been purchased, the proportion of these lots that remained in the government's possession was far higher than blocks in the western half of the addition. Construction patterns up to mid-April 1898 mirror those of the previous year. New construction tended to fill empty lots in those blocks already mentioned, including Blocks X and 1. The intense occupation of these last two blocks may be partially explained by their proximity to Albert Street, the northern most street that far east in the -- i- \ Moosehicle
- - Townsitr Addition Boundary
Ladue
Figure 12. Dawson City townsite showing the blocks in the Government, Menzies and Day additions (based on Quad Sheet 116Bl3, Dawson City, used with permission of the Government of Yukon, Department of Tourism and Culture, Cultural Services Branch).
130 townsite. It is interesting to note that the majority of applications that list improvements made in 1898, refer to cabins under construction, foundations laid or a portion of the required materials hauled to the lot (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 8 1 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). One application even lists the removal of snow for the construction of a foundation as an improvement. It is important to remember that all this activity took place before the main thrust of the stampede arrived in Dawson. Unfortunately, complete data sets for the period 1899 to 190 1 have not been found for property ownership in the Government Addition. Sometime between 1898 and 1902, many of the lots in the Government Addition were subdivided. Without data for the intervening years it is impossible to identify the exact cause, although it seems only a small leap to suggest that this process started with the arrival of the main body of stampeders in the spring and summer of 1898. At this point issues of available land, particularly affordable land, would have become more acute. Comparison of the subdivision of lots in the addition is further hampered by the absence of data for Blocks A - C for both 1902 and 1903, and for Blocks D - H for 1902. Nevertheless, the data present indicate that by 1903,40% of the owned lots had been subdivided into two or more parts (YA GOV 1192). The pattern of lot subdivision follows those of cabin construction and the percentage of owned lots per block. Subdivided lots tended to be located in blocks within the western portion of the addition and along Albert Street between the Ladue and Government additions. Seventy percent of the lots in Blocks E - H, located between Third and Fourth avenues, had been subdivided (YA GOV 1 192). Only 19% of owned lots in blocks located north of Edward Street and east of Fourth Avenue were subdivided, the majority of these lots in Block K that front onto Fourth Avenue. Property prices given by Wade (1 898) for lots in the Government Addition show that the hillside was considered less desirable than the main townsite (Figure 13). Lots in Blocks A through J were priced between $175 and $250 a piece (Wade 1898). With the exception of Blocks I and J, all of these had street access on both sides of the block. Lots in Blocks K and L that front onto Fourth Avenue were valued at $100. Lots in the eastern row of these two blocks were worth $75; they were supposed to front onto Fifth Avenue, but the road was never built. The steepness of the slope begins to increase in YUKON- RIVER
L 13
AVENUE
1898 Lot Prices in the Government Addition
I I I I ; NINTH AVENUE 200 Lot Price I 25 25 jhS jh5 L I 974 jhs LB /" L.l Lot Number I TENTH AVENUE H SCALE 1:2,000 20 10 0 M 100
*
Figure 13. Prices for Government Addition lots in 1898 (prices based on Wade 1898). Lots east of Fourth Avenue are located on the hillside (after Quad Sheet 116Bl3, Dawson City, used with permission of the Government of Yukon, Department of Tourism and Culture, Cultural Services Branch). this area and the lack of road access meant that lots east of this point had considerably less value. While a few lots in these blocks (0,P, S, V, W, Y, Z, 2 and 3) were priced at $50, the majority were sold for $25. Property in blocks (M, Q, U and X) between Albert
132 and Edward streets are an exception, where lots were valued between $50 and $150. Higher prices for these lots were likely due to their proximity to Albert Street; the four lots closest to the street are consistently valued higher than the rest of the lots in the blocks. Property assessment values for 1902 (YA GOV 119 1) in the Government Addition are slightly more complex. The portion of the addition examined in the tax assessment lies east of Fourth Avenue and north of Albert Street. The majority of these blocks (J, K, L, N - Z and 1 - 4) are located on the hillside and never had street access. In general, land values were lower for lots on the hill. Assessment values appear to be highest for lots in the blocks located in proximity to the streets, and decrease the further one moves up the slope. Many of the lots in blocks higher up the slope remained in the possession of the Dominion Government; accordingly no land value is given. The Judge Street area is located in Blocks K (east half), 0 and S in this addition. Lots 1-7 in Block K (west half) front onto Fourth Avenue. Six of these lots have been subdivided, but total land assessment for each is $100 (YA GOV 1192). Three of the lots in the east half of Block K were also valued at $100, the remaining four were assessed at $80. Moving up-hill (east) is Block 0,with three lots valued at $100, two at $80 and the remaining six assessed at $50-60 (three were owned by the Dominion Government). Block S, the uppermost in this line, remained largely in the hands of the government, but the three privately held lots were valued between $50-60. In the general area of Block S the slope of the hill increases considerably, likely making even platform construction impractical, and probably explains why most of the lots remained in the crown's possession.
Hillside Property Owners Hesitation or delay on the government's part in granting patents to the townsite addition applications submitted by Ladue, Day and Menzies, caused some degree of conhsion amongst people in the community. Whether or not these individuals had the right to sell the property and eject squatters was an important matter. All three of these additions to the townsite, along with the Government and Klondike additions, had squatters on them relatively early. Applications for town lots in the Government Addition (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vol. 74, File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2) indicate that many people had built cabins in the Government Addition prior to the property being offered for sale. Four of the people who applied to purchase lots in Block K had already constructed or were in the process of building cabins (Lots 1,2, 3,415). They would have originally been squatters, and were likely surrounded by numerous others living in tents who had made no application to purchase the land they occupied. Data on property ownership in hillside blocks in the Government Addition, however, indicates that lots were purchased and re-sold and at least some of the people who owned these lots lived on them. Analysis of property ownership on the hillside in the Government Addition provides insight into life in these areas. Blocks K, 0,and S contain 14 lots each, for a total of 42 lots. Seventy-seven people have been identified as having had an interest in lots in these three blocks between 1898 and 1907 (Appendix B, Table Bl). Based on their given names, the owners were primarily male. There are a number of individuals for whom only initials are available; no assumption was made on their gender. Three women owned lots in Block K, and one owned a lot in Block 0. Mary Morrison applied for Lot 5, Block K, in April 1898 (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vol. 74, File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). It is unlikely that Morrison ever lived on the property, as she sold the lot in early September that same year, noting that she did not think she would have any use for it. Lot 5 had passed through at least two other owners before Virginia M. Arbuckle purchased the east half of the property in 1901 (LT 185B). There is some indication that Arbuckle may have lived on the lot (see Appendix B, Table B2). Marion Tracie purchased Lot 1 1, Block K, on 1 March 190 1 and held the property for less than a month (LT 28B). Given the short duration of her ownership it is doubtful that Tracie ever lived on the property. It is possible that Morrison and Tracie had purchased their properties with the idea of selling at a profit. Gussie Bard owned the south half of Lot 4, Block 0. The first record of her ownership appears in the 1902 tax roll (YA GOV 1 191), and she owned the property until at least 1904 (YA GOV 1 193), the last time for which data is available for this lot. Tax assessments for 1902, 1903 and 1904, all list improvements on Bard's half of the property. Unfortunately, no further information on Gussie Bard could be found, and whether she ever lived on the hillside remains unknown. Property sales in lots in Blocks K, 0 and S, support the decreasing desirability of lots with increasing elevation on the hillside. All lots in Block K were sold by the government at some point, generally in 1898. Three lots in Block 0 were never sold and title remained with the government. Only three of the 14 lots in Block S were purchased from the government. Of the 11 lots that were never titled, applications for seven were made in 1898 (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vol. 74, File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). Excluding the initial purchase, records were found for 22 individual property sales (including sales of half lots) in Block K, nine sales in Block 0 and only two sales in Block S between 1898 and 1904. The year 1902 shows the highest number of property transactions, but this may be due to the fact that 1902 is the first year when a complete data set was available (tax assessment, YA GOV 1191). Many of the transactions that show up in 1902, could have taken place during the two previous years. No transactions were recorded during 1903 and only a single sale took place in 1904. Based on available data, few of these lots changed hands after 1904. Most lots (n=14) in these three blocks only changed hands once between 1898 and 1904. Seven lots changed hands more than once. John Brown, for example, applied for Lot 1, Block K, on 15 April 1898 (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vol. 74, File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). Under improvements, he lists a frame building that he occupied, measuring 12' x 14'. Patent (2767) for the lot was granted to Brown on 29 December 1899, and lists his occupation as miner. By 1900, the lot had been subdivided into north and south halves (LT 145A). The 1902 tax assessment indicates that Brown sold the south half of the lot, on which he must have been living, to Jack Hulliger, a dentist. In 1904 (YA GOV 1193), Hulliger sold the property to one H. Blankman. There is no indication of these two sales in the land title records. On 19 September 1900, title for the north half of Lot 1 was transferred to James W. Sullivan (LT 145A). Sullivan sold to Guy Berton Erwin, of Dawson, on 6 June 1901 (LT 169B). Polk's Gazetteer for 1903 identifies Guy B. Erwin as a stenographer for White, Davey and Tobin. Erwin's address is given as "s 3d av N nr George." This address is in the Government Addition and George Street runs along the south side of Lot 1. The reference to Third Avenue is slightly confusing as Block K lies along the east side of Fourth Avenue; however, Fourth Avenue in the Government Addition aligns best with Third Avenue in the Ladue Addition. Therefore, the gazetteer may be using the Ladue roadway as a reference. The north half of the lot was taken from Erwin by the City of Dawson in a tax sale, 18 July 1925. Records for only two owners of Lot 9 have been found, but there is an interesting gap in the different dates of ownership surrounding E.B. Newman and Jeremiah Lynch. Wade (1 898) lists Newman as the owner of Lot 9, having purchased the property 13 June, for $75. No subsequent ownership information is available until the 1902 tax assessment, which lists Jeremiah Lynch as the owner. Lynch's name also appears in the 1903 and 1904 tax assessments. Land title data indicate, however, that a patent for the lot was issued to E.B. Newman on 1 October 1907. Clary Craig (n.d.) lists an E.B. Newman leaving Dawson, or dying in Seattle on 10 July 1905. Lynch (1967) left Dawson permanently in 190 1, and as far as can be ascertained from his narrative he had no intentions of ever returning. Jeremiah Lynch was far from the average stampeder. One-time president of the San Francisco Stock Exchange and a former California senator, Lynch sold some his San Francisco holdings and left for the Klondike in June 1898, with we may assume, no small sum of money (Morgan 1967). His route, via steamer to the mouth of the Yukon River at St. Michael, thence up the Yukon on a riverboat, landed him in Dawson near the end of July. Father Rene, a fellow passenger on the journey, warned Lynch about the prevalence of typhoid in the marshy townsite and recommended that Lynch establish himself on the hillside (Lynch 1967:30). With Red's permission Lynch set up his tent behind the Roman Catholic Church. Located at the north end of town, the Catholic Church was situated on a raised area below the Moosehide Slide. Lynch states that his tent was "above the church, with the cemetery just behind. .." (1967:33). The nearest cemetery would have been the small one located on the southern lots of Block J that tax records identify as the Catholic Cemetery. Though vague, this description could place the location of Lynch's tent in the vicinity of Block K. A short time later, Lynch (1967:37) rented an unfurnished cabin for $100 a month. Noting that it was "suitably located", he provides limited clues to the structure's location; its proximity to the winter "water-hole" in the Yukon River (Lynch l967:39), and that he lived on a "little elevation" (Lynch 1967:66). A "little elevation" suggests that he stayed on the hillside, probably somewhere on the lower part of the slope. The hillside is closest to Yukon River at the extreme northern and southern ends of town. When he describes the start of a winter trip up the gold creeks, Lynch (1 967:73) notes that they proceeded down the street on the Yukon bank and then up the Klondike. Using these criteria, Lynch likely remained in the Government Addition when he moved from his tent into the cabin. A question still remains as to whether this cabin was located on Lot 9 Block K, and given conflicting evidence it is unlikely to be answered satisfactorily. Lynch (1967) makes no mention in his narrative of ever purchasing the cabin he rented, nor any other property in the north end of town. In 1902, the tax assessment and roll that identifies Lynch as owner of Lot 9, also indicates that the lot was at that time vacant. Subsequent tax assessments (1 903 and 1904) note that improvements had been made to the lot, but give no indication of what they were. It is difficult to identify specific lots on contemporary photographs; however, the plotted locations of cabin platforms recorded during the archaeological survey of this area indicates that a structure was present on the property. In the spring of 1899, Lynch (1 967: 153) purchased a mine on Cheechako Hill, off Bonanza Creek. He moved from Dawson out to the claim to supervise the work himself. Following this point in the narrative, there are no further remarks about the cabin he had occupied in town. After spending the summer on the claim Lynch (1967: 180) moved back to Dawson for the winter, taking up residence at the Hotel McDonald. Assessing whether or not the 77 owners identified with lots in Block K, 0 and S ever lived on their property is a difficult task (see Appendix B, Table B2). No relevant information could be found for 11 individuals. The remaining 6 1 owners (including five partnerships) have been divided into three categories relative to having lived on the lot. Based on the available evidence, seven people can be said with some level of confidence, to have lived on their property. Such evidence includes statements on town lot applications indicating they lived in a cabin on the lot, and addresses given in Polk's gazetteer (1903) that approximate the location of the owners lot. All seven lived in Block K, and with one exception (Lot 14) they owned one of the first seven lots (Lots 1,5,6,7) that were situated along the east side of Fourth Avenue. All five of these lots had been subdivided into two or three separate properties. While no direct connection to residence on the property could be found, 22 people owned lots in one of these three blocks when there were known improvements to the property (Block K, Lots 1 - 3,5 - 8, 10, 13, 14; Block 0,Lots 1,3,4,6,7,9). The majority of this information (see Appendix B, Table B2) is derived from the 1902 to 1904 tax roll and assessment books (YA GOV 119 1, 1 192, 1 193). Unfortunately, no means has yet been found to identify the type of improvement from its assessed value. Assuming that all of these lots had a structure on them, these 22 owners at least had the potential to have lived on their property. The possibility remains that they owned the property and rented out the cabin, or someone was squatting on their property. Based on the data available, one can speculate that 33 of the 77 identified owners never lived on their hillside property (see Appendix B, Table B2). This is particularly the case for parts of Block 0 and most of Block S. Applications made by these individuals to purchase lots were submitted in 1898 (YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vol. 74, File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2). None of the applications list any improvements to the various properties. Many of these lots, especially those in Block S (Lots 2- 13), were listed as unsold in 1899 and remained in the name of the Dominion Government in the 1902-04 tax rolls (YA GOV 1 19 1, 1 192, 1 193). Addresses in other parts of the townsite were found for a number of people who owned hillside lots. In other cases, the tax assessments for 1902 to 1904 show that there were no improvements made to these lots. For many of these 33 owners such property represented a real estate investment they hoped to capitalize on. Robert Bryce Craig, for example, paid $50 for Lot 14, Block 0,on 11 June 1898 (Wade 1898). Craig arrived in Dawson in 1897, from Saskatchewan, and worked as a government clerk in the court and timber office (Craig 1897). By 1899 he appears to have been working for Alex McDonald. He made his first real estate transaction in April 1898, in partnership with a man named Bolton, purchasing Lot 11 in Block HB of the Ladue Addition for $1800 (Craig l898a). This is a substantial amount of money and Craig's letter notes that property prices were taking a big jump. Craig mentions purchasing his lot in the Government Addition of the townsite in a letter to his mother dated 5 June 1898: I have bought some town property which promises pretty well if the powers that Be don't kill it as they seem to be trying to do. .. .I bought one lot in what is called the Govt addition to Dawson. I got it for $50 and it ought to be worth something by and bye if things go ahead as they should (1 898a).
In 1900, Craig made a trip to England and it is not known if he ever returned to the Klondike. Lot 14, Block 0 remained in his possession in the 1902-1904 tax rolls (YA GOV 1191, 1192, 1193). The associated assessments show that no improvements were ever made to the property. Clearly, Craig was speculating in real estate with the hopes of making a profit. His letters home often make reference to property values and transactions in the community. The first line in the quote above refers to the town in general, and in the same letter he notes that patents had not been issued to addition owners such as Ladue. He expressed concern that if the patents are not allowed he would be "up a tree." Craig never realized any profit from this lot, as title was transferred from his name to the City of Dawson for taxes in 1925. Ellsworth Doan Bolton purchased Lot 1, Block S, on 11 June 1898, for $50. He received a patent for the property in July 1900. Wade (1989) notes that Bolton was a civil employee and the patent identifies him as a Dominion Land Surveyor. Bolton is listed as owner of the lot in the 1902-04 tax rolls (YA GOV 1191, 1192, 1193). These tax assessments indicate that there were never any improvements made to the lot. Title was transferred from Bolton's name to the City of Dawson for taxes. Ellsworth Bolton was probably the individual with whom Craig (1898a) purchased a lot in the Ladue Addition. Both were government employees and their lots in the Government Addition are located directly across Sixth Avenue from each other, and they both purchased their lots on 11 June 1898. Like most mining communities, property values in Dawson City dropped quickly once the boom period had subsided. There likely came a point in the community's history when it was simply not possible to sell a piece of property, especially if it was located on the hillside. This is demonstrated by the number of lots that went from the patent holder, or an early buyer, directly to the City of Dawson in one of many tax sales. Following the boom, when many of these people were ready to leave Dawson, buyers would have been scarce. Tax assessments also show that by 1903-04 property values had dropped considerably (YA GOV 119 1, 1192, 1193). In 1904, the more desirable lots in Block K were valued at $20. Lots in Blocks 0 and S, and those in the eastern half of Block K were only worth $10. Most owners probably just abandoned their hillside property when they left the Klondike.
Conclusion By focussing on the development of the city's layout, and attempting to link the physical organization of the settlement to the social context of the community this chapter begins the transition from an historical to an archaeological investigation of transience in Dawson City. Continuing the discussion on differences between old-timers and newcomers in Chapter 3, the replacement of the organic organization of early settlements with a formal surveyed townsite marks the dominance of a new social order in the Yukon that had been building since the early 1890s. Authority of the Dominion Government, in the form of the N.W.M.P., began at a time when the old system of social control was beginning to fail, largely as a result of growing number of transient newcomers. The fact that Ogilvie started to survey the townsite so early suggests that the authorities saw this as one more way of exerting their authority. The rectangular grid pattern was a symbol of order, even if it was not clearly visible on the ground. Although initial growth was haphazard, in the long run the townsite plan enforced controlled development. While the stampede brought large numbers of transients to the community, Dawson City's role as the central place within the Klondike District and the Yukon Territory ensured a sustained level of transience during and in the years following the gold rush. As the centre of steamboat traffic on the Yukon River, Dawson City played host to numerous people moving through the district, and as the regional centre the community was the best place to find temporary work, or information on the latest discoveries. The result was a population that was almost continually in flux throughout the gold rush and the following decade. Members of the community clearly recognized divisions within the physical layout of the town. Residents also identified themselves with the portion of the community in which they lived and had enough commitment to enter protests when they felt that their area was threatened with negative influences. Although the hillsides were considered to be part of the community and within the city limits, a number of lines of evidence, such as property values and the lack of roads and services, indicate that the hillsides were marginal and less desirable portions of the community. Assuming that the number of occupants of each structure ranged from one to four persons, at the height of the rush somewhere between 800 and 3200 people lived just on the slopes around the settlement. Most of these people were squatters, particularly during 1898 when the hillsides were covered with tents. The analysis of property ownership in the Government Addition shows a complex real estate market, including a considerable amount of speculation, as clearly demonstrated in Block K, 0 and S. Women in the community were clearly participants in this speculative market. The only property owners in the Judge Street area who could with some confidence be said to have lived on their hillside property, owned lots in Block K that fronted onto Fourth Avenue, the last extant road in this part of the settlement. Chapter Four examined the place of transients within the community and found that tensions between permanent and transient members were in evidence. This chapter has focussed on demonstrating that the hillsides were marginal areas of the community, and were not developed to the same extent, or regarded with the same value as other parts of the townsite. It also makes a link between the social aspect of community, and the settlement of that portion of Dawson City physically visible on the ground. The townsite survey, by dividing the settlement into separate blocks and lots, commodified the landscape. These individual lots could be bought and sold like any other type of material culture, and are in essence features that can still be located on the ground. Chapter Six presents the results of archaeological investigations into the transient occupation of the Dawson City and Klondike City hillsides. CHAPTER SIX
ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE HILLSIDES
Introduction This chapter summarizes the goals, methods and results of the Dawson City Hillside Archaeology Project, conducted during the 1998 and 1999 summer field seasons. The field component of this analysis addressed three fundamental issues: (1) the material correlates of transience; (2) the place of the hillsides in the cultural landscape of Dawson City; and (3) the nature of daily life for transients living on the hillsides. As areas of known transient occupation, the hillsides provide an ideal situation to examine the material remains of transience. Chapter 5 established that the hillsides were clearly marginal areas of the community. Archaeological survey on the hillsides allows the study to be carried to another level of specificity by examining the landscape of the hillsides themselves. Finally, the artifact assemblages associated with the hillside platforms can inform us on the daily life of transients in Dawson City. Details of their households, diet, clothing, and leisure activities, provides an understanding of their responses to the challenges of life far from home, in both a physical and social environment that would have been considerably outside the range of familiarity for most. Three stages of fieldwork were undertaken to address these points. First, inventory surveys were made on the Klondike City hillside and a portion of the Dawson City hillside to: (1) obtain data on the organization and variability of platforms; (2) identify broad patterns in the artifact types associated with these features; and (3) identify specific platforms for more intensive investigation. Second, four locations containing between one and nine platforms were mapped in detail and all surface artifacts were recorded. The majority of refuse associated with these features is covered at most by a thick layer of moss. The goals of the surface artifact recording were to recover artifact assemblages that: (1) would contribute to our knowledge of the archaeological signatures of transience, and (2) provide a detailed understanding about the daily life of transient on the hillsides. Third, excavations were undertaken on one Klondike City platform to: (1) retrieve information on cabin construction techniques, (2) collect evidence for the use of interior space, and (3) check for potential gaps in the surface artifact assemblages.
142 This research follows archaeological investigations undertaken on the hillsides by Parks Canada, which contribute additional excavation (Minni 1978), and surface (Burley and Ross 1979) assemblages to the analysis. Unfortunately, the catalogue data for Minni's excavations is incomplete and cannot be used in all analyses performed here. The following sections of this chapter describe the study area, present the methods and results from each of the three objectives and describe the assemblages used in this dissertation.
Study Area Project study areas include the steep hillsides located behind Dawson City (LaVk- 11) and Klondike City (LaVk-10 ) (Figure 14). Denuded and covered with tents and cabins during the gold rush, these areas are now forested and lie outside the boundaries of the extant Dawson City townsite. Klondike City is completely abandoned. The Dawson City hillside forms the eastern margin of the settlement, beginning at Crocus Bluff, 300 m north of the Klondike River, and extending 2,400 m northeast to the Moosehide Slide located below Midnight Dome. Hillside elevation increases steadily from 390 m above sea level (asl) at Crocus Bluff to 860 m at the Midnight Dome. Transition from the floodplain to the hillside is abrupt and steep at the southern end of the settlement. Although the base of the slope is more gradual in the northern areas, the steepness increases considerably above 330 m. A portion of the townsite extends onto the lower hillside beginning at Sixth Street, with Seventh and Eighth streets positioned on the slope itself. At present only a single structure remains on the hillside above Eighth Street. One road, formerly known as the A.C. Trail, crosses the hillside on the way to the goldfields. Known as Klondike Hill during the gold rush, the Klondike City hillside marked the southern margin of the now abandoned settlement. The hill extends from a steep, rocky bluff overlooking the Klondike River (in the east), 900 m west to a rock bluff along the right (east) bank of the Yukon River. The slope begins at 320 m asl, and rises steeply to 400 m. The transition from the river flat to the hillside is sudden, and at 400 m asl, 80 m above the floodplain, the slope ends abruptly and the terrain is again level. There are no extant structures on the slope itself. An abandoned road extends from the southwest comer of Klondike City across the hillside to the bench above. Improvements were made Figure 14. Locations of study areas on the Dawson City and Klondike City hillsides areas (after Placer Sheet 116-B-3c, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, Canada 1981). to this road during the 1950s to facilitate access to mining properties at the top of the hill. The road likely follows an earlier trail to the goldfields indicated on Gibbon's (1 898) townsite plan. Recent mining activity has resulted in overburden being pushed onto the base of the hillside in one location and over the crest of the hill in two locations.
Dating the Hillside Assemblages It is unlikely the hillside was occupied between August and December 1896 as Dawson City's population was still quite small. The earliest hillside residents made their homes on the slopes in 1897. Establishing the date of abandonment for individual platforms is difficult. Photographs provide the best indication of occupation, but after the boom period few detailed pictures of the hillside were taken and identifying specific structures is almost impossible. Ceramics, bottles and metal containers are the most time sensitive artifacts in the assemblages. Ceramic dishes are relatively uncommon in the assemblages; most are fragments lacking makers marks. Small numbers of bottles and cans have marks, embossing or label fragments that provide specific dates or date ranges, but in most cases dating depends on technological attributes that produce relatively broad ranges spanning the entire period of interest. While the date ranges provided by many of the cans is too broad to establish abandonment dates for the platforms, the relative proportions of hole-in-top and open-top cans in the assemblages do provide an indication of the period of main occupation. Two types of metal containers are particularly useful, the earlier hole-in-top can and the later open-top can (see Appendix D for definitions). The transition from hole-in-top to open- top technology was taking place during the period of interest for this dissertation, and the following provides an outline of the key developments relevant to dating the hillside assemblages. Machines that could produce the double seams necessary for open-top cans were invented in 1897 (Keen 1982) and limited American production began the following year. The scale of open-top can production increased when the Sanitary Can Company was formed in 1904. Although there is a limited possibility that open-top containers in the assemblages date from the beginning of the gold rush, most open-top cans on the hillside likely post-date 1904. The Sanitary Can Company was bought out by the American Can Company in 1908, which held the patent and exclusive right to open-top can technology until 1916. This monopoly meant that the earlier hole-in-top can continued to be manufactured into the twentieth century. According to Rock (1984: 1lo), the production of tin cans in the United States was dominated by the open-top can by 1910, and possibly earlier in the eastern states. After 1916, when the monopoly was broken, many other companies adopted open-top technology, and this date is generally considered a marker for the end of wide spread use of hole in top cans. Therefore, the main occupation at platforms with assemblages dominated by open-top containers date to after 1904 at the earliest and most likely to sometime after 1910.
Previous Archaeology Parks Canada conducted the first archaeological survey of the Dawson City hillside during the mid 1970s to assess the potential gold rush era remains (Minni 1978). The types of features present on the hillside varied with the topography and can be divided into three areas. The first area is located below the Moosehide Slide and contains about 20 rectangular stone foundations. The size of these features average approximately 4 m2. Three circular features in proximity to stone foundations were also observed. The second area encompasses the steep hillside along the eastern perimeter of the present townsite. The majority of features recorded in this area were platforms with dry laid stone retaining walls. One platform used wooden poles in the retaining wall. These platforms average approximately 10 m2 in size. Minni (1978:85) found that the archaeological remains occurred in clusters, with some sections of the hillside containing no remains. The final topographic division includes the lower portion and crest of the hillside. Features observed were primarily rectangular structure outlines and depressions. In contrast to the features in the first and second areas, Minni (1978:94) found remnants of wood at a number of the features in this location. Foundation outlines averaged approximately 5 m2. The features in this area were more evenly distributed, although some areas were archaeologically sterile. More detailed investigations have been made at four areas on the Dawson City hillside and two on the Klondike City hillside. During the 1976 and 1977 field seasons, Minni followed the survey with test excavations on two platforms located on the central portion of the hillside (Ladue Addition) in proximity to the A.C. Trail. Burley and Ross (1979, Burley 1980) surveyed the proposed location of a borrow pit expansion north of Fifth Avenue (Government Addition).
Central Hillside Platforms The 1976 test excavations were conducted on a platform, 1Y5, located immediately adjacent to the A. C. Trail in the area of Eighth and Ninth avenues in Block LP of the Ladue Addition (Minni l978:96- 104, 109). The platform is 2 15 m2 in size and had a foundation outline consisting of three low earthen berms on its surface. A stone and log retaining wall is located at the front of the platform. Numerous artifacts were present on the ground surface. Minni's (1 978:97- 106, 108-109) excavations at platform 1Y5 revealed information about the cabin's construction, but this structure may date to the 1920s. Tent or wood buildings were present here in 1898, and in 1901 single story structures occupied this location (Minni 1978:96). Archaeological features included both stone and wooden pole retaining walls and structural outlines consisting of low earthen berms. The configuration of the platform suggests that it would have held at least two structures. Only one set of berms formed a visible structure outline (three sides only), with an area of approximately 15.8 m2 (1 66 square feet). A break in the eastern berm may represent the position of a doorway. Excavations uncovered base logs in the inside edges of each berm (south, east and north sides). Axe-cut, square notches were observed on the south and east base logs at their point of overlap. Inside the base logs the structure's floor consisted of boards approximately 1 cm thick, and 14 cm to 26 cm wide, laid side by each. These had been nailed to the support boards beneath, and oriented perpendicular to the floor. Patches of fabric on top of the floorboards suggests that the entire floor had been covered by heavy canvas material (Mini 1978:108). Pieces of linoleum were recovered from one trench. Shards of flat glass were recovered, but there was no additional evidence to confirm the existence of a window, or its location. A total of 2505 artifacts were recovered from this platform from a diverse set of artifact types (Table 3). Most noticeable is the large number of ceramic fragments Table 3. Artifact collectiont from Platform 1Y5 excavation, central Dawson hillside (Minni 1978, Parks Canada 1977). Artifact # Artifact # I Artifact # Ammunition I 1 Eye Dropper I 1 1 Metal Tube 2 Axe 1 Eyelet 1 Metal UNI 5 1 Baking Pan 1 Fork (table) 1 Nail 13 Battery 1 Glass* 508 Nail File 1 Bead 1 Glass Bottle* 254 Nail Cut 6 Bead Springs 6 Glass Container* 173 Nail Wire 23 8 Bone 9 Glass Jar* 33 Padlock 1 Bottle Caps 1 3 1 Glass Lighting* ( 93 1 Phonograph I 11 Button 2 Glass Mirror* 15 Picture Frame 1 Ceramic 94 Glass Ornamental* 1 Pie Plate (metal) 1 Unknown* I I I I I Ceramic Ash 1 1 I Glass Stemware* 1 14 1 Rod Chisel End 1 1 Tray* Ceramic Bowl* 28 Glass Tumbler* 7 Rubber 2 Ceramic 1 36 I Glass UNI* 1 41 1 Sauce Pan 11 Container* Ceramic Cup* 79 Glass Vial 1 Scale Weight 1 Ceramic Jar 1 Glass Window* 44 Screw Band 1 Ceramic Mug* 8 Grommet 1 Shelf Hanger 1 Ceramic Plate* 96 Knife (table) 1 Silver Clamp 1 Ceramic Saucer* 41 Leather 4 Spoon (table) 1 Ceramic Tea 3 Light Socket 1 Stove Damper 1 Cup* Ceramic Tea Pot 1 Linoleum 56 Stove Leg 1 Ceramic Tube 1 Marble 1 Stove Pipe 8 Cloth 7 Metal Container 463 Metal Saucer 1 Clothes Pin 1 Metal Disc 1 Toothbrush 1 Coin 1 Metal Pan Handle 2 Wire 4 Comb 2 Metal Ring 1 Total 2505 Cork 5 Metal Solder 1 Crayon 1 Metal Strapping 3 Based on excavation catalogue sheets. * counts are fragments only, not complete vessels. including plates, cups, teacups, saucers, bowls, a teapot and an ashtray. Among the numerous glass sherds are parts of stemware, tumblers, and ornamental glass artifacts. Household furnishings include bedsprings, stove parts, linoleum fragments, glass sherds from lights and a light socket. The presence of light sockets suggests that the occupants of 1Y5 had access to electricity. Personal artifacts from lY5 include a bead, buttons, an eyedropper, nail file, synthetic toothbrush, and a picture frame. A crayon and marble 148 suggest the presence of a child in the household. A single, spent, centrefire cartridge was found. Metal containers comprise 19% of the assemblage. Only three identifiable containers are hole-in-top cans. Twenty-six percent of the metal containers have open top closures, among these are 26 vacuum packed cans, a process not developed until 1926 (Burley and Ross 1979:61). Artifacts recovered from the platform fill suggest a construction date prior to 1900. Minni places the main occupation of platform 1Y5 between 1903 and 19 10. A small number of artifacts post-dating 1910, some as recent as 1936, were also recovered. The small number of hole-in-top tins and the high percentage of open-top cans, especially vacuum packed specimens indicated that the occupation of 1Y5 extended beyond 1910. The following year Minni ( 1978: 96, 106- 107) tested a second platform, 1Y 10, higher up the hillside, in the western half of either Block LT or MC, Ladue Addition. This platform has an area of 136 m2, with a stone retaining wall along the front. No other structural remains were located during the excavation. A total of 396 artifacts are listed in the assemblage catalogue (Table 4). Household artifacts in the assemblage are all tinware and include a pie plate, baking pan, cooking pot lid cup and a bucket. The only ceramics identified on the site are shards from a jar(s). The large number of glass jar fragments in this collection is interesting, as these artifacts occur in low numbers at the other platforms. Furnishings were limited to a stove damper and candlestick made from a tin can. Among the few personal artifacts recovered were a button, buckle and a fragment of clothing. Three unfired cartridges are present in the assemblage. Metal containers account for only 15% of the 1Y 10 artifact assemblage, and half of these have hole-in-top closures. There are no open-top containers listed in the catalogue. Artifacts recovered from excavations at lYlO appeared to date to the turn of the century. Minni (1978: 110) notes that the platform was certainly abandoned by 19 17.
Fifth Avenue Borrow Pit Burley and Ross (1979, Burley 1980) conducted a mitigation project on the hillside in response to a proposed borrow pit expansion on the north side of Fifth Table 4. Artifact collectiont from Platform lY 10 excavation, central Dawson hillside (Minni 1978. Parks Canada 1976). Artifact Artifact I I # I I#I Ammunition 3 Metal Seal (?) 1 Bone 2 Metal Disc 2 Buckle 2 Metal Ring 1 Button 1 Nail Cut 6 Ceramic Jar* 8 Nail Wire 133 I clock I 1 I Screw I 1 I 1 Clothing 1 ] Staple (wagon part) 1 File 2 Stove Damper 1 Glass* 18 Tinware Pie Plate 1 Glass Bottle* 20 Tinware Cooking Pot Lid 1 Glass Jar* 4 1 Tinware Baking Pan 1 Glass Window* 53 Tinware Cup 1 Knife 1 Tinware Bucket 1 Leather 2 UNI Metal 32 Metal Container 58 Total 396 Based on excavation catalogue sheets. * These counts are fragments only, not complete vessels.
venue' in the Government Addition. Four platforms (Structures 1-4), and one structural site consisting of a shallow depression and the remnants of a fence (Structure 5) were recorded within the project area (Figure 15). Structures 1 and 2 were located on what would have been Seventh Avenue, with small sections of the features extending onto lots 10 and 11, Block Q. Structure 3 is located on the east half of Lot 7 and the west half of Lot 10, Block U. Structure 4 is positioned on the north half of Lot 6, Block U. Structure 5 is situated along the eastern boundary of Lot 10, Block U. The average size of the platforms was approximately 30 m2. A sample of 1,194 artifacts was collected from the area (Table 5). Household items in the collection include fragments of a ceramic plate, cup and saucer. A number of stove parts were recorded, all of which were from sheet metal stoves, with the exception of a cast iron stove door. Personal artifacts in the assemblage consist only of footwear, including a pair of women's shoes. Metal containers dominated the assemblage (93%). Individual assemblages for
' Fifth Avenue here refers to the road's name in the Ladue Addition. This is the only avenue built in the general vicinity of the study area, which lies across Albert Street in the Government Addition. The roadway corresponding to Fifth Avenue in the Government Addition would have been Seventh Avenue, but it was never built. 150 Sixth Avenue
Eighth Avenue
Fifth Avenue Borrow Pit Government Addition: Blocks Q and U
o Depression --- Study Area Boundary I
Sn: l Structure rrm Slope Lot Number
Figure 15. Location of the Fifth Avenue borrow pit study area in the Government Addition (adapted from Burley and Ross 1979:14). Table 5. Complete artifact assemblage from the Fifth Avenue borrow pit (Burley and Ross l979:22). Artifact # Ceramics* 12 Faunal Remains 9 Glass BottlesIJars* 54 Metal Containers 968 Metal Utensils 7 Miscellaneous Metal 114 Plate Glass* 5 Shoes 7 StovesParts 16 Miscellaneous 2 Total 1 1194 * These counts are fragments only, not complete vessels.
Table 6. Artifact counts for individual structures at the Fifth Avenue borrow pit (Burlev and Ross l979:22,29-30) Artifact Tv~e I Structure 1 I Structure 2 I Structure 3 I Structure 4 1 Ceramics* 2 8 Faunal 2 1 3 1 Glass BottlesIJars* 1 24 12 2 Metal Containersllids 65 353 154 8 Metal Utensils 1 2 1 1 Shoes 2 1 1 StovesParts 3 1 4 Miscellaneous Metal 8 15 12 Miscellaneous 1 1 I Total 80 1 401 ( 196 1 13 * These counts are fragments onlv. not com~letevessels.
Structures 1 through 4 can be created by grouping artifacts from the quadrats Burley and Ross (1979:29-30) associate with specific structures (Table 6). These include quadrats in proximity to structures, and exclude a number of artifact concentrations in the larger area. Burley and Ross (1979:25-32) date the occupation of this area between 1897198 and 1930 based on metal containers. Occupation of Structure 1 extended from the early 1900s to sometime after 1916, possibly into the late 1920s. Structures 2 and 4 were inhabited during the early period, and may have been abandoned by the early 1900s. A later occupation is suggested for Structure 3, potentially extending into the early 1930s. Inventory Survey Archaeological survey of the hillsides ( 1998-1999) was undertaken to create an inventory of archaeological features from the gold rush era and guide the selection of platforms for detailed investigation. Due to the large size of the Dawson City hillside and the density of features, two specific areas were chosen for the survey: Crocus Bluff at the south end of the hillside and a smaller area (hereafter referred to as Judge Street) at the north end of town. Klondike Hill was surveyed in its entirety. Surveys were conducted by walking traverses across the hillside at 10 m contour intervals (using an altimeter to follow the contour). Each traverse was made by two people spaced approximately 5 m apart. All features and artifact scatters were recorded and their locations mapped. Tendcabin platforms are the most abundant archaeological features. Dimensions recorded for each platform include: length (measured across the slope), width (measured in the direction of slope), height at the front, and height of the cut into the slope at the rear. Presence of retaining walls and any other features associated with the platforms were also recorded. Artifacts on the platform surface or nearby slope were used to develop a date for each platform. All visible artifacts were recorded when the number was manageable within the available time, otherwise a judgmental sample, designed to include the range of artifact types present, was recorded.
Crocus Bluff Survey on the southern portion of the hillside covered an area approximately 500 m in length, beginning at Crocus Bluff and extending north to a transmission line crossing the hillside from the eastern end of Mission Street (Figure 16). The slope in this area extends from approximately 320 m as1 to 400 m asl, at which point it begins to level out. Portions of Blocks 2,3,6,7, 10, and 1 1-14 in the Day Addition, and Blocks L, K, M, N and T in the Menzies Addition fall within the survey area. A total of 108 sites were identified. Seventy-four tendcabin platforms and 16 possible platforms were recorded (Appendix C, Table C 1, C2). Dry laid stone masonry retaining walls are present at the front of 34% of these platforms. Maximum retaining wall height ranges
Figure 18. Platform HAP 47, at Crocus Bluff, likely held two or three structures (map by author).
Foundation outlines or low berms possibly associated with former structures were identified on twenty platforms. Assuming that most structures were rectangular in shape, at least two perpendicular berms are needed to derive a rough estimate of structure size. Ten platforms met this condition providing a structure size range from 1 1.2 to 48 m2 with an average area of 22 m2. Two foundation outlines located near the crest of the hill, where the slope is quite gentle, did not appear to require a substantial platform. Structure size indicates that the cabins did not cover the entire platform. In some cases structures appear to have covered less than half of the platform surface. Trenches located outside a number of the foundation outlines are believed to be associated with structure construction, created when material was piled against the lower sections of the structure or on the roof for insulation. Small circular depressions were recorded in association with seven platforms. With one exception, these features are located behind the uphill comer of a platform. In the only other instance the depression is located in front of the platform, at the base of the northwest comer. This depression has a low, dry laid stone retaining wall around the down-slope side. The depressions average 1.5 m in diameter and have a mean depth of 0.5 m. These holes may be the former location of privies, or may be the result of the removal of fill for platform construction. Identifying their function requires further investigation. Fifteen artifact scatters not directly associated with a platform were recorded in the Crocus Bluff area. These scatters are located at the north end of the survey area, where the density of platforms is considerably less than near the bluff. These scatters consist of less than 8 artifacts each. Artifact types found in these scatters are very similar to those found on the platforms and consist primarily of metal food storage containers and household items. It is obvious that the hillside around Crocus Bluff has received limited but consistent use since the gold rush. Well used trails run up the edge of the bluff and criss- cross the hillside north of the bluff. These trails are partly the result of youth's activities as evidenced by a number of tree forts. As a result, it was difficult to identify trails that may have existed during the gold rush era. Only two short sections of gold rush era trails were identified during the survey. Both had been built up on the down hill side to create a walking surface, and were connected with platforms. Two depressions not directly associated with platforms were recorded. Both were created by excavating into the slope and depositing the removed material on the downhill side. They are oval in shape, measuring approximately 1.5 m in length (across slope) and nearly 1 m wide (with slope). There were no artifacts associated with either of these depressions. The presence of the removed material at the front of the depressions suggests that they were not sources of fill for nearby platform construction and might represent privy locations.
Judge Street A small talus slope located on the hillside east of Judge Street in Dawson's north end forms the centre of the second portion of the hill survey. The survey covered an area approximately 100 x 100 m in Blocks K and 0 of the Government Addition (Figures 19 and 20). Nine platforms are located around the edges of the talus slope and the occupants were likely responsible for the large artifact scatter on the talus. Five platforms are located along the top edge of the talus slope, three are halfway down the south side and one is located at the base of the slope (Appendix C, Table C3). Three cabins on the south side of the talus slope share a single platform. Six additional platforms are located in proximity to the talus slope, but not immediately adjacent to it. Platform size ranges from 16 m2 to 60 m2, with an average of 30 m2. Nine of the 15 platforms have stone retaining walls along the front. Only a single platform had a retaining wall at the rear. Structure size could only be calculated for three features, providing an average size of 25 m2. These structures cover an average of 60% of the platform surface. While the majority of platforms were constructed by excavating into the slope and pushing the earth forward to create a level area, six platforms, built near the crest of slope, were produced by excavation alone without the necessity of adding fill to level one end. There is no visible evidence of the earth that was removed during the construction of these platforms. Four platforms have smaller areas excavated into the slope adjacent to them. These may represent the places from which additional fill was removed during platform construction. Four types of features in this area were not found in any other sections of the Dawson or Klondike City hillsides. A dry laid stone masonry dam, 9 m long and 1.5 m wide with a maximum height of 1 m, crosses the small drainage at the base of the talus slope. This feature may have been built as a walkway across the drainage. This hypothesis is supported by the presence of small sections of stone retaining walls running Yukon- River
First Avenue
I Seventh Avenue
Avenue Dawson City: m Government Addition 1 I 4- InTU I I I , Ninth Avenue Stone-walled depression Platform
Trench Avenue S Stone dam SCALEi-64 1 :2.000 - Stone wall 't'00 ,- M- - lwm
Figure 19. Location of the Judge Street platforms in the Government Addition (based on Quad Sheet 116Bl3, Dawson City, used with permission of the Government of Yukon, Department of Tourism and Culture, Cultural Services Branch). ~awsonCity Hillside '1
mnrxmmm, Stone Retaining Wall >- >- Slope t N
Figure 20. Locations of platforms and other features recorded in the Judge Street survey area (map by author). in the direction of the slope north of and in alignment with the dam. These retaining walls appear to be associated with a faint trail extending down to the north end of the dam from Platforms HAP J10 and J11. A rectangular depression (0.6 m x 0.6 m), with at least one wall constructed of unmodified rubble, is located 2 m behind the dam at the bottom of the drainage. Test probes in this feature contained fecal material (C. D'Andrea, pers. com. 2000). Five metres from the south end of the dam, in the same orientation, there is a 10 m linear trench excavated across the natural slope. At its southern end the trench opens onto Platform HAP 514. No explanation has been found for the presence of this trench. Both ends open onto level ground, making it unsuitable for carrying water. It is unlikely that it formed part of a trail coming across the dam, as the terrain could have easily been traversed without the trench. A second rectangular depression (HAP 51 5), similar to the one behind (east of) the dam, is located at the head of another small drainage just north of platforms HAP J1, 52 and 53. This depression measures 0.75 x 0.4 m and lm in depth. All four walls of the depression were constructed using dry laid stone masonry. There is a steep drop (-0.6 m) above the depression and the area on the downhill side has been built up (-0.4 m) to create a level space covering about 8 m2, with the depression at the centre. A small outhouse shaped structure is visible in a photograph of the area taken in 1899 and test probes show the presence of fecal material. Lastly, is a 23 m dry laid stone retaining wall feature (HAP 51 8) constructed of unmodified rubble. This wall begins at the rear of Platform HAP J9 and extends east to the base of the drainage below HAP 51 5. A relatively wide gravel trail runs along the south side of this retaining wall. A stone staircase with four steps made of unmodified rubble leads down to a level area at the wall's north end.
Klondike Hill Klondike Hill runs along the southern edge of Klondike City from a rocky cliff above the Yukon River in the west to an equally steep rocky bluff above the Klondike River in the east. The hillside slopes steeply from the river flat 320 m as1 to 400 m asl, at which point it levels out dramatically. During the gold rush a trail to the goldfields ran up and over the hill. Currently an abandoned road runs from the southwest comer of the townsite up the hillside to the bench above. This road was built, or improvements were made to an existing road, during the 1950s to allow access to mining claims at the top of the slope (Hogan and Skuce 1992:6). It is possible that during the widening and levelling of the road some cabin platforms were destroyed. Mining on the bench at the top of the hillside may also be responsible for a large drainage ditch (6.5 m wide at the top) that runs straight down the hillside near its western end. Recent mining activity within the confines of the Klondike City townsite has resulted in overburden being piled in some areas on the lower portion of the hillside (Skuce and Hogan 1991 :6) and may have covered cabin platforms. A total of 94 features were located and mapped including: tentlcabin platforms; possible platforms; artifact scatters; trails; large depressions; cut and piled logs; cabin foundations; and a standing cabin (Figure 21). All the large depressions and cut and piled logs are located near the crest of the slope on the eastern side of Klondike Hill and are not associated with the gold rush era. Fifty-six platforms and 16 possible platforms were recorded on the slope. Platforms ranged in size from 3 m2 to 76 m2, with an average area of 32 m2 (Appendix C, Table C4, C5). Platforms on the western half of Klondike Hill are positioned at the base of the slope to within 30m of the crest of the hill. All platforms on the eastern section of the hillside are located along the lower levels of the slope (below 340 m asl). Dry laid stone retaining walls were present at the front of 77% of the platforms. These retaining walls, ranging in height from 0.6 m to 1.9 m, were constructed with cobble to boulder sized unshaped rubble, likely collected from nearby rock outcroppings. Rear retaining walls were only present at six of the platforms, and in some instances these also served as the front wall of a platform located above. Few of these platforms are large enough to have held more than one structure. Unfortunately, only one platform recorded on the Klondike City hillside exhibited any surface indication of previous structures. Platform KCH-7 has three low, earthen berms covering an area of 16.5 m2 (176 f?). The cabin covered 60% of the total platform surface. Four cabin foundations and one standing cabin were recorded on level ground at the top of the hill near the crest of the slope. The standing cabin is a relatively recent Figure 21. Locations of platforms and other features recorded on the Klondike City hillside (based on Quad Sheet 116Bl3, Klondike City, + used with permission of the Government of Yukon, Department of Tourism and Culture, Cultural Services Branch). m W structure. There is considerable evidence for recent ground disturbance in proximity to the five cabin foundations. The area south of these features is hummocky and a large bulldozer berm, resulting from recent mining activities is not far away. To the north, at the crest of the slope, is a large ditch that runs along the top of the slope and connects to the drainage running straight down the hill. The foundation outlines consist of three connected berms along the west, south and east sides. Once the walls were completed, earth was mounded up against them, minimally to the level of the third or fourth course of logs. Based on the condition of the berms outlining each structure, it appears that at least two different occupations of this area are represented. Structures 1 and 2 show quite rounded berms, whereas the berms for structures 3,4 and 5 still have relatively vertical sides on the interior. This suggests that structures 1 and 2 have been abandoned for a greater length of time. These two structures were also considerably smaller that the other three. Rectangular depressions are present in the centres of structures 4 and 5. These do not appear to be the work of recent artifact collectors, but were most likely features constructed as part of the structure. A photograph taken ca. 19 17- 19 18 shows a number of structures in this location; the three larger structures may date to this time period. Thirteen artifact scatters, not directly associated with habitation platforms, were recorded in the course of the hillside survey. Six of these (KCH 1,6, 13,21,33 and 61) consist of a single artifact. Four other refuse scatters consist of very small numbers of artifacts. Three large refuse scatters were recorded at the crest of the slope. Artifact scatter KCH 5 is located at the crest of the hill directly north of KCH 3 (four cabin foundations and one standing cabin). These artifacts are most likely associated with the occupation of these cabins. This scatter has spread a considerable distance downslope, and may be responsible for some of the artifacts recorded as KCH 8. Early maps of Klondike City indicate that a pack trail ran up the Klondike City hillside from Mountain Street at the southwest end of the townsite. Trails are also visible in at least one historic photograph of the hillside (Figure 22). Sections of five trails were recorded on the Klondike City hillside. There is an obvious section of trail connecting to the east end of platform KCH 7. This trail angles down across the slope (approximately Figure 22. Klondike City, or Lousetown, in 1898, showing the location of trails on the hillside (Yukon Archives, T.R. Lane Collection #1386, used with permission of the Yukon Archives). northeast) from the platform and is visible for approximately 30 m. The trail is cut into the slope on the uphill side and built up on the downhill side. KCH 11 is located east and below KCH 7. This feature appears to be a small platform. It has a 3.5 m long dry laid stone retaining wall with a maximum height of 0.8 m. The width of this feature is 1.4 m and the surface has a slight slope to the northeast. There are no visible artifacts associated with this feature. The large drainage ditch that runs down the hillside is located immediately east of KCH 11. The narrow width, northeast slope, and lack of artifacts suggest that this feature may be a segment of trail. A section of trail exists at approximately the same elevation on the opposite side of the drainage. This trail runs east, immediately above KCH 15, making a sharp turn to the northwest at the east end of the platform and extending along the front wall of the platform, after which it is no longer discernable. A small section of trail is associated with platform KCH 14 (located northeast of KCH 15). The trail leaves the east side of the platform and runs down-slope, in a northerly direction, terminating near the end of a large rock outcrop. It appears to have been truncated by improvements made to the now abandoned road up the slope. The downhill side of this trail has been shored up with boulders. The largest section of recorded trail (KCH 93) is not directly associated with the platforms, but extends from a point on the hill just above KCH 6. This trail runs 140 m north - south at an angle across the hillside from the top of the drainage ditch running down the hillside below KCH 5, to end just above KCH 6. A second section of trail, 17 m in length, branches off toward the northeast, from a point almost directly below KCH 5. KCH 5 1 is a possible section of trail or road, approximately 35 m, that leads up to a possible platform located directly below KCH 24. This feature starts uphill from platform KCH-50 and consists of a long, coarsely constructed stone retaining wall that runs at an angle upslope to the east. The feature is 2.6 m wide at the lower end and narrows as the steepness of the slope increases. It becomes more obvious and widens out again below KCH 24. Surface Artifact Recording and Excavation Following the completion of the inventory survey, four locations were selected for additional investigation (see Figure 14): a group of nine platforms at Judge Street (HAP J 1-9); a single platform at Crocus Bluff (HAP 4); and two separate groups of platforms on Klondike Hill (KCH 7 and 9; and KCH 14- 16). Each location was mapped in detail and all artifacts on the ground surface were recorded in the field. The Judge Street and KCH 14-16 locations were large enough that a 5 x 5 m grid was set up to facilitate the recording. A small number of artifacts with interpretive potential were collected.
Judge Street Survey Area The portion of the hillside referred to as the Judge Street Survey Area is located at the north end of Dawson City and covers parts of Blocks K and 0 in the Government Addition. Centrally located within this area is a small talus slope covered with artifacts. Around this talus slope are nine platforms (Figure 23) whose inhabitants were the most likely contributors to the artifact scatter. Six additional platforms are located in proximity to the talus slope, but are not immediately adjacent to it. The average size of the platforms in the Judge Street area is approximately 30 m2. Nine of the 15 platforms have stone retaining walls along the front. Only a single platform had a retaining wall at the rear. This location was specifically selected for infield artifact recording because of the large number of artifacts visible on the ground surface. When plotted onto the city plan, few of the Judge Street archaeological features fall neatly onto individual lots. Some of this may be due to measurement error, but it is more likely that people did not strictly adhere to lot boundaries when they constructed their homes. Indeed, many of the original town lot applications note the presence of cabins that sit on two lots, or in the street. The following paragraphs describe the location of each feature in relation to town lots and the structures that were present on each, based on an 1899 photograph (Figure 24). Three platforms, HAP Jl,J2 and 53, are located in Lot 6, Block 0. HAP J1, almost 60 m2 in size, is the largest feature in this area. A low, dry-laid stone retaining wall is located along the front of the levelled surface. In 1899 this platform appears to have held two structures (Figure 24). Platform HAP 52 is the smallest feature recorded in Judge Street Platforms, Government Addition - -- 1 Platfonn Stone Retaining Wall 1 - u I Recording Area rn Slope 0 20rn.T 1 1 rr'
Figure 23. Location of the recording area, and nine associated platforms in the Judge Street survey area (map by author). this location, measuring only 16 m2. HAP 53 covers an area of 23 m2 and has a dry laid stone retaining wall along the front edge. Small cabins were present on both platforms in 1899 (Figure 24). The rear portion of platform HAP-J4 is located on the southwest corner of Lot 7, Block 0. The majority of the platform appears to be located on Fifth Avenue. This platform is 30 m2 in size. A medium size cabin was present on this platform in 1899 (Figure 24). Platform HAP J5 is located on the western portion of Lot 10, Block 0 and appears to have extended onto the southern portion of Lot 5 as well. This platform is 43 m2 in size and has a low foundation berm remaining from the structure that once occupied the surface. There is a large dry laid stone retaining wall along the front that extends around the south side of the platform. Platforms HAP J6,J7 and 58 are located on Fifth Avenue, directly in front of lots 3 and 4, Block 0. They each have a dry laid stone retaining wall along the front edge and are 35m2, 39m2and 38 m2 in size respectively. Platforms HAP J6 and 57 show evidence of the structures that once occupied their surfaces. A cabin was in place on HAP 58 in 1899 (Figure 24), and it appears that a tent was erected on the portion of HAP 56 that extends into the talus slope. Platform HAP J9 is located along the north boundary of Lot 10, Block K. This platform is 24.5 m2 in size and has a low, dry laid stone retaining wall at the front. In 1899 it held a medium sized cabin (Figure 24). A portion of a dry laid stone dam (HAP 51 7) that spans the drainage approximately 12 m from the base of the talus slope, is also located on Lot 10. Platform HAP J10 is located in the centre of Lot 9, Block K. The platform is approximately 24 m2 and has a dry laid stone retaining wall along the front edge. A medium sized cabin was present on this platform in 1899 (Figure 24). Part of HAP 518 also extends onto Lot 9. This feature is a 23 m long, dry laid stone retaining wall, constructed of unmodified rubble that begins at the rear of platform HAP-J9 and extends east to the base of the drainage below HAP 515. The east end of the retaining wall stops at the base of a long slope. A relatively wide gravel trail runs along the south side of this retaining wall. A staircase with four steps made from unmodified rubble, leading down onto a level area, is located at the northern end of this feature. There are no visible structural remains on the level area at the base of the stairs (Lot 8, Block K). In 1899 there was a small cabin, with an outhouse behind it, located below HAP 518 (Figure 24). A small portion of platform HAP J11 lies on the southeast corner of Lot 6, Block K. This platform is 30 m2 in size and has a dry laid stone retaining wall at the rear. In 1899 this platform held a medium sized cabin (Figure 24). Aurel Marigold purchased the south half of the lot on 3 January, 1901. Polk's gazetteer for 1903 gives Marigold's address as "3d av N nr Judge," a relatively accurate address for the lot and HAP-J1 1 would have been at least partially on Marigold's portion of the property. When plotted on the city plan, platform HAP 512 appears to be located partially on the southeast corner of Lot 5, Block K. The majority of the cabin, however, is located on Lot 11. Mary Morrison, who applied for Lot 5 (in April 1898), noted the presence of a small cabin with one comer on Lot 5. The majority of this structure was on Lot 4. Morrison refers to this cabin as being on Fifth Avenue, which is unlikely since lots 4 and 5 both front onto Fourth Avenue; behind (east of) these are lots 10 and 11, which front onto what would have been Fifth Avenue. If Morrison had mixed up Lots 4 and 11, this could potentially be the cabin to which she refers. In 1899, the platform held a small cabin (Figure 24). Although located primarily on Lot 5, Block K, platform HAP J13 lies along the boundary with Lot 4. This platform is approximately 20 m2 in size, and is located on the right side of the small drainage running west from the base of the talus slope. In 1902 Beng H. Porter owned the north half of this lot (YA GOV 1 191). Porter also owned the west half of Lot 5, Block K. His address is given as "E s 3d av nr Judge", a relatively accurate description of Lots 4 and 5. The location of platform HAP 51 3 right at the boundary of the two lots, and Porter's ownership of portions of both is suggestive of a match. A small cabin was present in this location in 1899 (Figure 24). Platform HAP-J14 is located in the centre of Lot 12, Block K. This platform is 45 m2 in size, and has a low, dry laid stone retaining wall along the front edge. A medium sized cabin was located on this platform in 1899 (Figure 24). HAP 516 is located down slope and held a slightly larger cabin. A smaller structure, also possibly a cabin is present between HAP J 14 and J1 6, but no evidence for its location was found during the survey. HAP J 15 is a stone lined, rectangular depression located on Lot 7, at the head of another small drainage just north of platforms HAP J1 and 52. This depression measures 0.75 m x 0.4 m and is 1 m deep. All four walls of the depression were constructed using dry laid stone masonry. There is a steep drop (-0.6 m) above the depression and the area on the downhill side has been built up (-0.4 m) to create a level space, covering about 8 m2, with the depression at the centre. A small outhouse shaped structure is visible in a photograph of the area taken in 1899 (Larss and Duclos photograph YA 3739). Fecal material was observed in the preliminary analysis (C. D'Andrea, pers. com. October 2000) of test probe samples taken from the bottoms of both HAP J 15 and HAP J 17, confirming that they were used as privies. The majority of HAP 51 7 is located in Lot 11, Block K. The platform is 9 m long and 1.5 m wide, with a maximum height of 1 m. This may have been built as a walkway across the drainage. This idea is supported by the presence of small sections of stone retaining walls, running in the direction of the slope north of the dam. These retaining walls appear to be associated with a faint trail extending down from platforms HAP J10 and J11 to the north end of the dam. A rectangular depression (0.6 m x 0.6 m), with all four walls constructed of unmodified rubble, is located 2 m behind the dam at the bottom of the drainage. The dam is not visible in 1899 (Figure 24), but there is an outhouse in the approximate location of the rectangular depression. Lot 11, Block K also contains a 10 m linear trench excavated across the natural slope, in line with, but starting 5 m from the south end of the dam. The south end of the trench opens onto platform HAP 514. No explanation has been found for the presence of this feature. Both ends open onto level ground, making it inefficient for carrying water. At the same time, it seems unlikely that it was part of a trail coming across the dam, as the terrain can easily be traversed without the trench. Infield artifact recording at the Judge Street area focused on the talus slope and adjacent gravel slope at the centre of this location, both of which are covered with historic refuse (see Figure 23). With the exception of some faunal specimens and small artifacts located on the gravel slope, all artifacts on the talus slope were recorded in the field and left in their original locations. The faunal material and artifacts from the gravel slope were collected for further analysis and were returned to the proper grid unit the following season. There are obvious differences between the types of artifacts recorded on the talus and gravel slopes. Larger objects, primarily metal containers, covered the talus slope. The gravel slope contained a variety of small items, representing the largest proportion of the personal artifacts recorded. The slope acts like a filter; rubble cobbles and boulders of the talus slope trap larger artifacts, such as metal containers, while smaller artifacts fall into the spaces between the rocks. The gravel slope, which is slightly steeper, has fewer obstacles to prevent the down-slope movement of metal containers. Smaller items, such as nails, detached ends of cans, glass and ceramic shards remain on the slope. Thus, the gravel slope provides a set of data not available from the talus slope. A total of 3,780 artifacts were recorded during the two seasons (Table 7). Although a relatively broad range of artifact types was recorded, the vast majority are metal containers. Household artifacts recorded at the Judge Street area include a variety of metal plates, cups, pans, a coffee pot, basins, and a few ceramic cup and plate fragments. A number of homemade household items were found, including mugs, baking pans and buckets. Furnishings are limited to sheet metal stoves and sections of stovepipes, one piece of which was homemade. Personal items range from a gold plated watch fob to a variety of buttons and suspender clasps, but the most common personal artifacts are footwear, primarily rubber and leather boots. Smoking pipe fragments and a variety of tobacco tins are present in the assemblage. Only one item, a clasp from a shoulder brace or hose supporter, has been identified as female specific. Metal containers comprise 67% of the Judge Street assemblage. In dating the metal containers particular attention was given to matching as closely as possible Burley and Ross' metal container types and dates to ensure comparability. Thirty-nine percent of the cans that could be dated were manufactured before 1907, and 74 % were made before 19 16. Twenty percent of the datable cans were made after 1916. Although it has not been possible to infer construction dates for the platforms in the Judge Street area, they appear to have been present in 1898 and were certainly established by 1899. Construction in the area began in the fall of 1897 immediately Table 7. Surface artifacts recorded at Judge Street area, Dawson City hillside. 1 Artifact # Artifact # Book Fragment 1 Metal Bowl 3 Bottle 3 Metal Buckle 4 Bottle Base 47 Metal Cap 2 Bottle Cap 2 Metal Clothing Clasp 7 Bottle Finish 32 Metal Clothing Snap 1 Bottle Glass* 34 1 Metal Container 2556 Bottle Lead Foil 1 Metal Container Key Strip 17 Button 8 Metal Cup 1 Ceramic Cup 1 Metal Foil 1 Ceramic Fragment* 24 Metal Fragment 77 Ceramic Jar Fragment 1 Metal Hinge 1 Ceramic Plate 1 Metal insert for ail handle 1 Change Purse Rim 2 Metal Plate 7 Cloth Belt 1 Metal Sheet 2 Coffee Pot 1 Metal Strapping 131 Comb 2 Metal Obiect Unknown 6 1 Cooking Pot 1 I Nail 6 Cooking Pot Lid 4 Nail - Cut 7 Cork Fragment 2 Nail- Triangular Shank 1 Fabric Coat 1 Nail- Wire 135 Fabric Fragment 11 Paper Can Label 3 Faunal 104 Plunger ? 1 Felt Hat 1 Pressed Glass 4 File 1 Rivet? 1 Flat Glass Fragments 19 Rubber Boot 3 1 Fork 2 Rubber Boot Fragment 10 Frying Pan 1 Rubber & Leather Boot 1 Glass Jar 7 Safety Pin 1 Glass Jar Fragment* 5 I Smoking Pipe Fragment 2 Human Tooth 1 I S~rinklerPlate 1 Iron Object-Unknown 2 Stove Parts 20 Iron Ring 1 Table S~oon 2 Lead Foil 1 Tea Spoon 1 Leather Boot 13 Unknown Obiect 1 Leather Boot 30 Wash Tub 1 Leather Fragment 14 Watering Can ? 1 Leather Strap 2 Wire 20 Leathermabric Boot 1 Wire Mesh 1 LocketJWatch Fob 1 Wire Pail Handle 5 Metal Baking Pan 4 Wooden Box Fragment 1 Metal Band 6 WoodJMetal Composite 1 Metal Basin 1 Total 3780 174 below the platforms on lots that front onto Fourth Avenue. Given the date ranges for various technological developments in tin can manufacture, they are not an ideal means for dating the site. A number of butter cans from the Coldbrook Creamery, San Francisco, were recorded with the years 1898, 1899 and 1900 embossed on the side. The vast majority of bottles recorded around these platforms pre-date 1920 but a small number post-date 1920 and extend into recent times. Further evidence of the abandonment date for the Judge Street area platforms comes from photographs. A ca. 1912 picture (DCMHS 1993.67.1.3Oa) shows three structures along Fourth Avenue below the location of the platforms, and a single structure on the hill behind. It is difficult to determine fiom the photo if the structure on the slope is on one of the platforms recorded around the talus slope. A photo taken in the 1920s (Figure 25), shows two structures along Fourth Avenue and the same structure on the hill,
Figure 25. Dawson City during the 1920s. The Judge Street survey area is located just above the "y" in City. None of the structures located on platforms recorded during the survey remain (Yukon Archives, C. Tidd Photo and Collection #8348, used with permission of the Yukon Archives). which appears to have a smaller building, possibly a shed, immediately to the south. By the early 1930s the structure on the hillside is gone. The safest estimation for the primary
175 occupation of this area is therefore 1898 to ca 19 12, with the possibility that one platform was inhabited until the 1920s.
Platform HAP 4, Crocus Bluff Platform HAP 4 is located on the Dawson City hillside, 75 m above the level townsite (395 m asl), approximately 300 m northeast of Crocus Bluff. This platform lies within the Menzies Addition, in the middle of what would have been Tenth Avenue (in front of Block T) had the roads on the hillside been constructed. The platform is 32 m2 in size, measuring 5.1 m in length and 6.3 m in width. The top of the slope lies just above the platform. Its location near the top of the hill, where the slope begins to decrease, means that relatively little work was required at HAP 4 to level the area for construction. The most prominent features associated with the platform are three connected earthen berms, approximately 0.6 m high, at the rear and two sides of the platform (Figure 26). Outside the berms are corresponding trenches, 1-2 m wide and 0.7 m deep, which probably represent the source of material for the berms. There is one platform 12 m northeast of HAP 4, and two platforms located 6 m and 12 m respectively to the southwest. Natural seeps are present on both sides of this group of four platforms. While relatively large numbers of artifacts were visible on the slope in front of HAP 4, very few were evident around the three other platforms. Artifacts were recorded from platform HAP-4 and the area immediately around and in front of this feature; the majority were located directly in front of the platform. A total of 258 artifacts were recorded (Table 8). There are no household items in the assemblage. A stove door and a piece of what may have been a collapsible stove were the only furnishings recorded. Personal items are limited to a glass inkwell and the remains of a leather boot. Metal containers comprise 95% of this assemblage. One hundred and seventy-six of these containers have hole-in-top closures. There is only a single open-top can present. One can bears a date of 1899. Based on the datable metal containers the primary occupation of this platform was at least pre- 19 16, and can probably be safely assigned to the pre- 1907 period. / /
Figure 26. Platform HAP 4, Crocus Bluff (map by author).
Table 8. Surface artifacts recorded at Platform HAP 4, Crocus Bluff, Dawson City hillside. Artifact Quantity Ink Well 1 Leather Boot 1 Metal Containers 248 Metal Fragment 4 Metal Strapping 2 Stove (?) 1 Stove Door 1 I Total I 258 I Platform KCH 7 Platform KCH 7 is located 50 m above the level of the townsite, at the 370 m contour on the Klondike City hillside, and measures 27 m2 in size (Figure 27). This
Figure 27. Platforms KCH 7 and 9, Klondike City hillside (map by author).
platform lies outside the Klondike City townsite. Three low earthen berms on the west side of the platform indicate the presence of a structure encompassing approximately 16.5 m2. There is a break in the eastern berm, suggestive of a doorway. A 0.9 m high dry laid stone retaining wall marks the front of the platform. A trail leads downward across the slope from the east side of the platform ending at a large ditch. Approximately 10 m west of the platform is a small rectangular area that has been dug into the slope. Surface artifacts were recorded during the 1998 season and test excavations were made on the platform surface the following year. A total of 230 artifacts were recorded on the ground surface around this platform (Table 9). Household artifacts in the assemblage include a coffee pot, cooking pot lid and a metal pan. Personal items include a bone handled toothbrush, buttons, a small piece of a lead pencil and a variety of leather and rubber footwear. Twelve of the 15 faunal specimens in Table 8 are from a canid skeleton, likely a domestic dog, found on the slope in front of this platform. Metal containers make up 74% of the surface artifacts. Fifty-seven percent of the metal containers from KCH 7 were made prior to 1907 and 87% were manufactured before 19 16. Twelve percent of the datable cans post-date 19 16. It seems likely that the primary occupation of the platform pre-dates 1916.
Table 9. Surface artifacts recorded at Platform KCH 7, Klondike City hillside.
I Artifact I#I Artifact I # 1 Bottle 4 Metal Container 169 Button 1 Metal Fragment 4 Cloth Fragment 1 Metal Pan 2 Coffee Pot 1 Metal Strapping 2 Cooking Pot Lid 4 Nail- Wire 2 Faunal Remains 15 Pencil Fragment 1 Flat Glass 2 Rubber Boot 3 Leather Boot 5 Rubber Boot Fragment 4 Leather Boot Fragment 2 Toothbrush (bone) 1 Leather Strap 1 Wire 5 Mica Fragment 1 Total 230
This platform was selected for excavation based on the presence of the foundation outline and the fact that all the artifacts on the ground surface had been recorded during the previous season. The purpose of this excavation was to recover structural data, information regarding construction techniques for the cabin that had existed on the platform and to obtain a sample of the material culture remaining inside the structure's perimeter. A 2 x 2 m excavation unit was laid out in the northwest comer of the foundation outline, aligned to bisect the length of the east berm, from the front comer of the platform to the possible door location in the middle of the berm. This unit also gave considerable coverage inside the structure itself. The second unit (1 x 1 m) was placed at the rear of the platform in the southwest comer. Unfortunately, the excavations provided little structural data or information regarding construction techniques. No evidence was found for the presence of sill logs in the berm. The remains of floorboards and the lack of a compact earthen layer suggests that the cabin had a wood floor. The majority of wood originally used to build the cabin was likely scavenged quite soon after its abandonment, either to be reused or burned as firewood. A total of 194 artifacts were recovered from the two excavation units (Table 10). Personal artifacts include buttons, matchsticks, parts of a leather boot, and small fragments of pencil lead. Firearm related artifacts include an unfired shotshell base, six expended primer caps removed from their shells, a piece of lead shot and numerous small pieces of lead sprue. Only two badly corroded metal containers are represented and no household articles were found. A comparison of surface and excavated artefacts demonstrates some significant differences. Metal containers on the ground surface in the study area show far better preservation than those in buried contexts, which are generally heavily corroded and fragmentary. Tin cans have, therefore, been removed from the comparison. The most obvious difference between the two collections is the high relative frequency of firearm related artifacts (44%) in the excavated assemblage. While it is likely that many hillside residents possessed guns, this is the only platform collection to contain artifacts in the armament category. The single shot shell base (unfired), six cartridge primers (all fired) and various small pieces of lead sprue, suggest that the inhabitant of the cabin may have been reloading cartridges. The high number of armaments obviously affects the relative frequencies of all other artifact categories in the excavated collection. Disregarding armaments for the moment, when placed in rank order the top two categories remain the Table 10. Artifacts recovered from excavations at Platform KCH 7.
Artifact # Artifact # Boot Speed Clip 1 Metal Nut 1 Bullet Primer 6 Metal Obiect Unknown d 5 Button 4 Metal Screw 3 Copper Sheet Fragment 1 Metal Washer 2 Cork Fragment 2 Nail 14 Faunal 10 Nail -Cut 3 Glass Shards 15 Nail- Cut ? 2 Lead Foil 2 Nail- Wire 29 Lead Shot 1 Paint Chip ? 1 Lead Sprue 10 Pencil Lead 2 Leather Fragment 1 Rivet 1 Match Sticks (1) 53 Seed (Prunus sp.) 1 Metal Chain 2 Shot Shell Base 1 Metal Container 3 Tackmail 9 Metal Disc 3 Wooden Smoking Pipe 1 Metal Foil 2 Metal Fragment 2 Total 194 same, although in reverse order between the two collections. The generic personal and other household artifact categories show the greatest differences between the two collections. While considerably fewer than those in the surface collection, generic personal artifacts are still relatively well-represented in the excavated material. The number and variety of footwear recorded on the ground surface is likely responsible for the disparity. Household artifacts, on the other hand, are poorly represented in the excavation collection, likely as a result of the types of artifacts that make up this category. Common household items on the hillsides include basins, cooking pots and pans and most often pot lids. Not surprisingly the relative differences between the two collections appear to be related to the size of artifacts common to these two categories. Large artifacts are absent in the excavated materials, and the most common artifacts in the surface material are boots and cooking utensils.
Platform KCH 9 Platform KCH 9 is located 8m north (below) of KCH 7 (Figure 27), and has an area of 12.5 m2. It also lies outside the boundary of the Klondike City townsite. There is no evidence of a retaining wall at the front of the platform, nor for a structure on the platform. The number of artifacts visible on the surface of this platform suggested that a considerable amount of material would be found under the moss around the feature. This was not the case and very few artifacts were recorded overall, possibly due to the steepness of the slope in front of the platform that could have facilitated artifact movement down-slope. Only 36 artifacts were recorded in association with this platform, thirty-two of which are metal containers (Table 11). Other material present included: a recent aluminium pan, the base of a dark green glass bottle and two large mammal tibia (one complete, one distal end only). Similar to KCH 7, cylindrical containers with hole-in-top closures are the most common. A number of containers were located to the east of the platform and it is possible that they moved downslope from KCH 4, an artifact scatter located at the crest of the hill. Based on the tin cans, the main occupation of this platform likely pre dates 1907.
Table 11. Surface artifacts recorded at Platforms KCH 9, Klondike City hillside.
Artifact I # Aluminium Pan 1 Faunal Remains 2 Glass Bottle 1 Metal Containers 32 Total 36
Platforms KCH 14-16 Platforms KCH 14, 15 and 16, are located on the west half of the Klondike City hillside at approximately 340 m elevation, outside the Klondike City townsite and approximately 20 m above the floodplain (Figure 28). KCH 14 and 16 are situated side by side, approximately 8 m apart. KCH 15 is located between these two, approximately 8 m upslope. These platforms were selected for infield artifact recording based on the results of the 1998 survey. There are no platforms or other featureslartifact scatters above KCH 15. The area around the three platforms is bound on the east by a large rock outcrop, the abandoned road up the hillside passes approximately 10 m north of (below) Rock Outcrop
/KCH 91
Figure 28. Platforms KCH 14,15 and 16, Klondike City hillside (map by author). KCH 14 and 16, and on the west, the area is bound by a large drainage ditch that runs straight downhill. Platform KCH 14 is 10.7 m in length and 5.4 m wide, creating a level surface approximately 58 m2 in size. A dry-laid stone masonry retaining wall extends along the entire front of the platform. Constructed of large boulders and cobbles, the wall is well made and reaches a maximum height of 1.85 m. The terrain in front of the wall is very steep. There is no evidence for a retaining wall at the rear of the platform. A trail extends down from the east end of the platform, along the front of the rock outcrop, then turns and runs with the slope, ending approximately 2 m short of the cut created by construction of the old road. The downhill side of the trail has been shorn up with large rocks. Platform KCH 15 is 8.6 m long and 5.2 m wide, with a surface of approximately 50m2. There is a small dry-laid stone retaining wall, 1.7 m in length and 0.75 m high, at the rear of the platform. This wall was built using medium to large cobbles. A second dry laid stone retaining wall extends along the front of the platform. The front wall is approximately 1 m high. This platform appears to have two separate levels. From the rear retaining wall the platform extends approximately 2.4 m to a row of large stones. This section of the platform is relatively level. In front of these stones the platform slopes gently 2.8 m down to the top of the front retaining wall. A trail starts at the east edge of the drainage ditch approximately 4 m above the west end of platform KCH 15, and extends across the slope to the east end of the platform. At this point the trail makes a sharp turn to the southwest and runs across the slope in front of the platform ending below its west edge. There is no rockwork associated with the trail above KCH 15, but there are rocks along the downhill side of the trail below the west end of the platform. Platform KCH 16 measures 4.4 m in length and 3.8 m in width, creating a platform surface area of approximately 17 m2. The surface of this platform slopes down slightly to the front edge, which is not bounded by a stone retaining wall. The front of the platform has a maximum height of 1.2 m. A small excavated area forms the southeast comer of this platform. A low rock wall, KCH 94, is situated between KCH 14 and KCH 16. The wall is 6 m in length and runs across the slope. It is difficult to discern the purpose of this feature. It seems unlikely that it was a tenttcabin platform, as the ground behind it slopes gently for 1.8 m, after which the slope becomes quite steep. It could have been associated with a cabin if the rear of the structure rested on the wall and poles supported the front. It also seems unlikely that this feature was part of a trail, as it does not appear to continue at either end of the wall. All confirmed trails exhibit a small, but steep cut into the slope on the uphill side, an attribute not present at KCH 94. A total of 303 artifacts were recorded on and around the three platforms (Table 12). While these include a wide variety of different artifact types, the majority are represented by very low numbers. Household artifacts, with the exception of a fragment of a ceramic plate, are all made of tin and include a flour sifter, frying pan, a basin, tin cups and a pot lid. A few sections of stovepipe are the only furnishing items remaining at the site. A wooden smoking pipe and a variety of rubber and leather footwear comprise all the personal items in the collection. Metal containers are the most common artifact comprising 68% of the assemblage. Only 11 % of datable tin cans from KCH 14 -16 were made before 1907, but 99 % were made prior to 1916. Unfortunately there are few photos that show the western side of the Klondike City hillside in any detail and to date it has not been possible to identify either of these two locations. The best estimate for the primary occupation of these platforms is 1897198 to 1916.
Discussion In summary, nine assemblages are available for analysis, seven from the Dawson City hillside, and two from the Klondike City hillside. Six include only surface artifacts, one has both surface and excavated artifacts, and two consist of excavated material only. These last two assemblages will be used on an anecdotal basis only, due to missing data. At the Fifth Avenue borrow pit, Burley and Ross (1979) were able to associated specific collection quadrats with each structure, and the assemblages from three of these (structures 1,2, and 3) are used here. The number of artifacts associated with Structure 4 Table 12. Surface artifacts recorded at platforms KCH 14-16, Klondike City hillside.
Artifact # Artifact # Aluminium Bowl 1 Metal Container 205 Bottle 1 Metal Cup 4 Bottle Finish 1 Metal Fragment 28 Bottle Body 1 Metal Object Unknown 4 Ceramic Plate Fragment 1 Metal Pipe 1 Cloth Fragment 1 Metal Pot Lid 1 Crampon 1 Metal Sheet 1 Faunal Remains 2 Metal Stra~~ing 1 Flat Glass Shard 1 Nail- Wire 1 Flour Sifter 1 Paper Label Fragment 4 I Frvine Pan I 1 I Pail Handle 111 Glass Shard 7 Pitch/Resin 3 - Glass Jar 2 Rubber Boot 3 Lead Foil Package 1 Rubber Boot Fragment 1 Leather Boot 2 Sleigh Runner 4 Leather Boot Fragment 1 Stove Pipe 3 Leather Fragment 2 Wire 2 Metal BandlHoop 1 Wood Fragment 3 Metal Basin 1 Wooden Smoking Pipe 1 Metal Bracket 1 Total 303
is too low for analysis. Of the final four assemblages, three represent groups of platforms (Judge Street, KCH 7 and 9, and KCH 14 -16). Due to the positioning of the platforms and the nature of the slope, separating the assemblages by individual platforms would be an artificial division. KCH 7 and 9 could be separated, as both platforms were occupied at the same time, but the total number of artifacts from KCH 9 is so low that they have been merged for the purposes of analysis. The main differences between the surface and excavated collections at KCH 7, appears to be artifact size. Artifacts recovered during excavation were all relatively small, whereas those found on the surface included larger artifacts. As a result, the biggest differences occur in the categories of personal items, which tend to be small (e.g., buttons), and household artifacts (e.g., bowls and pot lids). An almost identical difference was observed between artifacts on the talus and gravel slopes at Judge Street. Larger artifacts, such as metal containers were trapped on the rocky talus slope, but rolled to the base of the gravel slope. Small artifacts remained on the gravel slope, and likely fell into the crevices between the rocks of the talus slope. Although small artifacts were recorded on the ground surface in most areas, a bias against smaller artifact types is present in the surface assemblages. Although detailed analyses are presented in the following chapter, it will be usehl at this point to preview the potential these assemblages have for addressing the research questions. Brooks' (1995a) tested her four expectations of transient archaeological sites, derived from the concept of anticipated mobility, with presencelabsence data. Therefore, the data descriptions presented above are sufficient for assessing how well the hillside assemblages meet the expectations of anticipated mobility. The first expectation is that energy and time investment is kept to a minimum when a short stay is intended. One would expect simple habitations with little embellishment. Among the sites examined by Brooks (1995a: 103, 109), the distribution of structures was random and unorganized, structures tended to be small, averaging 9 m2, and consisted of a single room with dirt floors and generally no heating. Construction materials consisted of locally available resources. Evidence for structures on the hillsides around Dawson and Klondike Cities is limited, but any structure erected in Dawson City was an expensive undertaking. Logs cost as much as three dollars each, nails (10d) were sixty cents a pound and window glass cost fifty cents a pound (Haskell 1998:369). Based on historic photographs the log cabin was the dominant construction style on the hillsides. A rough count of the number of logs used in cabins suggests that 60 logs were probably average. Attention to detail in cabin construction varied considerably, some contain logs of similar sizes, and others appear to be a mix of different sized logs. The majority of structures are rectangular in style with a gable roof. Results of the hillside survey suggest that the locations of platforms did not conform to the official town plan, and that there was no formal organization to the placement of platform. The only factor that may have influenced their location was the presence of previously constructed platforms. Minni (1978) also observed that platforms were clustered, but lacked an obvious order to their individual placement. The average platform size at the Judge Street area, Crocus Bluff and on the Klondike City hillside is approximately 30 m2 (size ranges from 3 m2 to 200 m2). Evidence for previous structures was found on 20 platforms, and of these only 11 could be used to calculate a rough cabin size, providing a range area of 1 1.2 to 48 m2 It would have been impossible to survive the winter without a source of heat and, almost all hillside cabins pictured in the historic photographs have a stovepipe coming through the roof. Stove parts and stovepipes were commonly observed artifacts on the platforms and in the artifact scatters recorded during the project survey of both the Dawson and Klondike City hillsides. Excavations conducted on Platform KCH 7 revealed little information on cabin construction. The absence of a compact floor layer in the excavation units suggests that the cabin did not have a dirt floor. On the whole, the hillside artifact assemblages contain very few structural artifacts. The two main artifact types in this category are nails and flat glass. While nails are present in relatively large numbers, they are primarily sizes that had non-structural uses according to Cooper (1998:233). Minni's excavations at platform 1Y5 revealed considerably more information about the cabin's construction. Structural remains consisted of base logs on the north, south and east sides, with board footings between the logs. Flooring consisted of boards laid inside the base logs that appeared to have been covered with a heavy fabric. Numerous fragments of linoleum were also recovered. The use of this floor covering is not, however, in keeping with a simple expedient cabin. Refuse disposal practices are a key indicator of anticipated mobility. Brooks (1995a) second expectation is that people intending a short stay will give little consideration to trash removal, that is, using sheet refuse disposal practices instead of a designated midden. She found that artifact distributions at sites where a short stay was intended indicated refuse was simply thrown out the cabin door, a practice that was at odds with Victorian norms and sensibilities (Brooks 1995a: 138). The almost uniform use of sheet refuse disposal practices on the Dawson hillside is a strong indicator that the residents did not consider this location to be their permanent home. In a contemporary observation of the area, Harry ~raham~noted "As we approach the confines of the town the chief object that attracts the eye is the immense number of empty tin cans, of every size, which lie in the thousands upon all sides of the innumerable log cabins dotted about the rocky hillslopes." (Streamer 1900:1 10). As indicated by the assemblage descriptions, this was clearly the dominant type of refuse disposal on the hillsides. Ross (1987) made a comparison between refuse disposal patterns at established residences in the townsite and at the hillside cabins. Excavations at three locations within the townsite, St. Andrews Presbyterian Manse, Dr. John Brown's house and the married officers quarters, at the Northwest Mounted Police post, all recovered small quantities of artifacts from the front yards, and small clusters of artifacts in the backyards. Ross interprets this pattern as an adherence to Victorian codes of behaviour by the occupants of these three houses: "The constant concern over respectable public image and public scrutiny was translated into a behavioural pattern whereby the yards and houses of the Victorian middle class were maintained in immaculate condition and appearance" (1987: 194). This is in contrast to the hillsides where refuse was discarded in areas immediately adjacent to structures. The third expectation of transience, that fewer objects will be present at sites where the inhabitants did not intend to remain long (Brooks 1995a:40), makes sense from an intuitive standpoint. If one does not intend to stay long the required supplies would be reduced and there would be little need to expend additional energy transporting unnecessary items. Blee ( 199 1: 176) found that one of the attributes of transient assemblages is their small size, averaging only 90 artifacts (Blee 199 1: 176,299; Spude n.d.:27). She suggests that these residences served merely as shelter for the occupants and their belongings. Meals and other social activity would have likely taken place in public restaurants and saloons. After removing the metal containers from the Dawson and Klondike City hillside assemblages, making them comparable with Blee's assemblages, the quantity of artifacts compares favourably with the sites in Blee's analysis. On the hillside east of Judge Street
Although this manuscript is a humorous account of Graham's trip to the Klondike as Aide de Camp to Governor General Lord Minto, written under the pseudonym Col. B. Streamer, others corroborate this description of the hillside such as Hitchcock (1 899). 189 area, 1216 artifacts were recorded (excluding cans) in an area with at least 9 platforms that could have contributed to the midden. Additional artifacts could be seen in the general vicinity, but were not part of the recording area. On Crocus Bluff, 12 artifacts were recorded around platform HAP 4. Ninety-eight artifacts were recorded in the vicinity of platforms KCH 14, 15, and 16. Finally, a total of 239 artifacts were recorded on the surface and from the excavation units on platform KCH 7 (53 of these were matchsticks). The fourth expectation postulates a difference in the types of artifacts found at transient versus permanent habitation sites (Brooks 1995a:40). There are two primary aspects to consider in this regard, the diversity of the artifact assemblage, and the presence of artifacts associated with a Victorian lifestyle (Brooks 1995a:1 17). The mobile life of a prospector is expected to produce a less varied assemblage than that of a permanent resident (Brooks 1995a:1 15). The presence of decorated ceramics in an assemblage is a possible indicator of a long-term residence. It is interesting to note nevertheless, that a very small number of decorated ceramics were found at some of the transient sites used in Blee's (1991:160) study. Dishes in transient miners' sites tend to be tin (Blee 1991: 87, 179), and even these occur in very low numbers. Brooks (1 995a: 116,123) found that the artifacts at short-term sites were largely associated with subsistence and work. Most prominent are tin cans and bottle fragments, primarily alcohol bottles, but medicine bottles were also recorded. Other artifacts included stove parts, barrel hoops, fuel cans, pails and a few inexpensive ceramic sherds. In contrast, permanent sites contained a more diverse artifact assemblage (Brooks 1995a:123). Prominent in these latter assemblages were artifacts associated with Victorianism, such as personal hygiene objects, dinnerware and architectural artifacts. Separation of the public and private spheres of family life was a primary characteristic of the Victorian era. Therefore, work-related items would not be expected at the site of a permanent residence. Spude (1997:29) also notes the presence of occupationally-related artifacts in transient male sites. Few occupational objects are found in the artifact assemblages associated with transient sites on the Dawson and Klondike City hillsides. Gold bearing creeks in the Klondike are located far enough from Dawson that commuting daily between a residence on the hillside and a claim in the gold fields was not feasible, and miners tended to live in cabins constructed on, or near the claim. Brooks (1995a: 124) created richness values based on artifact types to test the hypothesis that the artifact assemblages from transient and permanent sites (i.e., locations that may have had one or more occupations or components) are different. Richness was measured by a count of the number of artifact types based on presencelabsence data. Fourteen artifact types were used, including: tin cans, alcohol bottles, food bottles, medicine bottles, glassware, stoneware, teaware, tableware, other ceramics, personal, leisure, nails, furnishings, and oriental ceramics. The results show broad trends that seem to suggest that permanent sites had higher richness values. There is, however, a greater degree of overlap in these results than one might expect. One third of the permanent sites have richness values indicative of transient sites, and more than a quarter of the transient sites had richness values within the range of permanent sites. Brooks made her comparison using architectural data to classify each site as transient or permanent. The Dawson City and Klondike City data strongly suggest the hillsides were inhabited by people who anticipated a short stay, going to the Klondike with the express purpose of making a quick fortune and returning home. Their lack of commitment to the community would have influenced the social interactions the hillside residents shared with other members of the community, particularly the permanent residents. The decision to live on the slopes around town would effectively communicate the occupants' intentions and lack of community involvement to the rest of the town. A number of lines of evidence indicate that the hillsides were marginal to the community. Lack of infrastructure, such as roads and utilities, smaller lot sizes in the Ladue Addition, lower property values for lots on the slopes and the fact that many residents were squatters as established by property ownership data, all set the hillsides apart for the main townsite. Archaeological survey furthers this interpretation by demonstrating a lack of formal organization among the hillside platforms; there is no indication that any attempt was made to locate platforms on specific lots according to the town plan. Sheet refuse practices on the hillside also support the separation between residences in townsite and those on the slope as presented by Ross (1987). Duerden (197 1:86) has suggested that the hillside structures were of poorer quality than those in the townsite. Only limited statements about daily life on the hillsides can be made from the data description presented in this chapter. The hillside assemblages are dominated by artifact types associated with food consumption (metal containers, bottle and jars), food preparation (pots and pans) and personal items (footwear, clothing related). Burley (19805) interpreted this pattern at the Fifth Avenue borrow pit as evidence that the residents' lives were focused on survival. Metal containers are the most common artifact associated with the hillside residents' diets. Preserved foods, canned and dried, figure prominently in the supply lists recommended to stampeders. The outfits transients brought with them into the Yukon likely formed the basis of the average stampeder's diet in 1898. Although metal containers are the most abundant food-related artifact, canned food was only part of the diet. Faunal remains indicate that a small amount of fresh meat was also included in meals. Other staple foods, such as flour, beans, rice, bacon and sugar, were packaged in containers that have not survived in the archaeological record. These foods made up the largest portion of recommended supplies; flour alone, for example, accounted for one third of the total weight of groceries in Ogilvie's (1898: 13) guide. The following chapter addresses the research questions through detailed analyses and interpretation of the hillside assemblages. CHAPTER SEVEN
ANALYSIS OF TRANSIENT ASSEMBLAGES
Introduction This chapter examines the archaeology of the Dawson City and Klondike City hillside transient residences, with the purpose of clarifying and refining the archaeological signatures of transience, and exploring the nature of transient life on the hillsides. In the first of the following three sections, variability in platform features and their distribution is examined using data collected during the inventory surveys of Klondike Hill and Crocus Bluff. An analysis of the types of artifacts observed on platform surfaces during the survey identifies some broad patterns, which are examined in detail using the surface and excavated assemblages. The assemblages described in the previous chapter are compared to identify commonalities and trends indicative of transient occupations. A functional artifact classification is used to examine the day to day lives of people living on the hillsides.
Platform Variability and Distribution During her survey of the Dawson City hillside, Minni (1978) noted differences in the types of features present on separate areas of the hillside. Much of this variability was related to local topography. Platforms were observed in the centre of the slope, while foundation outlines were seen near the base and crest of the hill where the slope was reduced. The same was evident at Crocus Bluff and Klondike Hill. Although the average platform sizes are similar in each area, approximately 30 m2 (Table 13), the range is considerable. This is particularly true at Crocus Bluff, where three platforms are larger than 100 m2, one being 2 16 m2 in size. Each of the three largest platforms likely held more than one structure. They do not, however, have clear evidence for the number of structures, unlike HAP J6,J7 and 58 that share a common platform, and have clearly marked foundation outlines. I Table 13. Average sizes of platforms on the Dawson City and Klondike City I hillsides. Average Standard Minimum Maximum % with Location: n Area (m2) Deviation Area (m2) Area (m2) stone walls Judge Street 15 34.5 12.5 16.0 59.7 60 Crocus Bluff 76 28.6 28.8 5.5 2 16.0 34 I Klondike Hill 1 56 1 30.8 15.7 3.5 76.0 73
There are several possible platforms identified on the hillsides (Crocus Bluff = 15,
Klondike Hill = 16). These features are relatively level areas that may have served as building platforms, but they lack distinctive evidence of construction, such as a cut into the slope or built up area in front. They may have been natural reductions in slope that stampeders adapted with little effort, leaving minimal indication that they have been modified. Most of these features were associated with small numbers of artifacts. The platform sizes vary considerably on both the Dawson and Klondike City hillsides. The average area at Crocus Bluff is 18 m2 (range 5.2 - 40.5 m2), while Klondike Hill possible platforms average 17 m2 (range 7.44 - 35.3 m2). At Crocus Bluff these features were recorded at elevations 10-75 m above the townsite, whereas on Klondike Hill they were found in the first 10 m of the slope. The sizes of platforms and possible platforms overlap to some extent, but the possible platforms are smaller on average. The presence, or absence, of a retaining wall at the front, or downhill side of the feature is the next most distinguishing feature about the platforms. Log retaining walls are apparent in one historic photograph of Crocus Bluff (YA 4712, 1899), and Minni (1978) found a log retaining wall on the central hillside. Dry laid stone retaining walls were most commonly observed however. The stone is local material, most likely collected during excavation for the platform, or from the nearby ground surface. Klondike Hill has a number of prominent rock outcrops and small talus slopes that would have provided an ample supply of material for platforms. Similarly, rock for platform construction was available in the talus slope at the Judge Street area. It is not surprising then, that these two areas show higher frequencies of stone walls. At Crocus Bluff, a barren rock cliff, the frequency of stone retaining walls is lower. The number of platforms on both hillsides with no retaining wall suggests the walls are not necessary as a stabilizing element in the platform's construction. Two measurements were used to examine the necessity of a retaining wall at the front of hillside platforms, the steepness of the slope and the height of the platform above the slope at the front of the feature. Steepness of slope varies over the hillsides, therefore, the slope at each platform location was calculated by summing the height at the front and the depth of the cut into the slope at the rear and dividing by platform width (riselrun) and using a standard table of trigonometric values to convert to the nearest degree. Comparing the average slope for platforms with stone walls to that for platforms without walls at Crocus Bluff (30" and 27" respectively) and Klondike Hill (23" and 24" respectively), shows little difference in the average slope (the upper end of the range at one standard deviation is almost identical for platforms with and without walls at both locations). Comparison of the height of the platform surface above the slope at the front of feature with stone walls and those without on Klondike Hill indicates little difference between the two. Although the platform with the highest height does have a wall, the majority of platforms have a front height of 0.7-1.3 m, regardless if they have walls or do not have walls. At Crocus Bluff there is some overlap in platform surface height between those with stone walls and those without (0.6-1 m). Eighty-four percent of platforms without stone walls have a height at front of 1 m or less. Only 54 % of platforms with stone walls have a height at front of 1 m or less. The greatest height between the slope and the surface of a platform without a retaining wall is 1.5 m (n=2), whereas 19% of platforms with stone walls have heights at front greater than 1.5 m (n=5), reaching a maximum of 2.3 m. Associations between platform type and elevation were examined to assess the variability and distribution of platforms on Klondike Hill and at Crocus Bluff. Both hillsides extend from the floodplain level at 320 m as1 to 400 m asl, or 80 m above the townsite level. The most obvious pattern, seen at both sites, is a decrease in the number of platforms as elevation increases. Ninety-eight percent of platforms on Klondike Hill, and 93 % at Crocus Bluff are located below the midline of the hill (40 m above the townsite, or 360 m asl). There were no significant associations between platform area (m2) and elevation at Klondike Hill and Crocus Bluff. A simple effort index was created to assess the relationship between effort put into the construction of the platform and the elevation (Figure 29). The index is a combination of the size of the platform, measured as volume of matrix moved during its construction, and the size (area) of the retaining wall. These two values provide a relative indication of the effort required to build a platform. To facilitate comparison, volume of matrix and wall area values for each platform were divided by 100 and summed to produce an effort indicator that varies between 0 and 2. The 10 platforms requiring the most effort to construct are located within the first 30 m (elevation) of the slope (Figure 29). Nearly half (48%) of all platforms are, however, located within this range. No other trend is apparent, rather there is a cluster suggesting relatively little difference in the effort required to build most platforms. This includes platforms located in the higher elevations near the crest of the slope. Only 15 platforms retain sufficient foundation outlines to permit an estimate of cabin size (Table 14). The structures varied from 11.2 m2 to 48 m2. Eleven foundation outlines have an area below 19.4 m2, averaging 15.5 m2 (SD=2.7). The four remaining structure outlines are all greater that 3 1 m2, ranging between 3 1.2 m2 and 48 m2. Three of the four largest foundation outlines ( HAP 4, 5, and 8) are on platforms located at the crest of the slope. The gentle slope in this area required little platform construction, and likely facilitated the construction of larger cabins. A comparison was made between the area of the foundation outline and the area of the platform to determine if the cabins occupied the entire platform surface, or if space was left on the platform to perform outdoor activities or work. The percentage of area occupied by structures ranged considerably, from less than 10% to the entire platform surface. The two foundations that covered the entire platform surface were located at the crest of the hill at Crocus Bluff, where very little work was necessary to create a level construction surface. Platforms HAP 47 and 103, with foundation outlines covering less than 10% of the construction surface, are very large platforms that likely held more than the single apparent structure. The remaining foundation outlines cover between 32% and 89% of the platform surfiices, suggesting that some segment of the platforms were purposively left open. Build Effort vs Elevation: Klondike Hill and Crocus Bluff Platforms Combined 80 - + - 70 -
Build Effort
Figure 29. Individual build effort scores from Klondike Hill and Crocus Bluff plotted against the platform's elevation above the townsite.
Table 14. Area of foundation outlines on platforms retaining evidence of previous structures. Platform Platform Area (m2) Foundation Outline Area (m2/ ft2) HAP 37 ' 27.0 11.2 / 124.2 HAP 20 ' 36.0 11.5 / 127.8 HAP 103 ' 132.0 13.3 / 148.0 HAP 47 ' 216.0 15.0 / 166.7 HAP 64 ' 48.9 I 15.8 / 175.0 HAP 65 ' 32.5 15.8 / 175.0 HAP 56 35.0 16.0 / 177.8
, KCH 7 27.0 16.5 / 183.3 HAP 69 ' 28.6 16.9 / 188.0 HAP 109 ' 30.8 19.3 / 214.7 HAP 57 39.0 19.3 / 214.7 HAP J5 43.0 3 1.2 / 346.7 HAP 4 32.1 32.1 / 357.0
Crocus Bluff; Judge Street; Klondike Hill During the survey artifacts were observed on the surface of 70% of the Crocus Bluff platforms and 7 1% of the Klondike Hill platforms. A judgemental sample of artifacts was recorded during the survey to identify the types of surface artifacts. Comparisons made using this data are, therefore, limited to presencelabsence analyses (Table 15). Metal containers are clearly the most ubiquitous artifacts on platforms and possible platforms on both hillsides. Unexpectedly, on both hillsides rectangular containers were found on more platforms than cylindrical cans. Cylindrical cans generally contained food products, whereas a large number of the rectangular containers were oil or coal oil tins. Bottle glass was less Erequent than expected, and were mainly fragments of beer or liquor bottles.
Table 15. Frequencies for the presence of artifact types observed on platforms and possible platforms during the inventory surveys of Crocus Bluff and Klondike Hill. Crocus Crocus Bluff Klondike Hill Klondike Hill Bluff Possible Platforms Artifact Category Platforms Platforms Platforms (n=56) (n=76) (n=l5) (n=16) n % n YO n YO n YO Metal Containers 49 64 12 7 5 35 63 7 44 Footwear 4 5 - - 3 5 - - Food Preparation 13 17 - - 3 5 - - & Consumption Ceramics 1 1 - - - - - Bottle Glass 7 9 1 6 9 16 2 13 Stove Parts 14 18 1 6 10 18 1 6 Tin Sheet 13 17 - - 5 9 - - Flat Glass 1 1 ------Reused Artifacts 24 32 1 6 11 20 3 19
Artifacts associated with the preparation and consumption of meals are moderately well represented on the Crocus Bluff platforms, but were observed infrequently on Klondike Hill. All of these artifacts (bowls, plates, coffee pots etc.) were tin, with the exception of a single ceramic sherd. Stove parts, including fragments of stoves, stove pipe and tin flashing were present at almost 20% of platforms on both hillsides. Aside from segments of stove pipe, sheet metal stoves were the most commonly observed household artifacts, being small, easily transportable items. Fragments of cast iron stoves were recorded on two Crocus Bluff platforms, both relatively low on the slope. Tin sheeting was also a common artifact on both platforms. The majority were plain tin, but corrugated tin sheets were observed on platforms at Crocus Bluff. This material had a myriad of uses, including siding and roofing on cabins. The only other artifact type related to structures was a shard of window glass found on one Crocus Bluff platform. Among the more interesting observations made during the inventory surveys was the large number of reused artifacts . Thirty-two percent of the Crocus Bluff platforms and 11% of the platforms on Klondike Hill contained reused items. Most of these artifacts are metal containers that had been modified for a secondary use, or to a lesser extent to effect repairs. Modifications vary from perforations to the removal of entire sides and the addition of other materials, such as handles. Modification for the purpose of reuse does not include alterations made to the can during the process of opening it for removal of the original contents. Buckets were the most frequent homemade artifact on both the Dawson and Klondike City hillsides, and were observed on seven platforms on Crocus Bluff and eight on Klondike Hill. Rectangular, 5-gallon (U.S.) oil cans were the container of choice for these buckets. Converting the can into a bucket involved cutting the top end off the container and adding a handle. Two types of handles are present in the assemblages. The most common was created by punching holes on opposite sides of the can near the top edge and looping a piece of wire through the holes. The second method utilized a section of tree branch, or wooden dowel cut the same length as the interior of the container, and approximately one inch in diameter. With the handle positioned in the can, level with the top edge, two or more nails were driven through each side of the container into the dowel (Figure 30). Rectangular oil cans were also used as the raw material for a variety of other Figure 30. Homemade 5-gallon bucket with wooden dowel handle, Crocus Bluff (photo by author). artifacts, including stove pipe, roof flashing, and tin sheeting, which was the second most commonly recorded homemade artifact. Tin sheets would have had a great range of uses around these cabins, but the most likely use was as a roof covering. Gates (1985) found tin cans used as roofing on an existing house in Dawson City. A standing cabin located at the top of Klondike Hill has a roof completely sheathed with tin. This cabin also has a cylindrical metal container with multiple perforations in the base, placed in the end wall (base on the outside of the wall) next to the ridge pole, which may have served as a vent. Three containers with similar perforations in their bases, and on the sides of one, were recorded on three different Crocus Bluff platforms. These may also have served as cabin vents, but as they were not found in association with walls the perforated cans may have had other fbnctions, such as a strainer or sifter. Two oil cans with the top end removed and a circular hole cut into one side near the base may have been expedient stoves, as described by Tollemache: ". ..five-gallon coal-oil tins.. .can be converted into excellent stoves. A round hole is cut at the top of the tin near one end, on which is placed the stove pipe, while the other end is formed into a door, which can be opened
200 and shut when replenishing the stove with wood" (19 12: 160).
Unfortunately, neither specimen showed evidence of a door at the open end. A number of cans, generally large rectangular containers, exhibited modifications whose functions cannot easily be identified. On Crocus Bluff, five platforms had oil can-sized containers with their top ends completely removed, but no other alteration. There is no evidence that a handle was ever attached, making it unlikely that these artifacts were used as buckets. A small number of containers had one side cut and folded open, holes cut in one side, or two or more sides removed. These may have functioned as storage containers, or may have simply been used as a source of material.
Transient Assemblages The intention of the following analyses is to identify consistent patterns in the hillside assemblages representative of transience and elucidate the nature of daily life for hillside residents. Five assemblages are used in the analyses: Fifth Avenue borrow pit, Judge Street, HAP 4, KCH 7 and 9, and KCH 14-16. The combined Fifth Avenue borrow pit material is included as a single assemblage due to difficulties sorting the individual structure assemblages into the classification system used below. The first part of this analysis examines the five assemblages at a broad scale, comparing the relative frequencies of different artifact groups. The assemblage is then re-classified into Blee's (199 1) artifact types, as outlined in Chapter 2, for comparison with her transient male and family characteristic assemblages. The second part of the analysis is a detailed exploration of the variation between the assemblages by artifact group. This analysis combines the classificatory systems used by Blee ( 199 1: 10 1) and Hammer (1 999:37), with modifications dictated by the contents of the assemblages themselves. The classification has its basis in Sprague's (198 1) functional classification scheme, and that used by Hardesty (1988) for mining sites in the western U.S. Blee's (199 1:99- 100) system was designed to differentiate assemblages associated with transient males, families, saloons, hotels/restaurants, brothels and military companies. Blee's artifact groups are very specific and not always directly comparable to the hillside assemblages. Blee (1 991 :99) recognizes the importance of artifacts such as tin cans and other food storage items in transient male habitations. In contrast, Hammer's (1999:37) classification system includes these artifacts under the Household group. Due to the significance of tin cans as evidence of transience, Blee's Food Storage container category is used in the present analysis. Otherwise, the broad functional groups in Hammer's system are more appropriate to the present analysis than Blee's. Hammer's Communication and Working/Industrial category was omitted as these items are not represented in the hillside assemblages. The resultant classification scheme consists of the following functional groups: Food Storage, Household, Personal, Leisure, Transportation, Hunting/Subsistence, Structural, and Miscellaneous. Food Storage containers in the hillside assemblages consist of tin cans, glass bottles, glass and ceramic jars and lead foil packages. Diagnostic bottle pieces have been used to derive minimum numbers, due to the large quantity of fragments that can result from a broken bottle, and to ensure consistency with the Fifth Avenue data. Separated ends and lids from tin cans have been excluded from the analysis to prevent one container from being counted twice. Metal containers were used to package a variety of different products, not all of which were food. Those with known non-food contents have been separated and included in the appropriate functional group (Sprague 198 1:254). The household group includes items used in the preparation and consumption of meals (pots, pans, plates, cups, utensils), stoves, lighting devices, and fuel cans (i.e., coal oil containers). Personal artifacts include clothing, footwear, health related items, jewellery, and writing implements, among others. Leisure artifacts consist of tobacco-related items (pipes, tobacco cans) and bottles that contained alcoholic beverages. Artifacts in the Transportation group were found in only one assemblage and consist of sleigh runners. Similarly, Hunting/Subsistence group artifacts were present in one assemblage. All are related to firearms. Structural artifacts are infrequent, but include window (flat) glass, hinges, roof flashing, and fasteners such as screws and nails. Only nails 8d and larger, which were commonly used in construction (Cooper 1998), have been included in this artifact group. The majority of nails listed in stampeders' outfits (see Appendix A, Table A4) were larger than 8d. The smaller nails present in the assemblages may have come from packing crates, which were commonly used as furniture (e.g. Black 1976:40). This assumption is based partly on the number of small nails found attached to metal strapping fragments, which were also likely used on packing crates. The final artifact group, Miscellaneous, includes everything else. Absolute and relative frequencies for each functional group in the five hillside assemblages are presented in Table 16. Food storage containers dominate all five assemblages, ranging from 52% to 94% of the total assemblages. Although this functional group includes bottles, jars, and foil packages, in the hillside assemblages it is composed almost entirely of metal containers, ranging between 98% at KCH 14-16, and 100% at HAP 4. The Fifth Avenue borrow pit (hereafter Fifth Avenue) and Judge Street assemblages have almost identical relative frequencies (81 % and 78% respectively), followed fairly closely by KCH 14-16 (69%). The relative frequency of Food Storage containers at KCH 7 and 9 is considerably lower, just over 50% of the entire assemblage. The lower frequency of food containers at KCH 7 and 9 is explained by the inclusion of the excavated artifacts in the larger assemblage, and the bias against smaller artifacts in the surface assemblages. Compared to the other assemblages, KCH 7 and 9 has higher relative frequencies in the Personal, HuntingISubsistence, Structural and Miscellaneous functional groups. Each of these groups includes relatively small artifacts. This is clearly illustrated by comparing only the surface recorded artifacts from platforms KCH 7 and 9 with the other hillside assemblages. When the excavated artifacts are removed, the relative frequency of Food Storage items is almost identical to the Fifth Avenue and Judge Street assemblages. All other functional groups represent less than 10% of each assemblage. Household items are most common at KCH 14-16 (7%), and Fifth Avenue (5%). In the other three assemblages household artifacts account for only 2% of the total. Even less variation is found between assemblages in Leisure-related artifacts, constituting only 1- 2% in all assemblages. Artifacts belonging in the Transportation group were only present at KCH 14-16, and all four artifacts were sleigh runners. These three platforms were located in proximity to a trail leading from Klondike City, across the hillside and out to the gold fields. Without an established trail such as this it would have been relatively difficult to get a sleigh to most of the platforms on Klondike Hill. Table 16. Absolute (n) and relative frequencies (%) for functional artifact groups in the hillside assemblages.
Fifth Avenue Judge Street HAP 4 KCH 7 and 9 KCH 14-16 Borrow Pit '
Functional Group n Oh n Oh n % n Oh n Oh
Food Storage 843 80.52 2317 78.12 237 94.42 186 52.39 185 69.03 Household 48 4.58 68 2.29 4 1.59 8 2.25 18 6.72 Personal 14 1.34 9 5 3.20 2 0.80 25 7.04 8 2.99 Leisure 24 2.29 4 8 1.62 2 0.80 4 1.13 5 1.87 Transportation 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 4 1.49 Hunting/Subsistence 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 18 5.07 0 0.00 Structural Miscellaneous 113 10.79 3 75 12.64 6 2.39 96 27.04 45 16.79 Total 1 1047 1 100.00 1 2966 1 100.00 1 251 / 100.00 1 355 1 100.00 1 268 1 100.00 ' based on Burley and Ross (1979) Hunting/Subsistence related artifacts were found only in the excavations at KCH 7, and are all related to firearms. The most common artifacts were small pieces of lead sprue and cartridge primers. One shotshell base was recovered during the excavation (U.M.C. CO/ No. 121 BLACKCLUB). The primer in this shell has no firing pin mark, indicating that it was not used. Minni found three unfired cartridges at 1Y 10, and one spent cartridge at 1Y5, all were recovered during excavations (Parks Canada 1976, 1977). No construction related artifacts were recorded at HAP 4; at Fifth Avenue and KCH 14- 16 they represent only 1% of the assemblage; and account for just 2% in the Judge Street assemblages. Construction-related artifacts are only slightly more common in the KCH 7 and 9 material, and again the higher relative frequency is a result of the excavated artifacts that contain a number of nails. Nails are also prominent at the Judge Street area, and were found primarily on the gravel slope, which like the excavations at KCH 7 and 9, produced a variety of small artifacts not found on the ground surface elsewhere. The second most common artifact in the Structural group was fragmented window glass. The Miscellaneous group contains a wide variety of artifacts. Two of the most common are metal strapping and small nails or tacks. Metal strapping was present in small numbers at KCH 7 and 9, and KCH 14- 16, with one 131 pieces found in the Judge Street recording area. Overall the five hillside assemblages are remarkably similar, even with the excavated material included. The dominance of metal containers in the Food Storage group, however, produces relative frequencies so low for the remaining functional groups that it is difficult to examine the variability between these assemblages within each group. Therefore, the Food Storage group was removed from the assemblages and new relative frequencies calculated. The Miscellaneous group was also removed for this comparison. With the majority of metal containers removed there are so few artifacts left in the HAP 4 assemblage (n=8) that it is not worth including in the comparison. The relative order of functional groups remains the same, household artifacts are the most common, followed by personal, leisure related and structural artifacts. Relative frequencies for the Household group are very similar at Fifth Avenue and KCH 14-16 (53% and 47% respectively). The relative frequency of household artifacts in the Judge Street assemblage is half of these (25%), and at KCH 7 and 9 household artifacts represent only 1 1% of the assemblage. Relative frequencies for the Personal group show almost the opposite, as Judge Street and KCH 7 and 9 have almost identical values (35% and 34%), with the percentage at KCH 14- 16 almost 15% less (at 2 1%) and the relative frequency of personal items in the Fifth Avenue assemblage at 15%. In the Leisure group, the Fifth Avenue assemblage has the greatest relative frequency (26%), followed by Judge Street (18%) and KCH 14-16 (13%). The KCH 7 and 9 assemblage stands out, due to the much lower frequency (5%) of Leisure-related items. Finally, relative frequencies for structural artifacts exhibit high values for the Judge Street and KCH 7 and 9 assemblages (23% and 25%), and considerably lower values in the Fifth Avenue and KCH 14-16 assemblages (5% and 8%). Relative frequencies for artifacts in the Household, Personal and Structural groups show a close negative association between the Fifth Avenue and KCH 14-16 assemblages, on the one hand, and the Judge Street and KCH 7 and 9 assemblages on the other. When one of these pairs shows high relative frequencies within a functional group the other is low. This pattern is broken only in the Leisure group. The nature of this pairing demonstrates the bias against small artifacts in the surface recorded assemblages. Judge Street has a variety of small items from the gravel slope, and KCH 7 and 9 from excavations on KCH 7. The following paragraphs examine the hillside assemblages in more detail with respect to the hillside occupants' diets, personal belongings, household furnishing, structural types and artifact reuse. Artifacts from four hillside assemblages, Judge Street, KCH 7, KCH 14-16 and Fifth Avenue have been classified into Blee's 13 artifact categories (Table 17). Artifacts from KCH 7 are included as separate assemblages for the surface and excavated collections. The metal containers have been removed from the hillside assemblages to make them comparable to Blee's. She excluded cans from the analysis due to different preservation factors at the sites she evaluated. As a result of removing the cans, the HAP 4 assemblage cannot be included in the comparison, and the sizes of the remaining hillside assemblages are considerably reduced.
Each artifact category within the hillside assemblages was characterized as transient or family based on the similarities in relative frequency to Blee's standards. The number of artifact categories labelled as transient and family were totalled for each hillside assemblage. None of the assemblages perfectly matched the characteristic transient assemblage defined by Blee, in each case the relative frequencies of one or more categories were characterized as closer to the family assemblage. The Judge Street, KCH 7 (surface, excavation and combined) and KCH 14- 16 assemblages compare most favourably with the transient male characteristic assemblage. Relative frequencies for the Fifth Avenue assemblage categories tend more toward the family comparative assemblage, but it is important to note that the assemblage consists of barely more than 50 artifacts. Although complete quantitative data is lacking for platforms 1Y5 and 1Y 10, based on the artifacts listed in the catalogue (Parks Canada 1976, 1977), some judgement can be made as to their similarity to either the transient or family comparative assemblages. Platform 1Y 10, excavated on the central Dawson hillside, meets the expectations for transience. Platform lY5, which Minni excavated near the A.C. Trail appears to have more in common with the family assemblage. In particular, the numerous decorated ceramic artifacts, are suggestive of a more permanent occupation. This approach identifies the artifact categories that do not meet the expected pattern and, therefore, require further enquiry. Certain categories of artifacts are more important than others when differentiating between the transient and family assemblages. Female and child-specific artifacts are the most obvious of these. Just as important, however, are decorated dishes and other household items. The relative frequency of female-specific artifacts in the family assemblage is surprisingly low (3%), and the male transient assemblage, by definition, has no female-specific artifacts. Female-specific artifacts are only present in the Judge Street (less than 1%) and the Fifth Avenue ( 4%) assemblages. A single shoulder brace or hose support buckle was identified in the Judge Street assemblage, and the Fifth Avenue assemblage includes a pair of women's shoes. No child-specific artifacts were recorded at any of the hillside locations. The greatest difference between the transient male (43%) and family (10%) characteristic assemblages is found in the generic personal category. All four hillside assemblages have higher relative frequencies for generic personal items than the family assemblage. The transient male and family assemblages also show considerable differences in the relative frequencies of male-specific personal items (16% and 3% respectively). Unexpectedly, all four hillside assemblages show relative frequencies for male-specific personal items that are remarkably close to that of the family assemblage. Removal of the tin cans from the analysis also affects this category to some extent as the hillside collections contained a variety of tobacco cans. Another possible explanation for these low numbers is that some types of male personal artifacts in the assemblages have been placed in the generic personal category. Footwear would be the obvious example. While the majority of the footwear is likely male based on size, fragmentary specimens and leather shrinkage make separating them by gender difficult. Decorated dishes are a potentially significant indicator of a permanent residence (Blee 1991, Brooks 1995a), although the difference in their relative frequencies in the transient male (1%) and family (8%) assemblages is not as great as one might expect. It is important to note that decorated ceramics were found at some of the transient sites used in Blee's (1 99 1: 160) study. The Judge Street, KCH 7 and KCH 14- 16 assemblages have relative frequencies closest to the transient assemblage. Decorated dishes comprise 6% of the artifacts in the Fifth Avenue assemblage. These were important possessions in a Victorian home, and were generally purchased in sets, such as tea sets or table settings. In the Fifth Avenue assemblage the three decorated ceramic pieces all had different patterns. Similarly, the small number of decorated ceramic fragments recorded at the Judge Street area also had different patterns. Given the fact that decorated dishes do occur in transient sites in small quantities, and the difference between the transient and family assemblages is relatively small, the interpretation of a permanent residence may be strengthened by the presence of a variety of different vessel forms with the same pattern. Relative frequencies for undecorated ceramics in the male transient (2%) and family (8%) assemblages are very similar to those for decorated ceramics, and again the difference is not that great. All the hillside assemblages, with the exception of KCH 14- 16, have frequencies that are closest to the transient assemblage. Dishes in transient miners' sites tend to be tin (Blee 1991: 87, 179). This is certainly the case at the two hillside assemblages that include undecorated dishes (Judge Street and KCH 14- 16); most were metal plates and cups, there was only one undecorated ceramic plate fragment. The relative frequencies of other household items in Blee's transient male (6%) and family (9%) assemblages are small. The relative frequencies of other household items in the four hillside assemblages were higher than that of the family assemblage. Blee (1 99 1) suggested that transient men might have taken the majority of their meals away from home. This certainly would be a likely situation in Skagway where transient men, on their way through to Dawson, would have intended to remain only a short time. Even if they cooked their own meals, they would not have discarded their household items in Skagway, as they would need them along the trail and in Dawson. Low relative frequencies of household items in transient male assemblages from Skagway would be expected. The numbers of tin cans in the hillside assemblages indicated that residents prepared their own meals. It is not, therefore, surprising that the hillside assemblages contain a high quantity of household items, and may suggest that the relative frequency of these items in Blee's characteristic male assemblage is too low, or relate to a different type of transience. Ten assemblages were combined by Blee (199 1) to produce the transient male assemblage - five from a mining camp, two from a logging camp, two from a railroad construction site and one from a hunter's cabin. Five of the ten sites have relative frequencies for other household items of 9% or more, ranging up to 25%. The lack of household artifacts in the hunter's cabin assemblage is not unexpected, given that it was most likely used for very short periods of time. Collections from the boss' and labourers' tent platforms at the Marion Railroad Camp, Colorado, both show very low frequencies of household items. Blee (1 99 1: 168) notes that one man was responsible for provisions at the camp, which suggests that meals were prepared by a cook, and the men likely ate in a mess hallltent. If this were the case we would not expect to find any household items associated with their dwellings and these low numbers would pull down the relative frequency in the characteristic assemblage. Liquor-related artifacts in Blee's family assemblage (1 8%) are almost four times greater than in the transient assemblage (5%). All of the Dawson City and Klondike City hillside assemblages compare favourably with the transient assemblage, with the exception of Judge Street. In the latter assemblage liquor related artifacts comprise 12% of the total. Consumption of alcohol was prohibited at some of the sites used to create the characteristic transient male assemblage (Blee 1991:178). While this explains the low frequency of related artifacts at these sites, the fact that all the other sites, save one, also had low frequencies of liquor related artifacts requires explanation. Blee suggests that the residents of these sites may have been drinking in local saloons rather than their own homes. This was also a likely pattern for transient males in Dawson City. It is possible that errors in classification may have inflated this category, as there are a number of bottles in the Dawson City hillside assemblages with marks on them that have yet to be hlly identified. Blee's (1 99 1: 1 17) correlations between bottle colour and contents were used to categorize bottles with unknown contents. She notes that these correlations are best used with bottles made prior to the turn of the century. Some of the bottles in the Judge Street assemblage were manufactured after 1900, and may have been improperly assigned.
Diet In an effort to prevent starvation in the Klondike, Canadian authorities required all gold seekers to have enough supplies to last one year. For the majority of stampeders the contents of their outfits would likely have formed the core of their diet during the first part of their stay in Dawson City. It is important to note that this would not have been their only source of provisions. Food could, of course, have been purchased from the trading companies and other stampeders who were leaving the country. Dawson's isolation and the difficulties of transporting goods to the community meant that food prices were very high, at least initially. Remarks about food prices in the Klondike are a common element in stampeders' journals and letters home. Eating in restaurants was another option for those who could afford it. In addition to the dried beef, bacon and ham identified in outfit lists, faunal remains from the study areas also indicate the presence of fresh meat in the diet of the hillside residents. When using faunal remains to study consumer behaviour Huelsbeck (1991) argues that both the factors affecting availability and consumer choice must be considered. A variety of fresh meats would have been available in Dawson. James Cartmel(1950) made his living while in the Klondike, hunting wild game to be sold in Dawson. During the early years of the rush, caribou and moose comprised the majority of fresh meat in the community. Wombwell (n.d.:72) remarked that one could even order a bear steak. Cartmel states that the meat he and his partner brought to town was easily sold. Unfortunately, he does not indicate whether he sold it to a butcher, who would then apportion it into retail cuts, or if he sold it directly to consumers. A variety of ventures were also undertaken to bring cattle and sheep into the Klondike, such as Lee's (199 1) attempt to drive 200 cattle from the interior of British Columbia into the Yukon. On these drives animals were occasionally butchered along the trail and the meat floated to Dawson in scows. Dawson had 16 meat merchants and butchers in 1901 and 1902, by 1903 the number had dropped to 13 (Archibald 1981 : 12 1). Prices for fresh meat varied with supply. During the summer of 1897 fresh beef cost $0.50 per pound (Ladue 1897:91) and moose cost $0.60 per pound (Haskell 1998:275). During the winter of 1897 the price of beef ran as high as $3.50 a pound (Archibald 1981:128). In 1898, Price (1898:173) noted that 10 oxen sold for $7500, and the meat retailed for $2 a pound. The price likely varied considerably throughout the year with the availability of meat. Prices probably dropped when shipments of animals arrived in the community, such as the 50 cattle and 500 sheep brought in by Chris and Grace Bartsch in May 1900. Improvements in the transportation system into Dawson City, such as the completion of the White Pass and Yukon Railway would also have affected the price of meat in the community. By the winter of 1902, the price of beef varied between $0.20 and $0.50 a pound and does not appear to have exceeded $0.30 in subsequent years (Archibald 1981 : 129). Quantities of faunal remains recorded at the hillside platforms were small. The Judge Street area had the largest collection of faunal specimens (Table 18). The specimens have been heavily weathered due to exposure on the ground surface. As the collection primarily contains surface artifacts it is likely biased against small faunal specimens. Almost all of the small specimens recorded were found on the gravel slope, those that were discarded on the talus slope are completely inaccessible. Table 18. Faunal remains in the Judge Street assemblage. I Saw No Element Burned Total Cut Modification I Avies e~rrshell 11 11 Avies Total 11 11 Bovidae cuniform 1 1 Bovidae Total 1 1 Large Artiodactyl innomiate 1 1 Lge. Artiodactyl Total 1 1 Large Mammal femur 1 1 innomiate 2 2 long bone 1 1 2 naviculo- 1 1 cuboid rib 2 3 5 rib 1 1 thorasic vert 2 1 3 tibia 3 3 tibidfibula 1 1 uni 121 1 131 8 14 22 axis fracr 1 1 calcanium 1 1 dist humerus 1 1 dist tibia 1 1 innomiate 1 1 5 5 dist 1 1 metacamal I I I I I long bone shaft - scapula 1 11 Med. Mammal Total 3 3 Medium-Large Mammal vert 1 1 Med.-Lge Mammal 1 1 Total Unidentified (uni) dist rib 1 1 long bone 4 1 5
uni 24 7 1 2 3 54 I Unidentified Total 24 11 I 25 60 I Grand Total Saws were the most common butchery tools used on specimens in the collection; cut marks made by other tools were rarely observed. Eighty percent of the identifiable elements had at least one saw cut. The typical butchery pattern for wholesale units was to divide the carcass lengthwise down the backbone into two sides, which were then divided again into forequarter and hindquarter (Berolzheimer 1956:230). Retail cuts were sectioned from each quarter. It was illegal to butcher animals within the Dawson city limits (KN 24 June 1900b:8), therefore, it is unlikely that any of the faunal remains from the Judge Street area represent butchery units. There appear to have been exceptions as William Knight, an employee of the Denver Market was fined $1 0 for butchering a cow on the hillside near Eighth Avenue and Fifth Street in June 1900 (KN 24 June lgOOb:8). Residents could have purchased larger cuts of meat directly from hunters, and possibly off scows operated by transient traders. The size and method of butchery (saws) of the hillside specimens suggests that most were acquired in retail cuts. The collection provides a rough indication of the types of meat cuts the residents were purchasing. Thirty-two percent of the 34 identifiable elements are associated with the neck, lower limbs and feet. These are the lowest ranked cuts of meat in both beef and sheeplpig wholesale cuts (Huelsbeck 2001). Retail cuts from these units are commonly used in stews and soups (Given 1961:307-8). The remainder of the identified elements fall into the middle to better ranked meat cuts (Huelsbeck 1991,2001), including rib, round, rump and chuck in beef, and chops, legs, roasts and rib in sheep. Common cooking methods for these cuts include broiling, roasting and braising (Berolzheimer 1956:231-2). Exactly how these meats were cooked on the hillsides would have depended to a large degree on the skill of the individuals and the equipment at their disposal. Metal containers are the most abundant evidence of the hillside residents' diet. By the end of the nineteenth century considerable advances had been made in canning technology, and canned food had become an established item in people's daily lives, particularly those living in isolated areas. An article in the Klondike Nugget from October 1900, made clear the place of the tin can in the Klondike: "Foremost in contributing to the Klondikers' happiness is the tin can. The art of preserving vegetables and other necessities of life in cans has been a most influential factor in making the development of the resources of this northern country possible." (7 October 1900c:4). Almost half of the food products listed in stampeders' outfits would have been available packed in metal containers, including both dry and liquid products. While not outweighing the benefits of the preservation qualities of tinned food, these items did have the drawback of adding extra weight to the stampeders' outfit. Ogilvie (1 898: 138) warned that in addition to the bulky and heavy nature of canned foods, they had the added disadvantage of freezing solid during the winter and took a considerable amount of time to thaw. This would have been a reality faced by many stampeders as the rush continued at full speed through all seasons of the year. Archaeological research on the Canadian side of the Chilkoot Trail found that tin cans were the most frequent artifact type (Murray and Hamilton 1986). Metal containers were also the single most abundant artifact type associated with the hillside cabin platforms and artifact scatters. Their abundance and visibility was commented upon by a number of contemporary visitors to Dawson (e.g., Hitchcock 1899). Although corrosion was minimal on cans lying on the ground surface, few labels identifying the contents of the containers survived. A small percentage of containers from each of the platform areas bore marks indicating the contents, manufacturer, volume or other information. In the absence of these marks the most useful indicators of a container's contents are its shape, closure, the means used to open the can and the can type. As technology improved and the canning industry developed, some can sizes became standardized (McCarthy 1977). In the meat packing industry, for example, Hamel notes that the "trade adopted sizes and shapes which the canner has generally to adopt unless he puts up high-grade fancy articles or new goods." (1 9 11 : 19). Containers in the hillside collections were classified into the proper standard can types based on their dimensions (see Appendix D, Tables D7 and D8). Contents of containers that did not fit any of the standard can types were identified by comparing their technological attributes and dimensions to those of labelled cans in the assemblages (see Appendix D, Table D-9). While the contents, or potential contents, could be identified for the majority of specimens a small number remain unidentified. Some can types had very specific uses, such as sardine cans, others were used for a wide variety of products. Unfortunately these were not always of the same food group. The No. 1 Picnic can, for example, was used in canning vegetables, fruit, meat, and fish products, as well as prepared food, such as juices and soups (American Can Company 1943:215). Additional information, such as the method used to open the container, has been used to refine the identification of contents to liquid or solids. Table 19 identifies the foods represented in the metal container collections and the number of cans recorded at each hillside location. Products have been separated into seven groups: Fruit and Vegetables, Meat Products, Seafood Products, Dairy, Dry Foods, Syrups and Prepared Foods. Prepared foods is a catch-all category for can types that held a wide variety of products that cross-cut food groups and is named primarily for the presence of such items as soups and baked beans. Many of these cans could have held fruits, vegetables, meat or seafood products, but they cannot be accurately distinguished. A comparison of relative frequencies of cans in each of the food groups indicates that the five collections are quite similar. Based on relative frequencies, Dairy, Fruit and Vegetables, and Prepared Foods hold the first three positions in all assemblages except KCH 14-16, where Meat Products are more frequent than Prepared Foods. Meat Products are also more frequent than Seafood Products in all the collections. Only three products, condensed milk, evaporated cream, and butter, are present in the Dairy group. Among these three the presence of condensed milk containers is overwhelming, comprising 19-30% of all containers with identified contents. Both condensed milk and evaporated crean-dmilk consist of cow's milk with a portion of the water content removed (Woodcock and Lewis 1938). Generally speaking, condensed milk refers to sweetened condensed milk, in which sugar is added as a preservative. Condensed milk has a viscous, semi-fluid consistency and is not easily poured (Keen 1982). Evaporated cream, also known as unsweetened condensed milk, has some of the water removed, but no sugar is added and it retains a fluid consistency. Water could be added to evaporated milk to obtain whole milk. Condensed milk cans in the collections had a capacity of approximately 12.5 fluid ounces based on external measurements; actual filled capacity would have been slightly less. The containers classed as condensed or evaporated milk, most of which are probably evaporated milk cans, were 15 fluid ounce containers. Eight different milk Table 19. Food products identified in the hillside metal container collections.
Judge St. HAP 4 KCH 7 KCH 9 KCE 14-16 PRODUCT n % n 'YO n 'YO n 'YO n 'Yo FruitAndvegetabzes(group (33.72) (30.81) (3 1.82) total) (559) (53) (20) (18.52) (5) (27.78) (35) Mushroom 7 0.40 - - 1 0.93 - - 2 Pimiento, Chopped Olives 1 0.06 ------Fruit, Vegetable, Juice 55 1 33.23 53 30.81 18 16.67 5 27.78 33 Strained Instant Foods, Tomato - - - - 1 0.93 - - - Paste and Sauce Meat Products (group total) (163) (9.83) (14) (8.14) (7) (6.48) (1) (5.56) (25) Beef Hash 9 0.54 ------1 CornedBeef 24 1.45 5 2.91 - - - - 4 Chipped and Roast Beef, Lamb and Ox Tongue, Hamburger, 1 74 1 4.46 1 8 1 4.65 Sausage, Potted Meat Meat Products General 24 1.45 1 0.58 Lard 27 1.63 - - Shortening 5 0.30 - - Seafood Products (group total) (54) (3.26) (3) (1.74) Ki~~eredHerring: 1 0.06 1 0.58 Ovsters 1 3 1 0.18 1 - I - Salmon 12 0.72 ------Sardines 15 0.91 - - 1 0.93 - - Tuna 16 0.97 1 0.58 1 0.93 - - - Fish Product General 7 0.42 1 0.58 - - - - - Dairy (group total) (543) (32.75) (8 1) (47.09) (40) (37.04) (7) (38.89) (38) Butter 49 2.95 4 2.33 3 2.78 2 11.11 11 Condensed Milk 3 15 19.00 75 43.60 30 27.78 3 16.67 26 LZ'L 8 95's I I8'PI 18's 0 1 PL'O I (87'8) (6) (ZZ-ZZ) (P) (9zmP€) (rz-zr) (rz) (~9.~1)
I I - - I ZL'O
ZI'O
- - PZ'O (-1 (-) (~8.0) 16'0 I 11'11 Z 8P.9 'Yo U % U 'Yo 'Yo U % 91-PI H3X 6 H3X LH P dVH condensing companies were identified in the metal container collections, including: Baldwin Condensed Milk Co., Bordens Condensed Milk Co., Canada Milk Condensing Co., Humbolt Milk Condensing Co., Michigan Condensed Milk Co., N-York Condensed Milk Co., Truro Condensed Milk Co., and the [?]Ealow Condensed Milk Co. The most commonly used method of opening the labelled condensed milk cans was to cut along % of one end with a knife or can opener and bend back the tab. Similar methods include removing one end entirely, or cutting a cross on one end and folding back the tabs. These opening techniques are consistent with the viscous consistency of condensed milk (see also Rock 1987:43). Butter tins are present in all five assemblages, and six different manufacturers or creameries are identified by embossed or lithographed labels. Cans from the Coldbrook Creamery, San Francisco, were embossed with the year at the centre of the company's mark; three years, 1898, 1899 and 1900 are represented in the assemblage. A number of these can appear to have had closable lids. Capacity measures for butter tins are only available through external dimensions, which provide a range of container sizes from 49 to 140 cubic inches. Few containers for specific products were identified in the fruit and vegetable group and the number of those (mushrooms, pimiento and chopped olives) is quite small. Of the 55 1 cans in this category from the Judge Street collection only six were opened in a manner indicating the contents were liquid, likely juice, but the possibility remains that some may have held condensed milk. The majority of containers held canned fruit and vegetables. The most common can size in this group is 26 fluid ounces. Only two of the fruit and vegetable containers in the five collections had labels identifying their contents. Both came from the Judge Street area and both bore a non- ferrous metal label written in Italian identifying the contents as peas. Most of the fruits and vegetables on the lists of supplies stampeders brought to the Klondike were in evaporated form and may have been packed in cans (see Appendix A, Table Al). Those listed include apples, apricots, peaches, onions and potatoes; tomatoes may be added as a likely staple. Dried fruit was also included in most outfits and represented an important part of the diet, although it is unlikely that these were packaged in metal containers. As important, if not more important in the diet of most stampeders were beans, which would have been packed in sacks. Bacon and beans were one of the most common meals in the Klondike (Haskell 1998:554). Following dairy items and fruits and vegetables, canned meat products are the next most common metal container type. A range of different meats were canned, including: beef hash, corned beef, roast beef, potted meat, lamb and ox tongue, hamburger and sausage. A tapered, rectangular can was one of the most commonly used for corned beef. These cans were opened with a key strip. The shape of the can facilitated removal of the product as a single piece. No tapered cans with intact labels were found, but a fragment of paper label bearing the name "Libby, McNeill &. .." and part of the word compressed was found in proximity to a tapered can. Similar blue colouring on the can and the back of the label suggests that the label had only recently been separated from the container. On the Klondike City hillside (Platforms KCH 14- 16) a tapered rectangular container with fragments of a paper label reading: ". ..ibby, McNi.. .Libby's/ COOKED . . .ORNED BEEF" was located. Meat product containers ranged in capacity from '/z pound up to 6 pounds, the most frequent sizes being % , 1, 1 34 and 2 pound cans. A lesser component of the Meat Products group was lard, commonly packaged in tin pails with small wire bail handles. The majority of these containers would have had closable slip lids. G.H. Hammond of Omaha, Nebraska, was the only lard company identified by labels in the collections. Lard does not appear on any of the lists of food supplies examined. It is possible that the majority of lard present in the hillside collections was purchased by the residents once they reached Dawson. Lard pail sizes in the collection vary considerably, ranging from 76 cubic inches to 364 cubic inches. Seafood containers were only recorded in three of the five collections. Labels remaining on cans specifically identified sardines and oysters. Salmon, tuna and kippered herring are present, but can be identified solely on the basis of the types of cans recorded. Two of the labelled oyster cans, cylindrical 6 ounce containers, did not have any company name visible. The two rectangular oyster cans were both packed by the Morgan Oyster Company of San Francisco, California. Cans from six different sardine packing companies were present in the collections: Don Amenez; Capen Canning Company, Eastport, Michigan; C. Cousteau, Paris; Runet Gaudremeau, J. Lemarchad and King Oscar Brand, Slavanger, Norway. Most sardine cans were approximately 12 cubic inches, but a few larger containers (approximately 18 cubic inches) also recorded. Syrups and dry foods are poorly, each being present in only three metal container collections, although platform HAP 4 does not have products from either of these groups. Included under the Syrup group were two honey and one molasses can, each holding approximately 58 fluid ounces. All three were from the Judge Street area. Honey containers were recorded around hillside platforms during the inventory survey, but neither of these products was present in the other four metal container collections. Syrup cans, present in two collections, are all Log Cabin Syrup; the cans are shaped like cabins, have threaded caps, and single end seams (Figure 3 1). These cabin-shaped containers were first produced in 1896, and continued with several changes into the 1950s. Manufacture of the style of can found in the hillside assemblages may have ended between 1909 when the closure was changed from a threaded to a pry-up cap, and 1914- 19 when changes to the can included the use of double end seams (Rock 198752).
Figure 31. Log Cabin Syrup cans recorded at the Judge Street area, Dawson City hillside (photo by author) Very few dry food containers were identified in the assemblages. Baking powder was the most common of these food products. Slip lids embossed with the manufacturer's name are the most diagnostic part of baking powder tins. These lids are easily separated from the body of the can and are often found alone. Five manufacturers can be identified from complete cans or isolated lids: Price's Baking Powder Co., Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder, KC Baking Powder, Royal Baking Powder and White Star Baking Powder. One pound and 1 '/z pound baking powder cans were the most common sizes identified by embossed labels on slip lids. Other products identified by labelled cans include Dwinell-Wright coffee (Boston-Chicago) and Colman's British corn flour. While no containers with labels identifying the contents as tea were found, a lead foil package for Pure Ceylon Blue Ribbon Tea was recorded at KCH 14- 16. Bottles and jars are the final artifact categories that relate to subsistence on the hillside platforms. Overall, the quantity of diagnostic bottles and associated fragments in the five hillside collections is very low (there is evidence that bottles were being recycled in Dawson City, see Burley and Will 2002). The majority of identifiable bottles originally held alcoholic beverages, including: wine, whisky, gin and beer. Two non- alcoholic beverage bottles were recorded at the Judge Street area, a round based soda bottle from Wheeler and Company, Cromac Springs, Belfast, and a Canadian Dry bottle. Embossing on the base of the Canada Dry bottle suggests that it was used near the end of occupation in this area, or was introduced after the area had already been abandoned. Two identifiable condiment bottles were recorded one at Judge Street and the other at KCH 7, both are Lea and Perrins Worcestershire sauce. The quantity of jars in the collections is also very small and the contents of most remain unidentified. Embossing on three small, white glass jar bases, from Judge Street and KCH 14-16, indicates that they are from the Cudahy Packing Company of Omaha, Nebraska. A similar jar was found on the Chilkoot Trail (Murray and Hamilton 1986:265). These containers originally contained ham, bacon or pork meat paste. The Cudahy Packing Company operated out of Omaha and Chicago from 1890 to sometime after 1896. The base of a second type of white glass jar is embossed with "MACLAREN"S IMPERIAL1 CHEESE". On the whole, the subsistence data described above is comparable to that reported by Burley and Ross (1979:35) from their Fifth Avenue gravel pit study area. A comparison of the relative frequencies of the food groups from Table 19 between the Fifth Avenue and Judge Street collections shows notable similarities. Meat Products, Seafood Products, Dairy and Syrups have almost identical relative frequencies. Fruits and vegetables and Prepared Foods show the greatest differences between the two areas. The differences likely relate to the way in which containers were identified and allocated, as there is considerable overlap in the types of products packaged in these cans. Burley and Ross (1979:36) separated the Fifth Avenue metal container collection into two periods: pre- 1908 and post-1908. Their analysis indicated few changes in the dietary contribution of canned foods. Two prominent differences were a decrease in the percentage of condensed milk and meats and an increase in the quantities of seafood in the later time period. A reduction in the quantity of condensed milk was attributed to improved powdered milk products, represented in the collection by a "Klim" container, which would have kept longer. They attributed the decrease of canned meats to the improvement of supply networks resulting in increased availability of fresh and frozen meat. The importance of canned vegetables and fruits in the diet was similar in both time periods.
Personal Belongings and Leisure Personal belongings in the hillside assemblages are largely related to clothing, hygiene, and leisure activities (Table 20). While many of these artifacts were male- specific, a small number of female-specific artifacts were associated with the hillside structures. The majority, however, are classed as generic personal items. Few personal artifacts were recorded at HAP 4 and KCH 14-16. The Judge Street assemblage has the largest and most diverse collection. Personal items would likely have been taken with people when they quit the community. Consequently, it is no surprise that many of the personal artifacts discussed below show a high degree of wear. The Judge Street and KCH 7 and 9 assemblages are the only two with notable quantities of clothing-related artifacts, comprising more than half of all personal artifacts in both assemblages. Little evidence remains to indicate the type of clothing worn by ------OL'O I - -
8E'SI Z EP' I Z 9 OO'SZ I SP'8 Z I ZP'8 1 L - - - - - OL'O I - -
-- - - - LS'E I ------I I'Z E - - - - LS'E I - - 28'2 P - - - - PI'L Z - - OL'O I - - hillside occupants. The surviving items are dominated by footwear. Small swatches of fabric were present at locations on both the Dawson and Klondike hillsides, but identifiable articles of clothing were found only on the talus slope in the Judge Street area. Their location in the talus slope may have assisted with the survival of these artifacts, as the temperature in the interstices between the rocks was considerably colder than the ambient temperature, even in the middle of summer. Recognizable articles include a man's felt hat, and a large piece of heavy fabric with a large wooden button that suggests it was a coat. A second large mass of fabric with a relatively course weave was located near the coat, but there was nothing to indicate the type of garment. The only belt consists of a fragment of a loosely woven cloth with a metal buckle still attached. Faded and moss covered, the belt now appears pale yellow or green. It is 2
3/8" wide, and approximately 12" in length. The buckle measures 2 7/811x 2", has two parallel slots in the centre, and was likely for a coat. A number of pieces of yellowish cloth and three fragments of a blackhrown cloth were also recorded. All are in poor condition. Only one of the black'brown pieces still has a finished edge. A small piece of tighter-woven fabric has been sewn to it. There is no indication of the type of garments to which these pieces belong. The most common clothing-related artifacts were accessories. A variety of buttons, metal clasps, snaps and buckles from clothing were recorded in the Judge Street area (Figure 32) and at KCH 7. Buttons in the collections were made from bone, shell, glass and metal. A single metal shank button from KCH 7 bears the mark of the Levi Strauss Company. Two similar, unmarked, shank buttons were found at the Judge Street area. These buttons are identical to those used on overalls. Buttons were commonly sized by lines (each line representing 1/40thof an inch), and those recorded on the hillsides range from 18-lines to 30-lines. Buttons measuring between 12 and 24-lines, represented by four buttons from the Judge Street area, were generally used on items such as shirts. The variety of leather boot styles in the assemblages is surprising. Given the fragmentary nature of many specimens, the number and size of lace holes and hooks Figure 32. Clothing and suspender clasps recorded at the Judge Street area (photo by author. provided the most appropriate means of classifying the collection and suggests a minimum of 17 different types of leather boots. Boot height varies between 4" and 11". Two boots had tall uppers (9 %" and 11") with no lace holes. One boot had a leather sole and lower section with a fabric upper. Sole length varies from 8 3/4" to 12 V,it is difficult to assess actual size, however, as the amount of shrinkage in the leather is unknown. The bottoms of a number of boots were covered with hobnails to protect the soles and were obviously intended for heavy use. A small, cylindrical shoe polish tin was found tucked in between the stones of the rear retaining wall of one platform on the Klondike City hillside. Its location offered protection to the lithographed label, which reads "AMERICAN DRESSING CO/ BOSTON & MONTREAL1 RUSSET LEATHER1 POLISHI DIAMOND". One piece of footwear appears to be a type of ice creeper for a right boot. It has a leather support for the heel of a boot that is larger on the lateral side to provide greater outward stability. Two leather straps are riveted to the support, one at the centre on the back, and the second on the upper corner of the outside edge. A small piece of strap is still attached to one side near the toe. The sole of the ice creeper is covered with
squarelrosette shaped nail heads approximately '14" square and '18" high. These line the outside edge and cover the front surface of the sole. Mixed in among the nail heads on the front part of the sole and the heel are 15 small, conical shaped spikes. The spikes are approximately '14" inch in length. While these spikes could be purchased separately and added to boot soles, this specimen is not the remnant of a boot. Ice creepers would have been a useful piece of winter equipment if one had to do a lot of walking, particularly on hills. Rubber boots were an important item for life in the Klondike and one finds reference to them in contemporary letters and journals. Ingersoll(1981:83) states that a "good, stout pair of rubber boots" is a necessity. Plempel(1897:46) estimated that rubber boots in Dawson were selling for $10 to $15 a pair. Anywhere else they would have cost less than $2 (Sears and Roebuck 1976). The Sears and Roebuck's (1976) catalogue for 1897 states all rubber factories produced two grades of rubber goods. Those designated Firsts are made from pure gum rubber and last the longest; they are also the most expensive. Three different manufacturers are identified by marks (on four boots) on the boots recorded on the hillsides: Union India Rubber Co., New Brunswick Rubber Co., and what appears to be the Wales Goodyear Rubber Co. Sears and Roebuck carried Firsts from both Wales Goodyear and New Brunswick. The majority of boots have no labels. A wide variety of rubber boots are present. Separating these boots by tread pattern, heel type and upper type reveals at least 14 different varieties. Sole length varies from 9 54" to 13". Three boots were stamped with their sizes, one 9 and two 11. One boot with a rubber lower portion and leather upper portion was recorded. Two thigh boots were present. These specimens had an additional section attached to the upper that could be folded up when additional height was needed. Out of the 39 relatively complete specimens, 15 had no remaining tread pattern, suggesting they were subjected to considerable use. Heavy use and possible low availability or prohibitive cost in rubber boots is also indicated by a specimen with a tear that had been stitched together and two specimens that had leather soles added to them. Rubber boots with leather soles could be purchased, and one specimen of this type was identified on the Dawson hillside. Two others, one from each of the Dawson and Klondike City hillsides appear to have had rubber soles that were later covered with leather. The tread pattern is still visible along the edges of the leather. A small number of other personal items were recorded in the five assemblages. Complementing the various types of tobacco containers are the remains of one clay and one wooden smoking pipe from the Judge Street area and a wooden smoking pipe at each of KCH 7 and KCH 14-16. There are no marks on the clay pipe. Only part of the wooden pipe bowl remains. The stem of the pipe appears to have threaded onto the bowl. The largest number of tobacco cans (n=19) were recorded for the Fifth Avenue assemblage. Eight metal containers were recorded with marks that identify the contents as tobacco in the Judge Street area, and at least three from KCH 7. A Northern Commercial Company can post-dates 190 1, when the company was formed by the merger of the Alaska Commercial Company and its competitors. "Dawson, Y.T.1 1890" on the label of a Louis Brier can is interesting and while no further information on this company has been acquired to date, it must have manufactured products specifically for the Klondike market, as Dawson did not exist in 1890. The rims and clasps of two small change purses, both of non-ferrous metal, were identified. There is no evidence for the pouch section of either purse. Fragments of two combs were found. The smaller of the two had 36 teeth, all of which are broken off. The larger comb is 8" long and had 39 widely spaced teeth and 69 narrowly spaced teeth, the majority of which are missing. A gold-plated watch fob was collected (Figure 33). It has a dark glass "stone" set in one side with a negative image of a soldier's head pressed in it. The negative image in the "stone" suggests that it may have been intended for use as a seal. The opposite side of the fob once held a piece of flat glass. The fob is hinged on the top end. An upside down 'U' shaped piece of metal is attached at the centre to opposite sides of the fob. A piece of wire, the same colour as the fob, has been wound around this; a single link of chain remains attached. A small number of pharmaceutical bottles are present in the Fifth Avenue (one dating to the 1950s), Judge Street and KCH 7 assemblages (see Table 20). There is no indication of what the original contents of these bottles were. Bottles from the Judge street assemblages are all relatively small. The two pharmaceutical bottles from KCH 7, Figure 33. Gold watch fob from gravel slope in the Judge Street area, Dawson City hillside (photo by author). on the other hand are both quite large. Medical kits were a common component of stampeders outfits. A large number of doctors were also practicing in Dawson City during the gold rush, and may have supplied individuals with medicine. The final artifact in the personal artifact category is a fragment of a book, which was found in a cavity between the rubble of the talus slope. The remaining pieces of the pages cannot be separated without causing damage. Only one section could actually be read, but no complete sentences are visible. Phrases such as ".. .nervous system controlling.. ." and "Asphyxia", suggest the book was some type of medical or first aid text. Household Furnishings The majority of household artifacts associated with the hillside platforms are related to food preparation and consumption, and stoves (Table 21). As with personal belongings, the Judge Street assemblage has the largest collection of household goods, followed by the Fifth Avenue and KCH 14-16 assemblages. Very few household items were recorded at HAP 4 and KCH 7 and 9. Of the five assemblages, those from Judge Street and KCH 14- 16 are the most similar in terms of the relative frequency of groups of household items. The Fifth Avenue assemblage has considerably less food preparation and consumption-related artifacts than these two assemblages, but greater numbers of oil cans and stoves. Stove parts and stovepipes were commonly observed artifacts on the platforms and in the artifact scatters recorded during the project survey of both the Dawson and Klondike City hillsides. Six of the nine platforms investigated in the Judge Street survey area had associated remnants of tin stoves or sections of stovepipe. Portable tin stoves were the dominant type recorded in the present study, and by Burley and Ross (1979:87). The majority of tin stoves are rectangular in shape. Burley and Ross (1979:88) divided their specimens into squat and elongated types, and note that one manufacturer alone made ten different styles of tin stoves. Diversity is certainly a characteristic of stoves in the present study, which differ in size, construction, number and location of doors. Fragments of a tin stove body on a Crocus Bluff platform bore the nameplate of Mclennan, McFreely and Company of Vancouver, British Columbia. This enterprise operated a wholesale and retail outlet in Dawson during the period 1898 to 1903 (Archibald 198 1: 120). These small stoves would have been a common sight during the gold rush, as they could be used in tents and cabins. Some stampeders even set them up on their boats as they came down the Yukon, thus saving the time it would take to land at mealtimes. Burley and Ross (1979:87) also recorded a single door from a cast iron stove. A section of handmade stovepipe was recorded in the Judge Street assemblage. It was made from large rectangular metal container, most likely a 5-gallon oil can. A rain cover attached at the top was also made from two pieces of a large rectangular metal container, joined by a folded seam and attached to the pipe by wire (Figure 34). Two
Figure 34. Two views of a homemade stovepipe created from large metal containers (photo by author). homemade objects that appear to be roof flashing for stovepipe were also recorded. These consist of a circular or rectangular piece of sheet metal with a cut-out circular hole of approximately the same size as a stovepipe. These articles were obviously in short supply. Wombwell (n.d: 113) notes with disgust that the stovepipe from the cabin on his claim was stolen one day while they were at work. Very little evidence was found for lighting devices on the hillside. A single piece of a glass lamp is present in the Judge Street assemblage; the only other two lighting devices are homemade. A "bug", or homemade candleholder, was a common lighting device used by miners and prospectors in the Yukon (Gates 1985:4). One example was recorded at the base of the talus slope in the Judge Street area (Figure 35). This is a rectangular metal container with one long side removed and a piece of wire added through the upper end to create a handle. A small "xu cut into the centre of the bottom end provided space for a candle to be inserted and the resulting triangular tabs held the candle in place. The shiny interior reflected light out the open side of the can.
Figure 35. Homemade lamp, or "bug", made from a rectangular metal container, Judge Street area, Dawson City hillside (photo by author).
A lamp made out of a condensed milk can was found on the Klondike City hillside (Figure 36). The can had been cut 314 the way around its circumference approximately half way down the body. The bottom end of the can was removed and a lengthwise slit made down the body along one side. The resultant flap was rolled back and left attached to the can. Inside the lamp was a hard white substance that contains a piece of wick. A second artifact made from a condensed milk can, may also have been used as a lamp. One end was cut and the sides peeled back. Covering this opening is a piece of cloth mesh. Inside the can is a yellow, waxy substance.
Figure 36. Lamp made from a condensed milk can recorded at KCH 14-16, Klondike City hillside (photo by author).
The majority of artifacts related to daily household activities are associated with food preparation and consumption. Recorded artifacts associated with the preparation of food include: baking pans, coffee pots, cooking pot lids, frying pans, metal basins, a flour sifter, and a large fork. With the exception of the flour sifter, none of these artifacts seem out of place, as all would be necessary on a regular basis. Burley and Ross (1979) recorded a butter can that they believe was modified into a homemade flour sifter. The 23 6 two frying pans are identical to those advertised in the Dawson Hardware Company's 1903 catalogue. Two cooking pots and eight pot lids were recorded. Included in these artifacts are six rectangular baking pans, two of which are handmade. Both of these were manufactured from large rectangular metal containers, most likely oil cans. Construction of the pans is very similar, a single piece of sheet metal with 90-degree folds on all four sides and multiple folds made at each comer to form the sides of the pan. No effort was made to secure the folded areas at each comer. One pan had raw edges at the top of the sides and the other had a small amount of the top edge folded to the inside of the pan creating a more finished edge. The homemade pans are similar to each other in size, but are considerably smaller than the three factory-made pans recorded. Factory-made pans also had wire rolled rims and at least one handle. Two additional homemade pans were recorded just outside the recording grid. Evidence of folded seams or portions of folded seams on different parts of these pans indicates that they were also made from large metal containers. The size of these two pans is closer to the factory-made products, but their construction is essentially the same as those above. The main difference is the use of hand-hammered rivets to hold the folds at each corner of the pan. Again one pan has raw upper edges, and the other a folded top edge. Holes, covering the entire bottom, have been punched in one of the pans. Artifacts associated with the consumption of food include plates, bowls, cups and cutlery. The greater portion of the plates, bowls and cups are of simple tin manufacture. Sizes and styles vary considerably. Only two of the five factory-made tin cups were the same size and had the same type of handle. Two homemade cups (Figure 37) had been fashioned from condensed milk-sized metal containers with the addition of a small loop handle. Although the cups look much the same, the handles have been applied in slightly different ways. Both handles are made from strips of tin, likely obtained from other metal containers, the edges of which have been folded over to create smooth sides. On one cup, two slits were made 3/4" apart near the upper edge of the can. The handle was added by inserting one end of the metal strip through each slit to create a loop, and then folding back each end to prevent them from slipping out of the slits. The handle on the second cup was added via a single slit near the top edge of the can, through which both ends of the looped handle were fed. Again, each end was bent 90" to hold the handle in place. Figure 37. Condensed milk cans modified into cups (photo by author).
Fragments of four earthenware plates, two cups, one bowl and two porcelain cup fragments, were recorded. Each object is unique. Four small fragments of a press moulded glass artifact were found. Three of these are most likely from the same specimen. Unfortunately the shards are too small to allow identification of the artifact type. Two tablespoons and one teaspoon of a better quality than the usual tinware were observed on the hillside. All three bear makers marks. The two tablespoons differ slightly in overall size, but are identical in design. The marks on these spoons are different, one is WBN; the other is L.B. The teaspoon, also marked WBN, has decorative designs on both sides of the handle. On the top of the handle there appears to be a space left in the design for an engraved monograph, which is blank on this specimen. This spoon was found wrapped in lead foil. A single table fork of cast iron was found. There are no identifying marks on this specimen, but it is similar to a U.S. Military issue fork from Ft. Bowie (Herskovitz 1978:66).
23 8 Buckets are another important household item, as water would have been hauled from one of the rivers or various springs. A wide variety of handmade buckets or pails were recorded in the study areas (see Figure 30). The few specimens that retained readable labels name the product as lard. Based on size and other attributes, the majority of pails also contained lard. Consequently, the best evidence for buckets that would have been used for water gathering and other tasks comes from modified or homemade artifacts. Two pails exhibit repairs where the original handle lugs came off the container. Holes had been punched through the body near the top edge on opposite sides of the pail, a wire handle, still present on one specimen, was added through the two holes. Such repairs suggest that these pails were used for other tasks after the original product was used. Lard pails, for example, may have been used as water buckets. Twenty-two homemade buckets were found in the study areas. They were made from metal containers, some of which are cylindrical, but most of which are large rectangular containers that may have held oil. The volume of these buckets ranges from half a gallon to 5.5 gallons, with an average volume of 4.5 gallons. A contemporary drawing by Frederick Gardiner (in Bunting 1973:23) depicts an individual using two of these buckets on a yoke over his shoulders to transport water (Figure 38). These buckets were commonly made by completely removing the top end of the container by cutting along all four sides with a knife. Handles were added in a number of ways. Wire handles were the most common and were attached through two holes punched in the centre of the body near the top edge of the container. In some cases factory-made wire handles from other buckets or pails were used, but one or more pieces of plain wire were generally added for the handle. Less frequent was the use of wooden handles. These were generally placed flush with the top edge of the container, and secured with one or more nails driven through each side of the container into the handle. In one case, two triangular tabs were left when the top end of the container was cut out. These tabs were folded to parallel the body of the container. Nail holes at the apex of the tabs suggest that a wooden handle, now missing, had been added. Figure 38. This sketch, made by Frederick Gardiner while he was in Dawson City, shows someone using what appear to be 5-gallon oil cans made in buckets to carry water (as pictured in Bunting 1973:23; Frederick Gardiner Collection (Acc. no. 1962-065) National Archives of Canada).
Structural Artifacts Cultural materials recorded on the platform surfaces include few structural artifacts (Table 22). The two primary structural artifact types were nails and flat glass. While nails are present in relatively large numbers, they are predominantly sizes that had non-structural uses according to Cooper's (1998) classification. The flat glass most likely represents broken windows, but the shards are all very small. A single shard with a bevelled edge suggests that some specimens of flat glass may have come from mirrors. The majority of nails in the Judge Street assemblage were located on the gravel slope, and all the nails in the KCH 7 and 9 assemblage were excavated from inside the foundation outline on Platform KCH 7.
Table 22. Structural artifacts from the hillside assemblages.
Fifth Judge Street KCH 7 & 9 KCH 14-16 Avenue*
Conclusion The analysis of platform location on the Dawson City and Klondike City hillsides adds to the evidence from historical photographs demonstrating that the hillside features were not aligned with lots as set out on the official city plan. With the exception of a decrease in the number of platforms with an increase in elevation, there is little actual patterning in the location of platforms. Clearly, the most influential variable in the location of platforms was the presence of existing features. The lack of formal organization of the structures on the hillside would have been obvious to people looking at them from within the main townsite, and likely conveyed the transitory intentions of the hillside residents to permanent members of the community. Analysis of the hillside assemblages shows a considerable amount of similarity between the material culture at the five hillside areas examined. Food storage containers and items associated with the preparation and consumption of meals dominate. It has also highlighted the biases against the presence of small artifacts in the surface collected assemblages. Artifacts from the gravel slope in the Judge Street area and the excavated collection from KCH 7 provide some indication of the types of artifacts missing from the surface assemblages. The majority of these are personal items, which tend to be smaller in size. The numbers of reused and homemade artifacts in the hillside assemblages also suggests links with the transient nature of the occupation. Consistent with the comparison between the archaeology of the hillsides and Brooks' (1 995a) expectations for anticipated mobility at the end of Chapter 6, few artifacts in the hillside assemblages suggest anything more than the intention of a temporary stay. Classifying the assemblages into Blee's (1 99 1) artifact categories indicates that the hillsides compare favourably with her male transient characteristic assemblage. Differences in the relative frequencies of liquor-related and household items between the characteristic transient and hillside assemblages, suggests that the relationship between these artifact categories and transience requires additional examination. These issues, and the implications of the preceding analyses for the research goals are discussed in the following chapter. CHAPTER EIGHT
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Study the country, and you'll find a mine yet that will make you independent for life. It's worthwhile spending a couple of years here, if the world is one's home thereafter (Lynch 1967:57).
Introduction The purpose of this dissertation is to gain an understanding of transience in Dawson City during the Klondike Gold Rush era and in so doing address the following issues: (1) the material expressions of transience in the archaeological record; and (2) the position and role of transients in resource-based communities of the past. Although transience has always been a defining characteristic of resource-based communities, it gained prominence throughout North America in the nineteenth century in response to social changes brought about by industrial capitalism. Factories desired a deskilled workforce, encouraging high employee turn-over and mobility. The pervasiveness of transience during this period makes the role of transients a necessary component of all nineteenth century research. Transience continues to be a concern for marginalized communities, such as those in the Canadian north. Recent developments in the field of historical archaeology demonstrate the importance of studying the global phenomenon of capitalism based on data obtained at the local level (Leone 1999: 14). Working at a local level can be a particularistic exercise, and linking particularistic material culture to the larger system can be problematic (Purser 1999: 123, Wylie 1999:26). Taking a community-centred approach to transience bridges the gap between an in-depth analysis of transients in Dawson City and the larger issues of increasing mobility in western society under industrial capitalism. Examining transient participation in the Dawson City community and the community's response to transience reveals larger patterns that are applicable to other communities. Not all transient situations will share the specifics of the Klondike Gold Rush, but most will involve community interactions. Life on the Hillside The Klondike Gold Rush was an adventure in every sense of the word. Arriving in Dawson after a strenuous and often harrowing journey, stampeders found the community lively with activity and excitement, the archetypical boomtown running wide open. Most stampeders likely spent their first day in Dawson taking in the sights. For many the journey over mountain passes and down wild rivers was enough, and they returned home soon after their arrival. The archaeology of the hillsides allows us to see what life in the Klondike was like for those who stayed. One of the first tasks was finding a place to live. By the time the main thrust of the rush arrived, Dawson City real estate prices had already taken an exponential jump; this was exacerbated by the limited availability of suitable land. The river banks became the focus of the Dawson's commercial sector. The level area of the flood plain also became largely residential, but much of this area was low-lying and swampy. The steep hillsides along the margins of the flood plain thus became a residential option for many stampeders. Lot prices were cheaper for those who wished to buy; many, however, were simply squatters. The organization of tent and cabin platforms indicates that residential development on the slopes was less strictly governed than that on the flood plain itself. After selecting a suitable location a construction platform had to be built. This required excavating into rocky ground on a steep slope, and then pushing the excavated material forward until it met with the excavated base in a level surface. All this was done by hand, and the amount of material moved could be considerable. Creating an average sized platform, such as KCH 7, which measures 9 m in length, 2 m in width, and 1 m in height at the downhill edge, would require moving approximately 9 m3 of earth and rock. Additional earth was often required to complete the platform as evidenced by smaller excavated areas beside many platforms. After completing his hillside cabin, Fred Dewey (1 898) summed up this process by stating: "Excavating a place for it was a small job in itself." Evidence for the types of structures present on platforms is so sparse that it is difficult to determine whether a platform held a tent or a cabin. Most platforms likely held a tent until a more substantial structure could be erected. Historical photographs for 1898 show primarily tents on the hillsides, but cabins as shown in 1899 and later
244 photographs quickly replaced these. A cabin probably required a more substantial platform than a tent. The features recorded as possible platforms, which are smaller and show less development than platforms, may represent areas occupied by tents that were abandoned after the initial boom, and never replaced with a cabin. These features could also have been caches. A number of historical photographs of the Klondike City hillside show caches among the cabins (see Figure 6). They were generally built on poles five or six feet off the ground to keep supplies out of the reach of animals, particularly dogs. Unfortunately, there is little data pertaining to the number of people who inhabited the hillside cabins. Stampeders commonly travelled to the Klondike in pairs or small groups. The status of these partnerships was variable, and many broke apart on the trail or upon arrival in ~awson.Sharing a cabin seems to have been a common arrangement. The remaining foundation outlines of structures on a few platforms suggest that most cabins were fairly small. Tollemache (1912:82) and another person rented a cabin in Dawson City (not on the hillside) that was 17.6 m2 (196 ft2),which he notes was sufficient space for two people. His cabin was a mid-sized structure compared to those measured on the hillsides. With the exception of the few large platforms, most would have held one single- room structure. Log cabins were the most commonly built structures on the hillsides. This necessitated hauling 60 logs, 6 to 8 inches in diameter, for the average cabin, down slope if one was lucky enough to find timber at the top of the hill. More commonly, the logs had to be purchased and hauled up slope. To keep out the winter cold the walls had to be well chinked. Dewey (1 898) used 50 bags of moss and 130 saplings to fill the cracks between the wall logs in his cabin. Most people were forced to build with green logs, which eventually resulted in gaps, allowing the weather in as the logs dried. The roof was made of poles covered with earth, which was also mounded against the lower section of the walls to keep out drafts. Stewart Campbell (n.d.) and his party built a 16' x 20' cabin on the hillside east of Dawson, in late August 1898. They had to haul their cabin logs one half mile. By 7 September they had the roof on and were finally able to
move in on the 1 1th. Evidence from the hillside surveys suggests that at least some of the people who travelled together to Dawson, or possibly met in Dawson, cooperated to build platforms on the hillsides. The most obvious examples of this cooperation are the large platforms that held more than one structure. Platforms HAP J6,J7 and 58 in the Judge Street survey area were built connected to each other, probably by three or more individuals who made the journey to the Klondike together or joined forces after they arrived. Platform HAP 47 at Crocus Bluff is another good example. The extensive rock retaining wall at the front of this platform, complete with stairs down the front, would have required considerable effort to construct. Platforms located immediately adjacent, or one above the other, may also represent partnerships. In densely built areas like Crocus Bluff such an association is difficult to discern. This may potentially be the case, however, at Platforms KCH 7 and 9 on Klondike Hill. These two platforms are located very close together on a section of the hill where there are few other platforms. If the occupants were not associated, it is unlikely they would have located so close to one another. Two features in the Judge Street area also appear to have been constructed by several people. The dam, or walkway, across the drainage at the base of the talus slope is a relatively large feature. If this was part of a trail into the town, it is possible that a number of people from the nearby platforms worked together to improve the section across the drainage. Cooperation between individuals was also likely in the construction of the trench dug between the dam and platform HAP 514, and the construction of HAP 518, a 23 m long stone retaining wall. Unless located adjacent to the A.C. Trail, hillside residents accessed their homes via one of the many small trails that criss-crossed the slopes around Dawson and behind Klondike City. Trails recorded during the survey of Klondike Hill indicate that some residents went to considerable effort building up the downhill side of the trail and maintaining a manageable grade to make their platforms accessible. Other trails, shown in historic photographs, simply went straight up the hill. Depending on how high an elevation one lived, these trails would be tiring and dangerous during the winter. Footgear like the ice creeper found at KCH 15 would have been a definite advantage during the winter. Evidence for the interior furnishings in these cabins is sparse. The majority of stampeders did not carry furniture, such as tables and chairs, with them to Dawson City. These items are absent from the many published lists of recommended supplies in guidebooks and individual outfit inventories in journals and letters. Necessary furniture could be purchased in Dawson, an expensive proposition, or be homemade. One of the few interior descriptions of hillside cabins found to date is by Martha Black, who describes the furniture in her Klondike Hill cabin: The men made our furniture from tree-trunks and twigs, boards, and packing cases. It included plain willow-withy chairs, with an armchair for me, a board bench, a table (two wide boards nailed to four slim poplar legs), and a packing-box cupboard and dressing table (1 976:4O).
Denison's (1 943: 119) description of the interior of Johnny Gavin's cabin on Klondike Hill presents a much sparser image. The cabin had two bunks made from poles fastened to the walls, a bench and a table. Heat was supplied by a Yukon stove, encased in stones packed around with mud. What little furniture the hillside cabins contained was probably homemade from poles and wooden packing crates. Fragments of metal strapping in the archaeological record suggest that the use of packing crates was a common option. The only lighting devices found were homemade, suggesting that the inhabitants relied primarily on candles rather than oil lamps. Short days and long nights of the northern winters would have required a considerable supply of candles. Small sheet metal stoves were commonly found in proximity to the hillside cabins. These were used for both cooking and heating the cabin, duties for which they were barley adequate. Use of green wood for cabin construction during the boom period opened up gaps between the logs in the cabin walls as they dried letting in cold drafts (Tollemache 19 l2:82). Lynch (1967) remarked on the difficulties of getting out of a warm bed and re-lighting a fire in the stove, and having to break the ice in the water bucket each morning. An adequate stock of firewood was a necessity through the long winters. If one had enough money a winter supply of wood could be purchased, otherwise it was procured by hand. Wombwell (n.d.:73) paid a man $20 a day to cut fifty cords of firewood; buying the wood would have cost $50 a cord. Robert Williams (1899), who lived on the hillside near the A.C. Trail, noted in a letter to his mother that he gathered firewood every few days, travelling two or three miles over the top of the hill to find available wood. The few household items identified near the platforms consisted almost entirely of artifacts associated with food preparation and consumption, supporting Burley and Ross' (1979) conclusion that the hillside residents' primary concern was basic subsistence. Household items present in the hillside archaeological assemblages are almost a mirror reflection of the types of items included in stampeders supply lists. Most were made of tin, including plates, bowls and cups. All are very plain, durable and portable. Even the slightly fancier enamelled tinware was uncommon throughout the hillside areas. Pot lids are relatively common in the collection, but the pots themselves are absent. Pots may have been taken by owners leaving Dawson, perhaps for use on the trip out, but the lids were may have been considered unnecessary and discarded. Utensils, such as forks and spoons were found only in limited numbers. The spoons found among the Judge Street platforms are of better quality than expected, and were likely taken from a set used in the owners' permanent home. The many household items that were reused or homemade, including baking pans, cups and colanders or sifters, are particularly interesting. They indicate the inhabitants of the hillside cabins were little concerned with the messages their material culture would have transmitted to others. The variety of designs and styles in these homemade items indicates that they were made on an individual basis, likely as needed. Their presence suggests residents on the hillside were determined to make due as much as possible with the goods they brought to the Klondike in their original outfits. The most common homemade artifacts were buckets. Obtaining water in Dawson could be labour-intensive. Residents had to carry water to their cabins from a number of different sources, the main one being the Yukon River. As a result of pollution from Dawson, the only relatively safe place to get water out of the Yukon was upstream from the community. There were some natural seeps or springs on the hillside, at least one of which provided a consistent supply of water. Wombwell (n.d.:90) mentions a spring located not far from his cabin. A number of seeps were observed on the hillside in the Crocus Bluff area, however, they are too small to have served as a reliable source of water, and there is no indication of catchments basins. The paucity and nature of the cooking artifacts found, coupled with the small
248 sheet metal stoves suggests that most of the cooking residents did at home was fairly basic. Evidence for the subsistence practices on the hillside consists of faunal remains, tin cans, bottles and jars. Quantities of faunal remains recorded at the hillside platforms were small, but indicate the presence of fresh meat in the diet, likely from both wild game and domesticated animals. Residents could have purchased larger cuts of meat directly from hunters, and possibly off scows operated by transient traders. The size of the hillside specimens suggests that most were acquired in retail cuts. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of canned foods as a component of meals in the north at this time. Without canning technology it is doubtful if the stampede could have taken place on such a grand scale. There were insufficient natural resources in the Yukon to sustain a population the size of Dawson City during the boom years, and glass jars were heavier and more fragile than tin cans. Preserved foods, canned and dried, figure prominently on the recommended supply lists, and likely formed the basis of stampeders' diet. Seven groups of canned food were represented: Fruit and Vegetables, Meat Products, Seafood Products, Dairy, Dry Foods, Syrups and Prepared Foods. Dairy, Fruit and Vegetables and Prepared Foods (e.g., soup) were the most abundant containers at the platforms examined, and canned Meat Products were more frequent than Seafood Products in all the collections. Items in these groups would have been dietary staples. Getting the food out of the cans could, however, be a frustrating task. Meat cans commonly had key strip closures, where a strip was scored around the body of the container with a small flap left at the side seam. A key, usually attached to the base of the can, was inserted over the flap and wound around the can to access the contents. In its Christmas 1900 issue, the Klondike Nugget (25 December 1900:6) ran an article titled "Can Opening in the Klondike." This article describes in amusing terms the difficulties of opening a key strip can: "when the man with a Yukon appetite gets hold of it, he makes a few caressing turns, and zip! - it goes - busted!" This frustration was clearly evident in the archaeological record on the hillside. Meat and butter cans commonly exhibited evidence of the owner's intention to use the key, which resulted, not in a neatly sheared edge along the two scored lines, but rather a divergence down from the top line tapering off in a point at the lower line that snapped off the can entirely. A properly opened key strip has a straight edge around the circumference of the can. Specimens with broken key strips start with a straight line, which becomes wavy and irregular, indicating the cook finished opening the container with a knife. Although the metal container collection is the most abundant subsistence-related artifact, canned food was only part of the stampeders' diet. Other staple foods, such as flour, bacon, beans, rice, and sugar, were packaged in sacks or boxes that have not survived in the archaeological record. All these goods appear on the various supply lists. Flour is generally first on the list and accounts for approximately one third (around 400- 450 lbs) of the weight of the entire grocery list; bacon and beans together comprise another third. The picture gained from archaeological evidence is of a very monotonous diet. Adney's (1994:22) list of supplies is fairly basic, consisting largely of the necessities. Howard's (Avery 1958:54) outfit included a number of spices and products, such as molasses, ginger, nutmeg and mustard, which would have helped add variety to a diet loaded with dried, canned and salted foods. Very few condiment containers are found in the hillside assemblages. Either the inhabitants of the platforms had spices packaged in ways that have not survived in the archaeological record, or they did without. Fresh vegetables were available in Dawson City, but there is no way of knowing the proportion of the hillside residents' diet these comprised. Judging by comments made in journals and letters, fresh foods were not common. Robert Williams (1 899) complained in letters home about the monotony of his diet. Breakfast consisted of rice and bread with sugar and either butter or condensed milk. His only other meal of the day was canned beef, evaporated potatoes, bread and canned fruit. At this point he had been in Dawson just under nine months, and pronounced himself not only tired of the same meals over and over again, but of cooking them as well. Cooking on a daily basis was probably a fairly new and challenging experience for many men who joined the rush to the Klondike. Tollemache (1912:83) made a point of telling his readers that they did their own washing and cooking, which he admitted to knowing little about. Frederick Wombwell's (n.d.:89-90) diet also consisted primarily of canned or evaporated foods. He noted in his diary that he managed fairly well with cooking, which really consisted of little more than adding
250 water and heating, but had trouble baking bread. The only artifacts in the hillside assemblages associated with leisure activities were smoking pipes, tobacco cans and alcohol bottles. These are also the only such artifacts that appear on the lists of supplies Houck (1 898), McAdam (Moyles 1977) and Price (1 898) brought with them to the Klondike. Both Houck and Price list tobacco among their supplies; Price carried at least one smoking pipe with him, while Houck took chewing tobacco. The lack of leisure items may be a function of people finding their recreation in Dawson's many saloons and dancehalls, or through activities such as visiting that would not be represented in the archaeological record. Dawson was known to be an unhealthy city during the rush, a "combined effect of an undernourished population and a filthy, over crowded townsite ..." (Lux 1989:97). The difficulty in obtaining fresh foods could easily lead to scurvy, a condition commonly mentioned in contemporary sources. The hillside residents' concern with their health while in Dawson City is indicated by the presence of pharmaceutical bottles in most of the hillside assemblages and the first aid text in the Judge Street assemblage. Many stampeders carried some type of medical kit as part of their outfits. Jonas Houck and his partners shared one medical chest between the three of them. Most stampeders, including those living on the hillsides, would have had direct experience with the sicknesses and death prevalent in Dawson at that time, either knowing someone who was sick, or being ill themselves. The day before he reached Dawson, Wombwell (n.d.:67-68), was heralded by a rifle shot as he drifted down the Yukon River. Stopping to investigate he found Clarence Hall, who was barley able to wave as Wombwell approached his tent. Wombwell took him to the hospital when they reached Dawson City, but Hall died just days later. Jeremiah Lynch (1967) located his tent on the hillside when he first arrived in Dawson City after a fellow passenger on the steamship coming up the Yukon River told him that it was a healthier place to live than the townsite. The overall picture of life on the hillside is far from what one might expect of a gold rush boomtown. The cabins were small, drafty and poorly lit. Given the small stoves, which had to be kept stoked all the time it would have been impossible to maintain a constant temperature inside the cabin. Winters were long and could be remarkably cold. Meals were monotonous and consisted of plain fare with little variety in terms of condiments. Visiting was probably the most common form of entertainment, perhaps even more so than the amusements offered in Dawson City's saloons and dancehalls. Williams (1 899) does not appear to have enjoyed his time in Dawson. He joined the rush hoping to sell fur clothing, and once he could no longer afford to rent space downtown he built a cabin to serve as both home and shop. His occasional excursions to get firewood seem to be the only times he actually left his cabin. Frederick Wombwell was more out-going, and he records visiting various establishments in town and talking with quite a number of people in hopes of acquiring a claim. He also made a number of trips into the gold fields. These two men probably represent the opposite ends of a continuum. Williams appears to have had little interaction with the community, while Wombwell found quite a few acquaintances in Dawson and easily got to know others. Jeremiah Lynch was much the same. Stewart Campbell, a member of a group of men calling themselves the Kalamazoo Hustlers, falls somewhere in between. He spent a fair amount of time both in the community and out in the creeks at claims his party was working. Attempting to recover money and supplies taken by a former member of the party kept Campbell in town more than other members of the group. When he was not in court he spent most of his time around the cabin. Between 11 September, when Campbell (n.d.) moved into his cabin and 20 September, his diary notes little more than the daily weather and wood gathering. When Campbell and his partners were around the cabin in Dawson, however, they had a fair number of visitors, a circumstance that Williams does not mention.
The Hillsides' Place in the Social Context of Dawson City Unlike other marginal groups studied by historical archaeologists, transients in Dawson City were not linked by the common bonds of ancestry or gender. Instead, they were a diverse group of men and women, whose roles and experiences in the community deny any strict characterization. Their marginalization was not based on social or demographic factors, but rather on their lack of commitment to the larger community. Several lines of evidence indicate the hillsides were marginal areas, both physically and
252 within the social context of the community. The lack of formal infrastructure, such as roads and utilities, on the hillsides clearly illustrates these areas were low priority to those responsible for the development of the community. This interpretation is sustained by the action of the first commissioner in suggesting squatters in the townsite move onto the hills when he demanded the streets and waterfront be cleared of tents; and that of the second commissioner, who recommended the hillsides back of town as an appropriate relocation area for the community's prostitutes. Finally, when prices were set for town lots in the Government Addition of the townsite, hillside property was valued considerably below lots in the level portion of the addition. Real estate activities in Dawson City also indicate the permanent residents of the community considered the hillsides less desirable. The construction sequence in the Government Addition demonstrates that hillside lots without access to existing roads (as opposed to proposed roads on the townsite plan), were among the last properties to be developed. Similarly, many lots in the level portion of the addition were divided into two or three properties with separate owners at a time when there were still numerous lots on the hillsides that had not been purchased from the government. Ladue clearly considered the hillside blocks in his addition of the townsite to be different, as the hillside lots were half the size of those on the floodplain. Marginal status is often forced upon a particular group of people by the dominant social groups in society; however, transients in Dawson City must claim some responsibility for their place at the margins of the community. Anticipated mobility reveals how transients' own actions can be linked to their place within the social context. Individuals who do not intend to make a permanent home demonstrate their intention through their level of participation and investment in the community, and permanent members of the community will react to these signals accordingly. Few documents provide evidence of this relationship, but archaeology and the concept of anticipated mobility make it possible to identify transient households. Residence on the hillside itself may have been an indication to permanent residents that the inhabitants did not intend to stay. Certainly the practice of throwing trash onto the slope around their hillside cabins, while the rest of the community used a designated dump, would send the message that hillside occupants had no real commitment to the community. Transience in the Community This thesis examined a number of community-based issues with specific attention to the role, or place of transients in Dawson City during the Klondike Gold Rush, including the business of transient traders, formation of local government, granting of mining concessions, and the control of saloons and dancehalls. These issues reveal tensions in the community between the permanent and transient portions of the population and the means by which transients could or could not participate in various community functions. In Dawson City the social group that comprised the majority of permanent residents were the merchants and other business owners. With their investments in the community, their futures were closely tied to Dawson's continued prosperity. When the boom ended in 1899 many residents questioned whether Dawson would last, or go the way of so many other mining towns. Following the discovery of gold in Nome, local businesses suffered a depression as people openly discussed their intention of leaving town (KN 23 January 1900). The Nugget argued Dawson had a solid base, citing the speed with which the portion of town razed by fire was being rebuilt, despite the talk of Nome. Although thousands of people left the community, the business sector's faith remained strong (KN 8 July 1900:2). The Nugget continued to run regular articles pointing out the confidence residents had in the community through the remainder of the year, reporting in December that the new post office and telegraph building were a positive indication that the federal government also believed in Dawson's permanence. The same fears and concerns were revisited in 1903 following the discovery of gold at Tanana (Yukon World 22 October 1904). Despite the Nugget's confidence in Dawson, there was always a sense that, "the Yukon country is a country for a day only" (KN 12 July l9OOb:2). This is an attitude that described the feelings of the transient portion of the town's population. Transients in Dawson could be termed a social grouping, they intended a limited stay in the community, but they were not a social group as they had little else in common. Their presence in the community, especially the large numbers who came in with the rush, appears to have created uneasiness among the permanent residents. One advantage that permanent members, primarily merchants, had over transients was their personal linkages between the economic and political spheres in the community. Once the city had finally won incorporation, the elected mayor and council were closely tied to the commercial sector. Dawson's first mayor, Henry C. Macaulay, was a wholesale dealer, and the six council members were also businessmen (Guest 1982:93). Although the mayor and four of the councilmen changed in the next election, prominent business and professional men continued to hold these positions. Their duel positions had real consequences for transient traders who were in direct competition with Dawson's local merchants. Dawson's businessmen argued that they took all the risk of fire, paid taxes, supported public enterprise, employed labour and supplied the community the year round. Transient traders, on the other hand, did nothing for the development of the country, nor paid their share of the expense of the territory and made no contribution to public welfare. Most even avoided purchasing the necessary license. After incorporation the issue of transient traders fell to the newly elected municipal government, which promptly raised the license fee from $150 to $500. This action had the effect merchants desired, and transient traders all but disappeared from the marketplace. The benefits of this action to the larger community are questionable, as the transient traders had provided competition for the larger companies and may have helped to keep prices down for residents of the community. Examining the interactions between transients and the levels of government in Dawson City provides some of the most interesting insights into transience in the community. Governance in Dawson went through almost continual change during the period of interest for this investigation, and residents dealt with four different levels of government: the Northwest Mounted Police, the Dominion Government of Canada, the Commissioner and Yukon Council, and a municipal government. The police had a variety of interactions with the transient portion of Dawson's population, but the focus of attention was reserved for those deemed undesirable, including criminals, gamblers, prostitutes and people with no visible means of support. These people were considered a threat to the stability of the community and considerable effort was expended encouraging them to move along. This was a direct action aimed at controlling who
255 could, or would be members of the community. Granting concessions for large sections of the gold fields to capitalists also had a considerable effect, although indirectly, on transience in the community. Opportunity for the average person to make a fortune without large amounts of ready capital is the driving force behind any gold rush. Although the creeks were staked by the time the stampeders arrived, there were other mining possibilities, such as taking a lay on a claim, entering a partnership, or prospecting untested creeks in the region. Once the government began turning large properties over to concession holders, individual opportunities decreased. Many people continued their pursuit of gold in the Klondike long after all opportunities for quick wealth ended, because the perception of easy money remained. Once this perception changed, the nature of transience changed. In the beginning, anyone potentially could mine a fortune and return home to a better life; physical mobility was driven by a desire for social mobility, and was a response to the changes that had taken place in society as a result of industrialization and the growing separation between capitalists and labour (Praetzellis and Praetzellis l992:8 1). Once large companies dominated mining, transience became associated with seasonal labour. Workers went north to the Klondike for the summer mining season, and returned to their homes in the outside for the winter. It also became more common for some Dawson City residents to live in the community during the summer only, leaving town by the last boats of the season, and spending the winter in the south (Coates and Morrison 1990, 199 1). The fight against concessions can be seen as a struggle against the encroachment of industrial capitalism that the transients sought to escape by coming to the Klondike. The related issues of taxation and incorporation managed by the commissioner and council present an opportunity to view interactions between the government, permanent residents, and transients. Council's proposal to initiate taxation to pay the costs of city improvements was greeted by almost uniform opposition. Leroy Pelletier summarized resistance from the transient's position, when he argued that it was unfair to tax people who did not intend to stay in the community for improvements that would only benefit those who came later. Permanent residents argued they would end up paying for improvements that transients would take advantage of without making any
256 contribution to the community. Hillside residents who owned the property they lived on would benefit in a general way from city improvements, but their contributions would never result in any benefit to their residential area. Matters were settled when residents were given representation on the Yukon Council. Only British subjects were eligible to vote. Non-British subjects, approximately half the population, were still required to pay taxes, but had no means of participating in the governance of the community. They were also left out of the municipal government when incorporation was finally achieved. Only British subjects could vote and be nominated for the positions of mayor and alderman. Mass meetings were one means through which people ineligible to vote could engage in issues of concern. Mass meetings were called on the issues of taxation and incorporation, as well as the fight to have mining concessions revoked. These were open forums with no restrictions on citizenship, where members of the community met to discuss controversies and potential actions. Morrison (1968:25) traces the origin of the mass meetings held in Dawson to the miners meetings commonly used in the Yukon prior to the arrival of the N.W.M.P. There foreigners' views were heard, providing an opportunity to impress their ideas upon residents who could vote. Transients interacted with other members of the community on a constant basis, to obtain their daily needs, for information and company. Many stampeders found themselves in a hostile environment far from the established social networks they relied on for support. The old timers, when faced with increasing numbers of newcomers, formed the Yukon Order of Pioneers, creating a type of support network. A variety of institutions were also present in Dawson City from the beginning, including churches and fraternal organizations, such as the Masons. They provided stability for the community and some support for transients (Stephenson 1979). The existence of these institutions, particularly the churches, played a significant role in the developing community's ability to deal with the high level of transience. One surprising aspect of the gold rush was the number of stampeders who met friends and acquaintances in Dawson. Frederick Wombwell, for example, met friends when he arrived in Dawson, although his journal gives no indication that he planned or expected to see them. They saved Wombwell the time and effort of searching for a place
257 to live by letting him stay in their cabin. Many other stampeders ended up spending their first few weeks living on their scows or in tents erected wherever they could find an empty piece of ground. Jeremiah Lynch also met people he knew, including the former mayor of Seattle. Members of transient households interacted with the economic component of the community through their occupations and by making purchases at local stores, saloons and restaurants. The high cost of living was a key factor of this interaction. Accommodation in the Klondike was expensive, whether one lived in a hotel or built a cabin. Food prices were also high, and price fluctuations were common during the boom years. Transients represented a considerable part of the Dawson market, and their presence was a benefit to the business sector. Within 10 months of the Tanana strike 2,404 people left Dawson (Yukon World 22 October 1904). To give readers an idea of the effect the exodus had on Dawson's economy, the newspaper, allowing $100 a month for the cost of living per person, estimated the economy would suffer by one and a half million dollars over a six month period. Accounting for the earning potential of those 2,400 people, estimated at $200 a month, over the same six-month period would have added 4 million dollars to the wealth generated in Dawson. Throughout the boom and early decline people came and went, some leaving the community permanently, others setting out on stampedes to Yukon creeks and returning when the creek showed little promise. Population change was irregular and could occur on grand scale, such as the rushes to Nome and Tanana. A portion of these people always returned to Dawson, although not because of any real commitment to the community. Dawson was the best place to find temporary work and wait for news of the next big find, and many of the same people packed up and rushed off time and again. Dawson's population during the gold rush was large and diverse in terms of ancestry, occupational background and socio-economic status. Julius Price's description of Dawson during the summer of 1898 is a good illustration: Here was a big city growing before our very eyes. It recalled one of those street scenes that have become so popular at recent exhibitions, only this was before the opening ceremony, and they were hurrying up so they could get it finished in time! The footway was blocked to such an extent with men walking, or standing about, or sitting on the piles of timber, that it was with difficulty that we could get along. Many smartly dressed women could be 258 seen, looking indeed strangely out of keeping in such surroundings, for the men were absolutely the roughest, raggedest and most unkempt lot I have seen anywhere before, or am likely to ever see again. There was a certain picturesqueness about their dirt though, as there is, for instance, in the squalor of an Italian beggar, and with their long boots, faded yellow flannel coats, and slouch hats, they added considerably to the stage like effect of the whole scene (1898: 169-170).
Price presents a picture of poorly dressed, unoccupied men, whom he is ready to categorize as beggars, against a backdrop of progress and respectability. Looks can be deceiving, however, as Price continued: As one gradually worked one's way through this big crowd and caught scraps here and there of the conversation, one realized that all these rough, dirty- looking fellows were not what they outwardly appeared, and that this was not entirely a gathering of roughs or "hobos", but a cosmopolitan assemblage, and was of all nations of the earth, attracted hither by the mighty ring of the Klondike gold (1898: 169-170).
Although transients' were not necessarily marginalized on the basis of ethnicity, nationality was a factor in determining their place within the community. The Canadian government's decision to restrict the vote and government positions to British subjects effectively barred foreigners from participating in decisions that directly affected their lives in Dawson. Whether intentional or not, this decision was one means of exercising control over some of the transients in the community. There were times, especially during the early period in the gold rush when Canadian authorities feared the large number of Americans in the Klondike might encourage an attempt to take over the territory. Most American citizens were displeased with the Canadian government's handling of the Klondike, particularly the royalties imposed on all gold mined in the territory. Porsild's (1994:209) argues the social structure of Dawson City was not classless, but instead was structured from the beginning of the community by ethnicity, family and occupation. Those in the upper and middle classes included government officials, merchants and professionals and the clergy. She found that miners, general labourers, working women and First Nations people were excluded from the upper levels of the social order. This structure was in marked contrast to pre- 1894 society in the Yukon, which had no acknowledged leaders. The change began with the amval of the N.W.M.P., who quickly ended the authority of the miners' meeting. The class system is clearly evident in events such as the annual Saint Andrews Ball, where controls were put in place to keep the wrong kind of people from attending. Hierarchies were made explicit in a Nugget article titled, "Their Problem of Life" (5 March 1900) that identifies five classes of people. First, and foremost, are those involved in the business sector, whose lives were solid and routine. Second, the mine owners and operators. Their livelihoods depended upon the production of their mines, but they were able to estimate their output and prospered. Third, and last of the respectable classes, were the labourers; without whom the first two classes would be unable to operate. Fourth, were the sporting men; those who actually were sports, those trying to be sports, and those who dreamed of being sports. Finally, there were numerous men who would not do honest work, nor patronize the gaming tables. Members of the last two classes were transients. Those who refused to work spent their time taking advantages of the comforts offered by the saloon stove and trying to determine how many meals they had left in the provisions they brought into the territory. These men "nearly all have cabins out on the edge of town or up the Klondike, or in West Dawson, or any place they find one for which they have no rent to pay." (KN 5 March 1900). Some remained in Dawson waiting for something to turn up, others feared going home (KN 5 March 1900). Many left home with great promise, backed by their friends and relations, and could not bear the humiliation of going home without having mined their fortune. The Nugget claimed that there were hundreds of men staying in Dawson for just this reason. The Nugget's five classes of people provide some indication of the nature of the social structure: merchants, mine owners, labourers, and at the bottom, prostitutes, gamblers and those just waiting around. Most of the people at the bottom of this list were transients, but not all transients were socially limited. Jeremiah Lynch, for example, was a mine owner and moved easily through the upper classes of Dawson. For some transience was a means to an end, for others it was clearly a lifestyle choice. Lynch had the means to make a different life for himself if he had chosen, but he opted to live on the hillside.
260 Archaeology and Transience The archaeological investigations of the steep hillsides behind Dawson City and Klondike City were designed to examine the material correlates of transient occupations. The research extends earlier analyses of transience, particularly those of Blee (1 991) and Brooks (1995a). Brooks' adaptation of Kent's (1992) idea of anticipated mobility to mining sites in the west provides a powerful concept for identifying and studying transience archaeologically. A key problem in the archaeological study of mining communities is in connecting observations on the ground with the social world of the participants (Hardesty 1988). Anticipated mobility accounts for site organization based on peoples' intended length of stay, as well as the forces behind their movements (e.g., MacEwan 197250). Previous investigations into transience in Dawson City have used actual length of stay as a measure of transience or persistence in the community. By approaching transience through anticipated mobility emphasis is placed on the intended, rather than actual length of stay. People remained in Dawson for varying lengths of time depending on their purposes, but the significant distinction is drawn between those who intended to make Dawson their permanent home and those who did not. Those planning to stay in Dawson indefinitely made different investments and interactions in the community than those who wanted to make their fortune and leave. Their intentions and actions were visible to other members of the community, playing an important role in structuring the interactions between permanent residents and transient occupants. The development of Dawson City and the place of the hillsides in the social context of the community, demonstrate the hillsides were marginal areas. Residence in these areas, and the practice of throwing trash out the cabin door indicated the inhabitants did not intend to make a lasting investment in the community. The analysis of the hillside assemblages supports this mindset of anticipated mobility. The results of this dissertation agree with previous studies on most aspects of transience in the archaeological record. As Brooks (1995a) suggests for sites at which a short stay was intended, the hillside assemblages are small, with limited diversity in artifacts types, sheet refuse was the dominate mode of trash disposal, structures were basic in their construction, using local materials, and were poorly furnished. The most obvious trend in the assemblages is the dominance of food related material culture, including not only the abundance of metal containers, but also the majority of household artifacts. Burley and Ross (1979:44) interpreted the dominance of food preparation and consumption artifacts, the abundance of metal containers, and the lack of leisure related artifacts in the Fifth Avenue borrow pit assemblage, as evidence that the inhabitants were relatively poor and lived at a subsistence level. These same patterns, repeated in the other hillside assemblages, also suggest anticipated mobility. These two conclusions are not incompatible as transients who did not intend to remain in the Klondike would not likely establish households that provided more than minimum requirements. This prediction is also supported by the lists of supplies stampeders brought into the Klondike (Appendix A, Tables A1 - A4). A large portion of the outfit's weight was made up of food and supplies. A minimum of 34% of the food supplies listed (Appendix A, Table Al) were packaged in metal containers. With the exception of items that were entirely consumed, or were unlikely to survive in the archaeological record, the list of household goods taken in the stampeders' outfits (Appendix A, Table A2) match the list of household goods in the hillside assemblages. The complement of food preparation items is small and basic, including a coffee pot, saucepan and a pie plate. Objects associated with meal consumption are much the same: tin cup, plate, knife, fork, tablespoon and teaspoon. Most outfits probably only included one of each of these items. Larger items, like sheet metal stoves, may have been shared amongst people travelling together. All of these items are inexpensive, durable and portable. This overall simplicity of the stampeders' outfits is the second general trend evident in the hillside assemblages. They are dominated by practical, functional objects in all areas of life. Household artifacts, although they include a small number of ceramic items, are by and large plain tin. Only one item was enamelled. The fact that many of the tin plates and cups recorded are still in good condition suggests that they were in a serviceable state when discarded. This is also suggestive of a transient occupation; having been bought solely for purposes of the trip to the Klondike, when the owner was ready to leave, the items were no longer necessary and were simply discarded.
262 The personal items listed in Stampeders' outfits (Appendix A, Table A3) are also not what one would expect of someone setting up a new permanent home. Again the list compares favourably with the types of personal goods present in the hillside assemblages. Clothing makes up the majority of items on the lists of personal supplies, and with the exception of Eben McAdam's six ties, all are practical, durable, and for the most part warm articles. Most clothing would not have survived in the archaeological record, making it difficult to make a full comparison between items on the supply lists and those in the hillside assemblages. Most of the personal items on the hillsides, however, do appear in the lists. Jonas Houck (1898), Eben McAdam (Moyles 1977:7) and Julius Price (189859) all brought three pairs of boots in their outfits, including both leather and rubber boots. Houck was the only one of the three to include a pair of shoes. The necessity of so many pairs of boots is clearly demonstrated by the extent of wear observed on the rubber boots in the hillside assemblages. These boots were used until the tread was almost completely worn away. In addition to this wear, a few boots show evidence of home repair to keep them serviceable, including stitching a split on the toe of one rubber boot shut, and the addition of leather soles to two rubber boots. Boots were expensive items in Dawson City, especially during the boom years. The extent of wear and home repair suggests that the owners were unable to afford new boots, or were reluctant to buy them if they could avoid it. The presence of reuse and homemade artifacts on the hillsides suggests that they are directly related to a transient occupation. The inventory survey found that 32% of platform at Crocus Bluff and 11% of Klondike Hill platforms contained reuse or homemade artifacts on the ground surface. Each of the hillside assemblages, with the exception of platform 1Y5, includes at least one homemade object constructed from a tin can. Schiffer et al. (198 1:84) define re-use as a process where an item "undergoes a change in the user .. . or the activity of use." Included in this process is the modification or recycling of an object into a new item. The types of modifications observed in the hillside assemblages vary, but those made simply to gain access to the can's contents have not been considered modified for the purpose of re-use. Modified containers can be divided into: (1) cans that have been altered to serve a new function but retain their 263 general form, (2) artifacts created fiom material obtained from metal containers (recycled), and (3) metal containers that show evidence of being used as a source of raw material. It is not always possible to identify the function of these modified containers. Objects that may have been employed as storage containers, without modification, such as baking powder cans with slip lids are not included as re-used items here. Almost all the homemade artifacts recorded on the hillsides are common items that would have been used on a daily basis, and include: cups, baking pans, strainerslsieves, and lighting devices. The ubiquitous 5-gallon oil can bucket is a perfect example. These are the single most common homemade item in the surveyed areas. In 1907, Laura Berton visited a miner's cabin on Bonanza Creek. In her description of the home she noted: "In the corner of the cabin reposed a row of petrol tins with wire handles which served as buckets, containers and general all-purpose utensils. I sometimes wonder how the Yukon could have been settled without them" (Berton 195556). Large cylindrical containers were also used but to a lesser extent. The largest number of re-used artifacts comes from the Judge Street area, where 126 modified metal containers were recorded. While general similarities can be found between homemade artifacts, such as the widespread use of oil cans for buckets, they also show a considerable amount of variation in the details of their manufacture. A description of some of the homemade buckets will serve as a useful illustration of this activity. Twelve of the 14 buckets were made fiom rectangular cans, and two from cylindrical containers. Four have wire handles looped through holes punched in the sides. One has a factory-made wire handle of a type characteristically found on cylindrical pails. The wooden handle bucket has nails driven through the container into the wood. The remainder of the containers no longer have handles, but the holes are consistent with those observed on other buckets. The purpose of some commonly observed modifications are somewhat more elusive. One type of artifact consists of metal containers with a series of holes or slits punched through the base or, occasionally, the sides. The location and number of holes varies considerably. It is possible these artifacts were used as strainers or sieves. A second type of modified container consists of a rectangular container with the top half removed and the resulting raw edge folded over to create an open topped box, or one
264 long side opened up or completely cut out. Indications of the use of metal containers as a source of raw material include cans cut open and folded flat and large rectangular metal containers with one or more sides cut out. Small pieces of metal cut from tin cans that show no further evidence of modification are the most abundant evidence of re-use activity. In some cases these artifacts may represent end products, whose function is no longer recognizable, but it seems most likely that they are associated with raw material collection and are by- products of the manufacture of new artifacts. Based on their investigation into re-use practices in Tucson, Arizona, Schiffer et al. (198 1:84) suggests that re-use was most commonly used in households with high residential mobility, that were in an early developmental stage, were of low status, or had low incomes. People who do not expect to stay in an area very long may not want to spend money on certain types of artifacts, or accumulate household goods they must move when they leave. Freight rates to transport one's household belongings out of the Yukon were often high enough to make purchasing new items more cost effective. As a result many people moving away from the community left all their furnishings behind (Gates 1985:7). This seems a likely scenario for the re-used items recorded on the hillsides. Hillside inhabitants anticipating a short stay in the community manufactured simple household items from the plentiful raw material provided by empty cans. The condition of these artifacts today indicates they were in perfectly serviceable condition when they were discarded. Factory made household items in these assemblages, such as tin plates, cups and bowls exhibit little wear or damage that would have prevented continued use. These items were discarded when they were of no further use. With the exception of the Fifth Avenue assemblage, all the hillside assemblages compared favourably with Blee's characteristic male transient assemblage on the basis of relative frequencies in the given artifact categories. In addition, the lY 10 assemblage appears similar to the transient assemblage. Platform lY5, on the other hand has characteristics in keeping with the family assemblage. The Fifth Avenue assemblage is so similar with the other hillside assemblages that its tendency toward the family comparative assemblage in some artifact categories may be related to the small sample
265 size. Platform 1Y5 artifacts may resemble a family assemblage because it was occupied later than the other sections of the hillside included in the analysis. The initial occupation of all five hillside locations were likely identical, probably beginning in late 1897 or early 1898. While the Judge Street area, HAP 4, 1Y10, KCH 7 and 9 and KCH 14- 16, appear to have been largely abandoned by 1910, at least one structure was present in the Fifth Avenue borrow pit area as late as 1930. Datable artifacts at 1Y5 also suggest that occupation continued into the 1920s. These later occupations may have contributed artifacts that have influenced the assemblages producing relative frequencies most similar to the family characteristic assemblage. By the 1920s the largest part of the transient element had long since left the community, which by that time had begun to take on its present shape. As the community changed, the occupation of the hillside also changed. For the most part this meant abandonment. Anyone living in hillside homes during this period likely planned to make Dawson City their home. Similarly, platforms adjacent to the A.C. Trail are the only ones on the Dawson hillside that would have had direct access to a road, and would have been the most likely to remain occupied. Platform 1Y5 is located immediately adjacent to the A.C. Trail. The significant differences between the relative frequencies of liquor-related artifacts and to a greater degree other household items in the hillside and characteristic transient male assemblages suggests that the connection between these artifacts and transience needs further consideration. The occurrence of these artifacts at locations inhabited by transients may be largely dependent upon the particular situation at any given site. Difficulties identifying the contents of fragmentary, unmarked bottles may be influencing the relative frequencies of liquor related-artifacts in some of the hillside assemblages inflating its difference from a characteristic transient assemblage. Nevertheless, factors such as prohibition and rules against the consumption of alcohol in work camps would have affected the quantities of liquor bottles in these sites. So too could the length of time spent at the site. Brooks (1995a) expected low frequencies of personal artifacts in transient sites, yet Blee (1991) demonstrated these artifacts were common in the western transient sites
266 she used to build the transient male comparative assemblage. The Dawson City and Klondike City hillside assemblages support the higher frequencies of personal artifacts, and indicate that those present are largely associated with clothing and footwear. The hillside assemblages, however, differ considerably from Blee's (199 1) transient male comparative assemblage in the relative frequencies of household artifacts. Blee's inclusion of corporate living situations, such as logging camps, where meals would have been prepared by a cook for all the workers, and sites where transient men likely took their meals in restaurants and saloons, partially explains the low relative frequency of household artifacts in the transient male comparative assemblage. The large quantities of tin cans in the hillside assemblages indicate that the residents commonly cooked their own meals, making household items a necessity. This difference between the hillside assemblages and the transient male comparative assemblage suggests that the specific function of the transient site being examined is an important determinant in the types of cultural material one may expect to find. During the Klondike Gold Rush, for example, there are two different transient situations that could produce different relative frequencies of household items. All stampeders were required to carry with them a year's worth of food and equipment. Among the lists given in various guidebooks are a variety of household items, including a fry pan, coffee pot, saucepan, pie plate, and one fork, spoon and knife (Appendix A, Table A2). It seems likely that almost everyone had at least these items. At Skagway and Dyea most stampeders had to set up camp for a short period of time, usually just long enough to get them ready for the trail over the mountain passes. They needed their household items for the rest of their journey, and consequently few were discarded at these camps. While in Dawson City the transients living on the hillsides, still needed these items for cooking. The condition of tin cups, plates and bowls in the hillside assemblages, however, indicates that when the residents were ready to leave Dawson they discarded many of these household items, rather than packing them home. Two trends are evident in the hillside assemblages that likely characterize most transient sites. First, is the overwhelming focus in cultural material on food preparation and consumption. This includes food storage containers, such as cans and bottles, and
267 all the items necessary to prepare and consume meals, including cooking pots, fry pans, basins, plates, cups and utensils. The second trend is that practical, functional objects in all functional artifact categories dominate the assemblages. Dominant factors affecting the types of artifacts found in transient assemblages are practicality, portability and durability. Almost all artifacts in the hillside assemblages meet these three criteria. Lawrence (2000: 179) found very similar patterns in the Moorabool gold fields in Australia, but noted that residents actively engaged in the acquisition of fashionable consumer goods even though they realized their homes were not necessarily permanent. These items were key indicators of respectability in their cultural system: "Achieving the correct appearance for oneself and one's home was part of the construction of self and also a signal to others that beliefs and behaviour would be appropriate." (Lawrence 2000: 179). Residents of the Dawson City and Klondike City hillsides did not have these same concerns. The archaeological assemblages indicate they were indifferent to consumer fashions. This is clearly indicated by their decision to make household items from discarded tin cans, rather than purchase new ones. People living on the platforms did not intend to remain in Dawson long enough to be concerned with the messages their material culture sent to other members of the community. Based on the data available it appears that primarily men inhabited the hillsides, although small numbers of female-specific artifacts were present. Fashionable artifacts such as ceramics have often been attributed to the presence of women in a household. To what extend, then, is the lack of fashionable consumer goods in the hillside assemblages related to male-only households? Similarly, is there a connection between the female- specific artifacts and small quantities of ceramic objects found in the Judge Street and Fifth Avenue assemblages? Transient households on the Moorabool diggings (Lawrence 2000) included both men and women. In the west, the presence of respectable women is associated with growing permanence in the community. A high male to female ratio characterized the population during a mining camp's early years (Hardesty 1988:4). An increase in the number of women in the community was heralded as a sign of settlement maturity, and men who were joined by their wives and family were assumed to be making a permanent home. A perfect example comes from the Klondike Nugget, which stated that in 1900 a large portion of the people arriving in Dawson from the outside were women and children: Another thing which marks the boundary line in Dawson's history between the rude mining camp day and the present modern condition, is the fact that nearly every man who has a family, and has lived away from it in this country because, while the conditions for business was favourable here, he did not consider it a proper place to bring his family to, has this summer seen the steps, or strides, taken towards permanency and an all around settled state of affairs, and has sent for the folks at home (14 September 1900).
As the boom period settled and towns became better established, the number of women and families in the population increased. In many cases these women actively worked toward reform from the wild ways of the rush. A significant number of early guidebooks (1897- 1898) include sections or chapters specifically intended for women. While the standard ideas of the day, that women went with their husbands, or went looking for husbands, are invariably included, some did recognize that many women would go with the idea of making their own fortunes (e.g. Harris 1897). Chsand Grace Bartsch (n.d.) brought a herd of cattle to Dawson in the spring of 1900. They stayed for a while in a cabin near the Moosehide slide. This was Grace's first trip to Dawson, and Chris' third. They left Dawson the same summer, returning to Seattle in hopes of bringing in another shipment before winter. Emily Craig and her husband left Chicago bound for the Klondike via the Edmonton Route. They spent two years on the trail, finally arriving in Dawson in August 1899 (Mayer 1989:235). After five months in Dawson A.C. Craig left for Nome where he found work as a carpenter. Emily worked as a cook until later in the spring when she left Dawson and joined her husband in Nome. These are only two examples and while likely not the norm, men and women making the trip together and not intending to make a permanent home in Dawson may have been more common than generally considered. Porsild (1994: 160-61) has argued against the common belief that men travelled to the Klondike alone, bringing their wives and families north at a later time. Her analysis of the 1901 census demonstrates that in nearly half of the families recorded in the census, the women arrived during the same year as their husbands. Unfortunately, we do not know when these families arrived, or more importantly how long they remained in Dawson. Documentary sources demonstrate that women did live in some areas of the hillside, and along with the female-specific artifacts in the hillside assemblages, this suggests that future research is needed to explore the potential that women, as part of a family, or alone were also transient. Additional research into this issue certainly has the potential to add to our understanding of transience in the community. This dissertation has argued that to understand transience as a product of, and response to changes in society resulting from capitalism and industrialization, we must see it within the context of community. Previous sections have summarized key issues relating to transient participation in or exclusion from the community, and the adaptation of communities to the pressures of transience. These include connections between the economic and political spheres that work to keep transients on the margins of the community, the power of local authorities to decide who is desirable and who is not, and the ability of community members to circumvent these controls through traditions such as the mass meeting. Although the individual events discussed are specific to Dawson City, the larger processes and issues are common to all communities. A complete understanding of transience must include both historical documents and the archaeological record, beginning with the cultural landscape. Transients were marginal members of communities, and as such their physical location within settlements was in lower class or marginal areas. At a more specific level the archaeological analysis of transient sites can increase our understanding of how people who were forced to adopt transience as a means of survival in industrial society responded to the challenges they faced.
Capitalism and Mobility in the Klondike The Klondike Gold Rush has many similarities with earlier mining rushes in the American West. Motivations to join the Klondike Stampede were much the same. The north was seen as a land of opportunity that could be accessed by temporary physical mobility. The stampede clearly fits into White's (1 99 1: 193) modern migration type, with the majority of people intending a temporary stay, and planning to return home once their fortune was made. The gold rush also played a role in the expansion of the capitalist system into the Canadian North. The Klondike was dependant on developments related to westward expansion in the United States. Without the large scale production of preserved foods (i.e., the canning industry), and a transportation network including both transcontinental railroads and coastal steamship companies the Klondike Stampede could not have occurred on the scale that it did. These two systems made it possible for large numbers of people to get at least part way to the Klondike, and provisioned them once they arrived. Transportation networks within the north developed quickly with the construction of the White Pass and Yukon Railway, and a number of different steamship companies operating on the Yukon River. Residents of Dawson City were almost wholly dependant on food supplies brought in from the outside. The Klondike was intimately tied into the larger capitalist system, and represented a sizeable market for corporations in southern Canada, the United States and to a lesser extent Europe. This is evident in the growth experienced by coastal cities such as Seattle, San Francisco, Vancouver and Victoria. Merchants in these cities recognized some of the biggest profits created by the rush. The largest trading companies operating in the Yukon, the A.C. Co. and the N.A.T.&T. and later the Northern Commercial Company were all based in western cities, primarily San Francisco. The extent of this supply network can also be seen in the hillside archaeological assemblages. Manufacturers identified on artifacts recorded in the hillside assemblages were located throughout eastern Canada, the United States and Europe. Dawson City, like many early western mining towns, was an urban settlement almost from its inception. In 1897 Dawson already had a population of 4,000, and when the majority of stampeders arrived in 1898 the population reached 16,000. The settlement represented a point from which capitalist systems could expand into the north, much as Hardesty (199 1:33) describes the role of mining towns in the American West. Dawson City was the interface between commercial enterprises, many of which were based in southern Canadian and U.S. cities, and mining, including both the local goldfields and the expanding search for new gold bearing creeks in surrounding regions. New discoveries resulted in the founding of other regional centres such as Nome and Fairbanks. Dawson City was both similar to and different from previous mining settlements in the west and north. During Dawson's boom period it was a lively town, with saloons and dancehalls, and thousands of people from all over the world. Yet, as Porsild (1 994) has shown, underneath this exterior appearance the community had a definite structure based on family, occupation and ethnicity. The growing body of merchants in Dawson City formed the core of the community. The upper class of Dawson City's society upheld the same Victorian traditions and values as people in southern Canadian cities. Families were seen as the foundation of the community. An increase in the number of women (of good character) and children in town was seen as a marker of the community's growth and as a symbol of its permanence. Documents indicate there were growing concerns among the permanent residents that the high number of transients would impede development, and potentially threaten the permanence of the community. Archaeology on the hillsides indicates that the residents of these areas did not intend to make any lasting commitment to the community. They did not follow the same rules and behaviours that they likely would have at homes outside the north. Perhaps the biggest difference between Dawson City and mining towns in the American West was the level of government control from the very beginning. The N.W.M.P. were present in the Yukon when the Klondike discovery was made, and they enforced both Canadian mining regulations and Canadian law. Like the U.S. Government in the American West, the Canadian Government held authority over property, and all townsite applications had to be filed through the N.W.M.P. until the arrival of a land agent. Individuals purchasing property in the city, whether from the government itself or one of the townsite addition owners, received patents from the government. The first Commissioner of the territory was appointed in 1897, along with a wholly elected council. The Yukon had no elected officials until after the turn of the century, and even then voting was restricted to Canadian and British citizens. Many Americans in the Klondike were unhappy with Canadian mining regulations and the royalty on gold recovered imposed by the Canadian Government. They also questioned the honesty of government officials in charge of the recording office in Dawson City. Their concerns and comments help to highlight differences between the Canadian and American systems of government. Mining in the Klondike followed a similar sequence from hand mining to corporate mining as in many other western goldfields, but in the Klondike the transition began almost immediately. Clement (1983: 178) attributes this to the fact that capitalist mining was already well established in other areas prior to the Klondike discovery. Industrial mining in the Klondike could not begin, however, until certain conditions had been met. As early as 1898 parties began applying for mining concessions that would make large-scale mining practical. The Canadian Government was in favour of corporate mining in the Klondike, and saw it as one means of avoiding the boomhust nature of mining rushes. The two key aspects of the concessions were large tracts of ground that could be worked with more sophisticated mining technologies and control over sufficient quantities of water. Equipment such as dredges required large amounts of capital, and allowed the shift from petty commodity to industrial production of gold in the Klondike (Clement 1983: 176). Some of the concessions were applied for by people already in the Klondike, but the majority of capital came from outside investors. Large-scale mining with dredges required far less labour than hand mining. As corporate mining increased in the Klondike the opportunities for individual miners decreased. This altered that nature of transience in the Klondike. People no longer came north looking for an opportunity to work for themselves, but to work for others. The nature of the community and mining industry changed, but transience continued to be a prominent feature, and persists today as a dominant characteristic of the Canadian North (Abel and Coates 2001: 16). Miners working for the large companies come north at the beginning of the mining season, work for the summer and return south in the fall. This seasonal pattern has been followed by many of Dawson City's residents since the turn of the century; Coates and Morrison (1990: 11) characterized it as "a place for getting, not giving." Much of the money made in the goldfields did not remain in the region, and this lack of economic commitment took its toll on the community. As the new century progressed and the mining industry slowed down the number of people leaving the community for good increased, affecting both economic and social development (Coates and Morrison 1990: 16, 167).
Closing Three individuals, Frederick Wombwell, Jeremiah Lynch and Mart Howard, were introduced in Chapter 1, and have appeared throughout this dissertation, and it seems a fitting way to close by finishing the narratives of their Klondike experiences. Each of these men joined the Klondike Gold Rush, and each made their way to Dawson by a different route. Wombwell followed the White Pass trail, Howard crossed the famed Chilkoot Pass and Lynch took a steamer from the mouth of the Yukon River. All three arrived in Dawson within a week of one another in July 1898, and all three lived at some point on the Dawson City hillside. They were also all transients, who remained for different lengths of time, but had no intention of making a permanent home in Dawson. When his original partners in the lay on a Dominion Creek claim decided to give up, Frederick Wombwell (n.d) formed a partnership with Dr. H.P. Bunn, who they had originally hired as a labourer. Together with a hired man named Ole, Wombwell and Bunn continued to mine through the winter. Theirs was a small operation and as spring approached Wombwell considered their accumulated piles of pay dirt too small to warrant the construction of expensive sluice boxes. Instead they determined to use two rockers to recover the gold. They stopped mining on 4 June 1899 and waited two weeks for the spring thaw to release the water necessary to process the pay dirt. Rocking proved too slow, so the partners set up a small sluice and the pay dirt piles were processed by 10 July. Wombwell (n.d.:125) roughly weighed the gold recovered at 1400 ounces, half of which belonged to the A.C.Co., which owned the claim. After paying Ole $2000 for his wages, Wombwell and Bunn were each left with approximately $4000. Most of the partners' equipment had been hauled to Dawson in May, so Wombwell's team of sled dogs could be used to transport the 800 pounds of materials. After the A.C.Co. agent arrived at the claim to pick up the company's half of the gold; Wombwell and Bunn left the claim for the last time. Wombwell felt that there would be little chance of having their lay extended for another season as the ground had proved move valuable than the company originally thought. Back in Dawson, Bum and Wombwell rented the cabin Wombwell had retained throughout the winter, for an additional six months, but at a much lower rate. While in Dawson Wombwell met an Austrian named Otto Halla, who suggested they make a prospecting trip up the Stewart River. Bum was not interested in the trip, so Wombwell and Halla formed a partnership and hired a guide from Moosehide. They left Dawson on 24 July 1899 and arrived back in Dawson 2 September. While they had found many areas that showed promising surface prospects, they were unable to sink test shafts during the summer and did not have enough supplies to spend the winter. Ultimately, the isolation of the region made it too difficult for the pair to seriously consider mining. When they arrived in back in Dawson, they found a note from Bum at the cabin indicating that he had left some three weeks before after learning that his wife was ill. Wombwell decided that it was too late in the season to start another mining venture, and Halla was anxious to return home, so the pair turned over the cabin lease to a friend who also bought all the contents and equipment. They left Dawson aboard the John C. Burr on 22 September 1899. In his diary entries for the trip upriver, Wombwell mentions many of the changes that had taken place since he first came into the territory, such as the tramways around Miles Canyon and the presence of a telegraph line in Whitehorse that came from Bennett and was continued to Dawson. The pair remained together as far as New York, where Halla left for Austria and Wombwell remained for a visit before returning to England. Following the summer season of 1900, Jeremiah Lynch left Dawson to spend the winter in Europe (1 967:262). During his absence foreman Billy McLeod operated Lynch's Cheechako Hill mine. Lynch arrived back in June 1901 and found Dawson little changed after his eight-month holiday (1967:275-285). The following day he took the daily stage, a convenience that had not existed the previous year, to the Bonanza Creek goldfields. McLeod met him when the stage stopped, and as they stood there talking the cable broke on the tramway used to bring paydirt down from the mine, narrowly missing an employee who just managed to jump out of a bucket's path. When the bucket came loose from the cable it shattered the sluice boxes sending them and their contents down the slope below. Lynch never really mentions how much gold he recovered while in the Klondike, but McLeod estimated the smashed sluice boxes to have contained between 300 and 400 ounces of gold and only two days had passed since they had last been cleaned out. At $16 an ounce this would suggest that every two days sluicing produced $4800 to $6400 dollars in gold. The entire summer would be spent sluicing gravels mined and stockpiled throughout the winter. Work went on unceasingly through out the summer of 1901. Lynch employed 100 men who worked in two 11 hour shifts sluicing, one through the day, and the other through the night. He was determined to finish mining the claim that summer. During this time Lynch only made four trips to Dawson, at which he noticed considerable change in the community. He lamented the passing of the old Dawson and overshadowing of the sourdoughs by newcomers who arrived everyday on the steamers. These people, he felt were taking over, and remarked: "they had money to buy mines and other properties, and were unduly energetic, going over the whole country in a rush, but learning little." (Lynch 1967:280). Mining was complete by the end of September, and Lynch's description of his last day on Bonanza Creek leaves little doubt that he enjoyed his time there. Lynch watched the sunset from his cabin, and the next morning stopped in Grand Forks and in his own words said "good-bye to every man, woman, child, dog and horse in the little hamlet - for I knew them all" (1967:282). He walked that last time to Dawson, instead of taking the stage. Lynch's comparison between the Dawson he landed at in 1898 and the one he walked back to in October 1901 provides an interesting perspective on change in the community. A new bridge and road crossed the Klondike River and led into a town that displayed new two story houses and a three story courthouse. A telegraph line into Dawson allowed local papers to carry the latest news from the outside world, and the community boasted its own telephone service. The dollar that Lynch paid for a single pear three years before now bought him a whole box of fruit. After spending a few days settling his affairs, Lynch left Dawson permanently on 10 October 1901 having spent just over three years in the Klondike. In many ways Mart Howard's time in the Klondike was similar to that of Jeremiah Lynch. Howard, a businessman from Webster, Massachusetts, arrived in Dawson a week before Lynch. He soon found that the goldfields were completely staked, but that good money could be made selling provisions (Avery 195959-62). With a partner named Andrews, Howard returned to Seattle in February 1899 to collect a 276 shipment of merchandise to bring to Dawson. Arriving back in Dawson on 24 May with 15 tomes of merchandise, they were the first boat of the season and easily sold their goods. These profits were then used to purchase an interest in a claim on Gold Hill, located at the confluence of Bonanza and Eldorado creeks. Howard and Andrews, with a crew of 15, took over operation of the mine. Andrews spent that winter at his home in Buffalo, while Howard oversaw the mine, and returned the following spring with another shipment of merchandise. Profits were used to purchase equipment and invest in other mining properties. The pair ran a successful operation, recovering $30,000 in gold during August 1899. During the winter of 1900 Howard went home to Webster, returning in the spring with his wife Azora, and son Louis. Azora and Louis spent the summer in the Klondike and returned home that fall. Clearly, Howard had no intention of make Dawson a permanent home. Howard mined until 1905, and then returned home to Webster. Frederick Wombwell spent just over a year in the Klondike, and left with $4000. 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Dawson Realty Market. Klondike Nugget Tuesday, 28 June 1898, Vol. 1(3):3.
Grand Bal En Masque. Daily Klondike Nugget Saturday, 12 January 1900, Vol. l(7).
Titles to Property. Daily Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 17 January 1900, Vol. l(9).
Uncertainty. Daily Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 23 January 1900, Vol. l(14).
Their Problem of Life. Daily Klondike Nugget Monday, 5 March 1900, Vol. l(49).
Dawson's Highest Liver. Daily Klondike Nugget Tuesday, 13 March 1900, Vol. l(56): 1.
Townsite Titles. Daily Klondike Nugget Thursday, 19 April 1900, Vol. l(88).
l9OOa Yukon Council. Daily Klondike Nugget Friday, 27 April 1900, Vol. l(95): 1.
1900b Gets an Extension. Daily Klondike Nugget Friday, 27 April 1900, Vol. l(95): 1.
1900 Yukon Census Returns. Daily Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 2 May 1900, Vol. l(99).
1900 The Gun Route. Daily Klondike Nugget Monday 28 May, 1900, Vol. l(120): 1.
1900a Lots of Empty Houses. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 24 June 1900 Vol. 5(2):5.
1900b Police Court News. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 24 June 1900, Vol. 5(2):8. Brief mention. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 28 June 1900, Vol. 5(3):8.
Miss Tracie's Benefit. Klondike Nugget Thursday, 5 July 1900, Vo1.5(5):4.
Klondike Nugget Sunday 8 July 1900, Vol. 5(6):2.
Committee Meets Tomorrow Night. Klondike Nugget Thursday, 12 July 1900, Vol. 5(7): 1.
A Campaign of Education. Klondike Nugget Thursday, 12 July 1900, Vol. 5(7):2.
Time to Incorporate. Klondike Nugget Sunday 15 July 1900, Vol. 3(8):3.
Yukon Council. Daily Klondike Nugget Thursday, 19 July 1900, Vol. 5(9):6.
Police Court News. DaiIy Klondike Nugget Thursday, 19 July 1900, Vol. 5(9):8.
Public Notice. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 26 July 1900, Vol. 5(11):7.
Taxes Illegal. Daily Klondike Nugget Sunday, 12 August 1900, Vol. 5(16):4.
Contraband Booze Galore. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 16 August 1900, Vol. 5(l7):6.
South Dawson Booming. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 23 August 1900, Vol. 5(l9):4.
Choose Partners. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Saturday, 9 September 1900 Vol. 5(24):4.
Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 13 September 1900, Vol. 5(25):3.
They are Building Homes. Daily Klondike Nugget Friday, 14 September 1900, Vol. l(2 14).
No Place for Them. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 20 September 1900, Vol. 5(27):3. 1900b They're Spotted. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 20 September 1900, Vol. 5(27):7.
1900 Mysterious Shooting. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 23 September 1900, Vol. 5(28):6.
1900 Police Court News. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 27 September 1900, Vol. 5(29):8.
1900 Fiat has Gone Out. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 30 September 1900, Vol. 5(30):4.
1900a Coming and Going. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 7 October 1900, Vol. 5(32): 1.
1900b About Concessions. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 7 October 1900, Vol. 5(32):3.
1900c How We Live. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 7 October 1900, Vol. 5(32):4.
1900 He Wants to Know. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 11 November 1900, Vol. 5(41):2.
1900 Women Must Go. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget 25 November 1900, Vol. 5(44): 1.
1900 About Taxes. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget 13 December 1900, Vol. l(48): 1.
1900 Dawson. Daily Klondike Nugget 25 December 1900, Vol. l(3OO): 1.
1900 Little to Recommend it. Klondike Nugget Sunday, 30 December 1900, Vol. 5(52):4.
1901 a Citizens Opposed. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 3 January 1901, Vol. 6(1):2.
190 1b Coming and Going. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 3 January 1901, Vol. 6(1):8.
1901 Values are Steady. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 6 January 1901, Vol. 6(2):4.
1901 A Curious Pet. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 27 January 1901, Vol. 6(8):4. 1901a Transient Merchants. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 14 February 1901, Vol. 6(13):3.
1901 c Dawson's Merchants Talk. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 14 February 1901, Vol. 6(13):8.
1901 For the Benefit of the Community. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 2 1 February 1901, Vol. 6(5):3.
1901 Moral Tide is Flooding. Klondike Nugget Thursday, 28 February 1901, Vol. 6(17):7.
1901a Is Worth Seeing. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 10 March 1901, Vol. 6(20):2.
1901b Worth Seeing. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Thursday, 10 March 1901, Vol. 6(20):4.
Glacier is Growing. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 14 March 1901, Vol. 6(21):7.
Taxation Question. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 17 March 1901, Vol. 6(22):3.
The Ban is Removed. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 21 March 1901, Vol. 6(23):2.
Glacier Growing. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 28 March 1901, Vol. 6(25):2.
Public Notice. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 3 1 March 190 1, Vol. 6(26):5.
Klondike Nugget Sunday, 14 April 1901, Vol. 6(30):3.
Forbidden Territory. Klondike Nugget Sunday, 2 1 April 1901, Vol. 6(32): 1.
Names and Numbers. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 5 May 1901, Vol. 6(32):2.
Activity in Real Estate. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Sunday, 12 May 1901, Vol. 6(38):8. 1901 Rents are too High. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 5 June 1901 Vol. 6(45):4.
1901 Another Resident from the North End Deals with the Garbage Situation. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 12 June 1901, Vol. 6(47):6.
1901 From Names to Numbers. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 17 July 1901, Vol. 6(57):6.
1901 Commissioner Ross Talks. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 7 August 1901, Vol. 6(63):3.
1901 Dawson to be Incorporated. Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 14 August 1901, Vol. 6(65):3.
1901 Dawson Homes. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Saturday, 17 August 1901, Vol. 6(66): 1.
1901 Hot Time in Jap Town. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 28 August 1901, Vol. 6(69): 1.
1901 Must Purchase of Vacate. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Saturday, 3 I August 1901, Vol. 6(70):8.
1901 Exodus of Degredation (sic). Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Wednesday 16 October 1901, Vol. 6(83):4.
1901 Map of Dawson Townsite. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Saturday, 9 November 1901, Vol. 6(90):8.
1901 All Gambling Must Cease. Semi- Weekly Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 20 November 1901, Vol. 6(93):3.
1901 Canned Goods. Daily Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 2 1 November 1901, Vol. l(272): 1.
1901 Dawson Now Ready to Act. Klondike Nugget Wednesday, 18 December 1901, Vol. 6(101):8.
1902 South End Prosperous. Daily Klondike Nugget Friday, 2 1 March 1902, Vol. 1(69):6.
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Stampeders' Outfits, Wages and Cost of Provisions
Table Al. Food supplies required for one year in the Klondike as suggested by William Ogilvie and represented in the outfits of Tappan Adney, Mart Howard and Julius Price.
Table A2. Household goods included in the Klondike outfits of Tappan Adney, Jonas Houck and Julius Price.
Table A3. Personal belongings included in the Klondike outfits of Jonas Houck, Eben McAdam and Julius Price.
Table A4. Tools and hardware items included in the Klondike outfits of Tappan Adney, Jonas Houck and Julius Price.
Table A5. Wages paid for common occupations in Dawson City during the boom period.
Table A6. Change in prices of staple foods in Dawson between 1897 and 1907. The costs of provisions in Edmonton during 1898 are included for comparison. -- Table Al. Food supplies required for one year in the Klondike as suggested by Ogilvie and represented in the outfits of Adney, Howard and Price. Howard Price Ogilvie PRODUCTS Adney (1994:22) (Awry 1958:54) (18985859) (1898:138) Bacon 150 lbs 120 lbs 30 lbs 250 lbs Baking Powder 8 lbs 7 cans 3 lbs 12 1bs Barley 10 lbs Beans 100 lbs 220 lbs 30 lbs 120 lbs Beef (dned) 21 1bs 20 lbs Beef Extract 61 4-oz 12 doz 2 doz 6 lbs Brandy I 1 bottle Butter 25 lbs 36 lbs 10 lbs Campbell Soups 4 doz Canned Meat, Pudding etc. 2 doz Cinnamon % lb Citric Acid 1 lb Coffee 15 1bs 25 lbs 10 lbs 10 lbs Condensed Milk 1 % doz 2 doz 2 doz Corn Flour 50 lbs 25 lbs Evaporated Apples 25 lbs 50 lbs 25 lbs Evaporated Apricots 25 lbs 30 lbs Evaporated Onions 5 lbs 10 lbs Evaporated Peaches 25 lbs 30 lbs 25 lbs Evaporated Potatoes 25 lbs 100 lbs 30 lbs Evaporated (Soup) Veg. 10 lbs 1 doz 12 lbs Figs 5 lbs Flour 400 lbs 7 sacks 150 lbs 450 lbs Fruit (canned) 30 lbs Fruit (dried) 50 lbs Ginger 2 lbs Granulated Sugar 100 lbs 50 lbs 20 lbs 100 lbs Hudson Bay Rum 1 gal Jam 4 jars 24 lb Jamaica Ginger 2 bottles Molasses 1 gal Mustard 1 lb 1 lb Nutmeg 'A lb Pancake Flour 50 lbs Pepper 1 lbs 1 lb 1 lb Pork 105 lbs 17 lbs 50 lbs Puritan Mincemeat 1 doz Raisins 10 lbs Rice 25 lbs 10 lbs 15 lbs Rolled Oats 40 lbs 50 lbs 50 lbs Sardines 2 doz Salt 10 lbs 3 sacks 5 lbs 30 lbs Soda 2 lbs 10 lbs S~litPease 150 lbs Tea 10 lbs 10 lbs 5 lbs 25 lbs Vinegar 1 gal 1 qt Yeast Cakes 2 doz 6 pkgs Table A2. Household goods included in the Klondike outfits of Tappan Adney, Jonas Houck and Julius Price. Adney Household Goods Houck (1898) Price (189859) (1994:ZZ) Product Quantity Quantity Quantity Candles - 5 lbs - Candle Lantern - 1 - Candlewick 3 lbs - - Fork 1 - - Frv Pan 1 - * Coffee Pot 1 1 - Cup, tin 1 1 * Sauce Pan 1 - * Spoon 1 - * Knife 1 - * Laundry soap - 9 bars - Matches 1 tin 1 tin 1 gross Pie Plate 1 - * Plate - 1+ - Sheet Iron Stove 1 1 - Soap 5 bars - - Table Spoon 1 - * Tar Soap 6 bars 6 bars - Tea Spoon 1 - * Tent 1 '17 interest 1 [ Towels 6 - - Wash Basin 1 - 1 * Included in outfit, but quantity not specified. Table A3. Personal belongings included in the Klondike outfits of Jonas Houck, Eben McAdam and Julius Price. Houck McAdam (Moyles Price Personal Goods (1898) 1977:7) (189859) Product Quantity Quantity Cost Quantity Belt 1 1 .80 - Blankets 1 pr 2 pr 10.35 - Boots 1 pr - 2 pr Camera - - 1 Cap, Fur-lined 1 1 1.75 - CoatsIJackets 1 1 23.60 2 Clothes bag - 1 1.20 - Comb - 2 .16 - Compass 1 - - Corduroy suit - 1 19.00 - Cowboy hat - - - Duck suit 1 - - Felt hats - 2 .50 - Fishing rod and tackle * * 3.50 1 Heavy shirts 1+ - 3 Gloves - 4 1SO 1 Dr Goggles 1 pr - - Gun revolver rifle 1 Handkerchiefs 6 1 doz 30 - Hobnails 2 pkg - - Jack knife 1 - - Knee boots - 1 pr 4.50 - Knee warmer 1 pr - - Leather - wool suit 2 - - Mackinaw suit 1 - - Medicine chest 1l3 interest - 1 Mitts, buckskin - 2 pr .50 - Mitts, lined - 2 pr .40 - Moccasins 1 pr 2 pr 2.00 - Mosquito curtains - - 1 Mosquito lotion - .. 1 Oilskins 1 suit 1 suit 3.00 - Overalls 1 3 2.25 - Pack straps 1 pr 1 pr 3.00 - Pants, buckskin - 1 pr 15.00 - Pants, cowhide - 2 pr 6.25 - Rubber boots, hip - 1 4.60 1 pr Rubber boots, low - 1 .96 - Table A3. Personal belongings included in the Klondike outfits of Jonas Houck, Eben McAdam and Julius Price. Houck McAdam (Moyles Price Personal Goods (1898) 1977:7) (1898:59) Rubber boots, leather 1 Pr - - - sole Rubber pillow - 1 1.25 - Rubber sheet 1 1 3 .OO 1 Sheath knife 1 1 .60 - Shoes 1 pr - - Sleeping bag 1 1 25.00 1 Smoking pipe - - 1+ Snowshoes 1 pr 1 pr 2.50 - Spectacles - 2 pr .60 - Stamps - * 6.00 - Stationary - * 2.00 - Stockings 2 pr - - Suspenders 1 pr - - Tam 0'Shanter 1 1 .75 - Ties - 6 1.40 - Tobacco 5.5 lbs - 5 lbs Toothbrush - 1 .16 - Watch and chain - 1 4.75 - Winter underclothes 2 suits 4 suits 9.00 1 Wool socks 1 doz 1 doz 2.50 - * Included in outfit, but quantity not specified. Table A4. Tools and hardware items included in the Klondike outfits of Tappan
Adnev.a, Jonas Houck and Julius Price. PRODUCT 1 Adney (1994:22) 1 Houck (1898) 1 Price (1898:59) Hardware Quantity Quantity Quantity Axe 1 1 1 I Axe Handle 1 1 - Axe-stone 1 - - Bits, assorted 4 - - Brace 1 - - Broad Hatchet 1 - - Canvas Sacks 25 - - Chisel 1 1 - Draw Knife 1 - - Drift Pick 1 1 - Emery-stone 1 - - Galvanized Pail 14 qt. 1 - - Gold Pan 1 1 1 Gold Scales - 1 pr - Hammer - - 1 Hand Saw 1 - 1 - Handle 2 1 - Hasp and Staple - 1 - Hatchet - - - Hinges - 1 pr - 1 1 - L Jack Plane Mill File 2 7 - Miner's Candlestick 1 - - Nails - - * Nails 6d 6 lbs - - Nails 10d 5 lbs 5 lbs - Nails 20d 5 lbs 5 lbs - Oakum 10 lbs - - Padlock - 1 - Pails 3 1 set - Pick 1 1 1 Pitch 10 lbs - - Quicksilver (mercury) - 5 lbs - Rivets 1 pkg - - Rocker Plate - I - Rope 200 ft 250 ft - Shovel 1 1 1 Single Block 1 1 - I Solder Outfit I 1 I 1 I - I I Spikes - 5 lbs - 310 Table A4. Tools and hardware items included in the Klondike outfits of Tappan Adney, Jonas Houck and Julius Price. PRODUCT Adney (1994:22) Houck (1898) Price (1898:59) Tacks - 1 box - Tallow - 2 lbs - Ta~eMeasure 1 - - Whip Saw 1 1 - * Quantity not specified
Table A5. Wages paid for common occupations in Dawson City during the boom period. OCCUPATION WAGE DATE ActorIActress $150lweek ' Winterlsummer 1897-98 Barber $1 5-40ldav ' Winterlsummer 1897-98 Bartender $12.50-$20/day ', $15/day ' 1897-98 Bookkeeper $17.50-$20/day ' Winterlsummer 1897-98 Carpenter $18-$20lday I.', $25-$30/day 1898 Common Labourer $0.60-$l/hour ', $12-$18lday 1897-98 Cook $100/week & board ', $15/day 1897-98 Dancehall Girls As much as $100/night ' 1897 Doctor $548 ~ervisit "' 1898 Drivers $300lmonth & board ' Winterlsummer 1897-98
DealerlGambler $15-$20/dav< "' 1897-98 Miner - Foreman $15/day ' Winterlsummer 1897-98 Miner - Labourer $1-$1.50/hour '. $10/dav ' 1898 Musician I $20/day ' 1 1898 Driver & 2 Horse Team I $1 Ohour ' I Winterlsummer 1897-98 Porter I $7.50-$10/day ' 1 1897 Tailor's Workmen $1.5O/hour ' Winterlsummer 1897-98 Tin-Smith $1.50/hour ' Winterlsummer 1897-98 Typesetter $1.50/hour Winterlsummer 1897-98 Waiter - Male $50/week & board ' Winterlsummer 1897 Waiter - Female I $100/month & board ' I Winterlsummer 1897 -- Woodcutter I $20/day 1 1989 Adney 1994, Haskell 1998, Price 1898, Wombwell n.d - - - - - 911OS1 uwnm - - - - - 911SL'I - I asoom - - 91ISZ' '9110Z' '911OZ' 91IOE' P-Ie? - - - - - WSP' weH - - - - - UE3lSL' jaaq lseox - - - ~~310S ' uv € €* ue3/s L' Pa9 pauues '911OE' clI/SZZ' - - - WOO' 1 3aaa 911OP'-SE' 91/SZ' *91/OP'-O€' 91lEZ' 9111 1' 91/OP' uo~a spnpoid poopas pua JaaM (ramwns) (rawwns) (iammns) (rammns) ,8681 ,~061 ,so61 ,2061 ,0061 uo~uomp3 , ~681uos~aa ~maoxd uos~aa uos~aa uos~aa uos~sa ~.~os!.~edu~o:,loj papnpu! an I Table A2. continued I Dawson Dawson Dawson Dawson Edmonton PRODUCT Dawson 1897 1900 1902 1905 1907 ' 1898 (summer) (summer) (summer) (summer) Peas .25/lb - - - - - Potatoes, evaporated .50/lb - - .09/lb .08/lb 141lb Tomatoes .42/can - - - - - DN Foods ------Baking powder 1.00llb .25/lb - .42/lb - - Corn meal .25/lb .035/lb - - - - I Coffee .50/lb .40/lb 1.00llb .25/lb - - Crystallized eggs - - 1.25llb - - - Flour 121lb .025/lb 12llb 125llb .14/lb .13/lb Mustard - .50/lb - - - - Pepper - .25/lb - - - - Rice - .05/lb 181lb .125/lb* 151lb .125/lb. Rolled Oats .25/lb .033/lb 18llb .09/lb 1 Ollb .l lllb Salt .O lllb .02/lb 1 Ollb - - - Soda - 1 Olpkg - - - - Sugar .30/lb .065/lb 1 6llb 1 Ollb 1 2 5llb. 1 Ollb Tea 1.25llb .40/lb .75- 1.00llb .3Ollb - - Condiments ------Syrup 3.00lgal - - 1.25lgal 2.00/gal* 1.20lgal Worcestershire sauce .75/bottle - - - - -
Tobacco 7.50llb - 2.00llb 1.20llb .75/lb* .75/lb ' Adney 1994:465-67, Ogilvie 1898, ' Archibald 1981 : 129- 13 1) I * winter price, summer phce unavailable Appendix B
Property Ownership in the Government Addition
Table B1. Property owners in Blocks K, 0 and S, Government Addition, between 1898 and 1904.
Table B2. Interpretation of whether property owners (between 1898- 1904, and 1907) in Blocks K, 0 and S, of the Government Addition, lived on the lots they owned or not.
Table B3. Known occupations for property owners in Blocks K, 0 and S, Government Addition, between 1898 and 1907. -- --- I Table B1: Pro~ertvowners in Blocks K. 0 and S. Government Addition. between 1898 and 1904. BLOCK- PART 1904' OTHER LOT 1 K- 1 All John John I John Brown Brown
K- 1 s 112
Hulliger* Blankman* I K- 1 n 112 J.W. Guy Berton J.B. Erwin J.B. Erwin J.B. Erwin I Erwin to City Sutherland Erwin (LT I tax sale 1925 (LT 145~)~169~)'' (LT 23 1w)' K- 2 All C.N. C.N. Pring C.N. Pring David Doig* David David Pring to City bg (Pat. 3887)4 1 Doig* Doig* I tax sale 1925 (LT 23 1w)' 7I I I I K-3 All Richard Richard I Richard Kills Richard I R.L. Ashbough Kills Kills I (Pat. 3949)' I 1907 (LT 1 55~)~ K- 3 s 112 Richard I Ashbough Kills* Kills* Kills* Estate to City
K-3 n 112 Gunder Gunder Gunder Ashbough to Smith Smith Smith City tax sale I 1936 (LT 742)' K-4 All J.W. J.W. 1 Mitchell & Mitchell & P.J. Berford K-4 I J.W. Mitchell
K-4 n 112 Porter K- 5 All Mary Morrison, I Table B1: Property owners in Blocks K, 0 and S, C BLOCK- PART 1898' 1898~ 1899 OTHER LOT sold to (Pat. 3881)~ Ross and M.A. Dalin K-5 sw V4 Isaac Smith K-5 w 112 Berg H. Berg H. Benjamin Porter Porter Porter K-5 pt V.M. V.M. V.M. V.M. Arbuckle to Ell2 1 Arbuckle 1 Arbuckle / Arbuckle 1 Arbuckle City tax sale (LT 185~)~ 1925 (LT 23 1~)~ K-5 pt T.F. Sinclair T.F. T.F. Sinclair Ell2 & Hood Sinclair & 1 33 113' 1 Hood K-6 I All I M.C. I Myron I Hams & Harris & ~dristo~herCrocker (Pat. George Harris & 237414 Crocker George Crocker Aurel Aurel Aurel Aurel Marigold to Marigold Marigold Marigold Marigold City tax sale (LT 25 1~)~ 1939 (LT 87~~)~ '2 n* A.J. Keller . .I A.J. A.J. Keller Frederick G. & C. A.S. Kellman Kellner Crisp 1907 (LT Peasley (LT 28~)~;to City 44~)~ tax sale 1925
I (LT 232~)~ T.C. Luellen (Pat. 3903)~ C.W. C.W. C.W. Luellen to City Table B1: Pro~ertvowners in Blocks K. 0 and S. Government Addition. between 1898 and 1904. BLOCK- 1903' 1904' OTHER LOT 1 1 Johnson* Johnson I Johnson I tax sale 1925 (LT 230w4 K-7 C.E. Wilson C.E. C.E. Wilson John Kelly Wilson 1915 (LT 2 19~)~;to City tax sale 1925 (LT 23 1w)~ K-8 F.J. Hinds & F.J. Hinds T.J. Hinds & Payne to City C.J. Payne & C.J. I C.J. Payne I tax sale 1925 Payne I (LT 23 1w)~ K-9 Jeremiah Jeremiah I Jeremiah I Newman 1907 Lynch* Lynch I K-10 T.W. Robertson Mamnam (Pat. 1957 (LT 2915)~;T. Marrimon K-1 1 eMarian S. Wilfred Rourke Tracie (LT Belose Delage Delage tax sale 1925 (Pat. 3375)4 28~)~; (LT 23 1w)~ Wilfred Delage (LT 47~)~ K-12 A.Y. A.Y. Wilson Wilson Wilson tax sale 1925 (Pat. (LT 23 1w)~ 4934)4 H. Roseberg Roseberg (~at.9324)~;to City tax sale I Table B1: Pro~ertvowners in Blocks IK. 0 and S. Government Addition. between 1898 and 1904. BLOCK- PART 1904' OTHER LOT
All -+rHoshoe Hoshoe 1907
L.U. Nelson L.U. Nelson E.S. E.S. & ne Schuman Schurnan Schuman 114 is All Frederick Frank Frank Smith Snell to City Charles Frank Smith* Smith tax sale 1925 Snell I (LT 232~)~ All James D. J.D. J.D. J.D. I McGregor to McGregor McGregor McGregor McGregor City tax sale (Pat. 26631 McGregOr I 1925 (LT 1 232~)~ All G.A. Gouin G.A. Gouin Ole Lien & J. Ole Lien & Ole Lien & I Gouin to City (Pat. Louset* J. Louset J. Louset I tax sale 1925 4657)4 I (LT 23 1w)~ All A.E. Elliott I Elliott 1907
Gussie Bard* Gussie =I= Bard P.H. Harkins Harkins -P.H. Harking* ----I All unsold Geo A. Dominion Dominion Dominion I Lot never titled Peabod peabody5 Gov't Gov't Gov't All --ISwan Swan Swan Epler Beemer Breman Beeman Beeman
All S. Beemer J.M. yatesS non res Non Res Table B1: Property owners in Blocks K, 0 and S, Government Addition, between 1898 an BLOCK- PART 1898' 1898* 1899 19004 1901 1902~ OTHER LOT City tax sale 191925 (LT 23 1w)~ 0-8 All E.H. L.T. Holt L.T. Holt L.T. Hoet Fonnan (Pat. 3962) E.H. ~orrnan~ 0-9 All Fred E. F.E. Bevin F.E. Beavin F.E. Beavin F.E. Beavin Bevin to City Bevin (Pat. 394214 7tax sale 191925 (LT 232~)~ 0-10 All Cecil M. C.M. Carter C.M. Woodworth to Carter (~at.2596)~; Woodworth Woodworth Woodworth City tax sale C.M. 1925 (LT Woodworth 232~)~ (LT 103~)~ 0-1 1 All unsold3 Dominion IDominion I Dominion Lot never titled Gov't Ch;;;es 1 Gov't 0-12 All Charles C.Caldwel1 Charles Charles Caldwell to Caldwell (Pat. 3926)4 Caldwell Caldwell Caldwell City tax sale 1925 (LT 23 1W14 0-13 All T.J. unsold3 T.J. Dominion Dominion I Dominion Lot never titled Wershkul wershku15 Gov't 0-14 All Robert B. Robert B. R.B. Craig Craig to City Craig Craig (LT tax sale 1925 182~)~ (LT 232~)~ S-1 All E.D. E.D. Bolton E.D. Boeton Boeton to City Bolton (Pat. 38931~ (DLS) Boeton tax sale 1925 (LT 23 1w)~ S-2 All Charles C. Garbuth G.W. Charles Garbutt to City Garbuth (Pat. 392414 ~ohnson~ Garbutt Garbutt Garbutt tax sale 1925 (LT 23 1w)~ S-3 All Eugene unsold3 Dominion Dominion I Dominion Lot never Table B1: Property owners in Blocks K, 0 and S, Government Addition, between 1898 and 1904. BLOCK- PART 1898' 1898' 1899 19004 1901 1902~ 1903' 1904' OTHER LOT Ray Gov't Gov't Gov't titled4 S-4 All T.J. unsold3 T.J. arb^' Dominion Dominion Dominion Lot never Larby Gov't Gov't Gov't titled4 S-5 All unsold3 Dominion Dominion Dominion Lot never Gov't Gov't Gov't titled4 S-6 All Joseph unsold3 Joseph Dominion Dominion Dominion Lot never Gallagher ~alla~her' Gov't Gov't Gov't titled4 S-7 All 1) unsold ~omini~on 1) Samual Dominion Dominion Lot never Samual Gov't Spring, 2) Gov't Gov't titled4 Spring, 2) Chas Chas ~reene' Greene S-8 All Hans unsold3 Hans Dominion Dominion Dominion Lot never Jorgensen ~orgensen' Gov't Gov't Gov't titled4 S-9 All H.P. unsold3 H.P. Dominion Dominion Dominion Lot never Hansen ans sen' Gov't Gov't Gov't titled4 S-10 All G.W. unsold3 Dominion Dominion Dominion Lot never Johnson Gov't Gov't Gov't titled4 S-11 All unsold3 Dominion Dominion Dominion Gov't Gov't Gov't S-12 All unsold3 Dominion Dominion Dominion Gov't Gov't Gov't S-13 All unsold3 Dominion Dominion Dominion Gov't Gov't Gov't S-14 All Robert E. R.E. H.J. Wilson* H.G. H.G. Wilson McGregor to McGregor McGregor Wilson City tax sale (Pat. 387914 1925 (LT 23 1w)~ Applications for Town Lots Dawson in the Gov't Addition, YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2 ' Wade (1 898) Willison (1 899) 4 Patent (Pat.) and Land Title (LT) Records, Land Title Office Whitehorse ' 1901 ManuScri~tCensus. Filson's Pan for Gold Database
Table B2: Interpretation of whether property owners (between 1898- 1904, and 1907) in Blocks K, 0 and S, of the Government Addition, lived on the lots they owned or not. COULD NAME BLOCKILOT DATE LIVED yTE NEVER (based on Table (based on Table (based on ON LIVED 1 LIVED B 1) B1) Table B 1) LOT ON LOT
John Brown I K- 1 1 1898- Frame building 1898 ' 1901 I Jack Hulliger K-1 s112 1902-04 H. Blankman K-1 s112 1904 J.W. Sutherland K-1 N'/~ 1900 No data Nodata No data J.B. Erwin K-1 N'/~ 1901-04 J C.N. Pring K-2 1898- Cabin under construction 1900 1898 ' David Doig K-3 1902-04 Yes 1903-04 4s,6 Richard Kills K-3 s112 1898- Log cabin 1898 ' 1904 No 1903-04 47576 Gunder Smith K-3 N'/~ 1902-04 Cabin logs on lot '
I Yes 1903-04 4,5*6 R.L. Ashbough K-3 1 1907 No data Owned 9 lots in Gov't Addition J.W. Mitchell & I K-4 ~'12 1 1902-04 No 1903-04 4,5,6 Berford 1903 address "306 P.J. Berford Church" Berg H. Porter K-4 N'/~ No 1903-04 495,6 -also owned half of Lot K-5, probably lived there Mary Morrison K-5 1898 None 1903 address "303 King"
Ross & M.A. K-5 1898 NO data Nodata No data Dalin / I Isaac Smith K-5 SW '14 1898- No data I No data I No data I Table B2: Interpretation of whether property owners (between 1898- 1904, and 1907) in Blocks K, 0 and S, of the Government I Addition. lived on the lots thev owned or not. COULD LIVED HAVE NEVER NAME BLOCK/LOT DATE ADDITIONAL IMPROVEMENTS ON LIVED LIVED (based on Table (based on Table (based on INFORMATION B1) B1) Table B1) LOT ON ON LOT LOT Yes 1902-04 4s,6 G. Arbuckle, husband(?) 1903 IBerg H. Porter Yes 1902-04 4s,6 1903 address "E s 3d av N Yes 1902-04 4s76
I None listed ' Crocker 1903 address :alley off I s s Duke bet 1" and 2ndav S" Yes 1902-04 4,5,6 1903 address "3d av N Judge" 2 J
I A.J. Keller & Yes 1902-04 4s,6 J No data No data No data I No data T.C. Luellen No data No data Y No data Yes 1902-04 4*5.6 uJ Yes 1902-04 495,6 1903 address "3d av n s e cor
Yes 1902-04 4s,6 Hinds) 6I E.B. Newrnan No data I No data No data No data 1902 Lot vacant Lynch left Klondike in 190 1 J Yes 1903 5, 1904 No data No data I No data 1 T. Marrimon Yes 1902-04 4s*6 Table B2: Interpretation of whether property owners (between 1898- 1904, and 1907) in Blocks K, 0 and S, of the Government Addition, lived on the lots they owned or not. COULD LIVED HAVE NEVER NAME BLOCKJLOT DATE ADDITIONAL (based on Table (based on Table (based on IMPROVEMENTS ON LIVED LIVED INFORMATION B1) B1) Table B 1) LOT ON ON LOT LOT W.H. Rourke No data No data No data Marian S. Tracie Owned lot less than 1 month Wilfred Delage A.Y. Wilson
H. Roseburg 1898- 1 Yes in 1902
J.A. Hoshoe Nodata I No data I No data L.U. Nelson I I I E.S. Schuman 1902-04 Yes 1902-04 4,5*6 1903 address "Hd of George nr 3d av" F.C. Snell 1902 Frank Smith 1903-04 Yes 1902-04 4'5,6 1903 address "e s 3d av N 4 n York" (Ladue Addition) J.D. McGregor
G.A. Gouin No data No data No data Ole Lien &
J. Louset IJII I
A.E. Elliott - - Nodata I No data I No data I I Gussie Bard 1902-04 1 Yes 1902-04 4s,6 H.K. Stephanson Table B2: Interpretation of whether property owners (between 1898- 1904, and 1907) in Blocks K, 0 and S, of the Government Addition. lived on the lots thev owned or not. COULD LIVED HAVE NEVER NAME BLOCKILOT DATE ADDITIONAL IMPROVEMENTS ON LIVED LIVED (based on Table (based on Table (based on INFORMATION B 1) B1) Table B1) LOT ON ON LOT LOT P.H. Harking 1902-04 Yes 1902-04 4s,6 Geo A. Peabody 1898 None listed 1898 A.E. Epler 1898 None listed 1898 Swan Beemer 1898- Yes 1902-04 4s96 1903 address "3d av N" 1904 J.M. Yates 1898 1 None listed I 1898 ' Swan Beemer 1898- Yes 1904 1904 E.H. Forman 1898 I None listed 1 1898' L.T. Holt 1898- 1 yes 1902 4, 1903 1 1903 address "Fairview Hotel" 1904 No 1904 Holte and Kammuelier proprientors Fred E. Bevin 1898- Yes 1902-04 4ss6 1904 C.M. Carter 1898- 1903 address "Rms 23 1 lSt 1900 I av S" C.M. Woodworth 1900-04 1 Yes 1902 4. 1903 1 1903 address "W s 8" av S 3 s No 1904 of Princess" Charles Caldwell 1898- No 1902-04 4s36 1904 T.J. Wershkul 1898 None listed Lot never titled 1898 ' Robert B. Craig 1898- No 1902-04 4s76 Craig appears to have bought Table B2: Interpretation of whether property owners (between 1898- 1904, and 1907) in Blocks K, 0 and S, of the Government Addition, lived on the lots they owned or not. COULD NAME BLOCKILOT DATE NEVER (based on Table (based on Table (based on LIVED B1) B1) Table B 1) ON LOT LOT I the lot as speculator " E.D. Bolton No 1902-04 435,6 1 1903 address "N s Edward 2 e
Charles Garbuth
Eugene Ray
T.J. Larby
Joseph Gallagher
Samual Spring None listed Lot never titled 1898 ' 1903 address " 109 3d av S" Chas Greene None listed Greene also applied for another 1898 ' lot east of Catholic hospital ' Lot never titled Hans Jorgensen None listed Lot never titled 1898 ' H.P. Hansen None listed Lot never titled 1898 ' G.W. Johnson None listed Lot never titled 1898 '
Robert E. McGregor H.J. Wilson Table B2: Interpretation of whether property owners (between 1898- 1904, and 1907) in Blocks K, 0 and S, of the Government Addition, lived on the lots they owned or not. COULD LIVED NAME BLOCKLOT DATE ADDITIONAL IMPROVEMENTS ON (based on Table (based on Table (based on INFORMATION B1) B1) Table B 1) LOT ON LOT
I I I I I Applications for Town Lots Dawson in the Gov't Addition, YA YRG 1 Series 1 Vo1.74 File 81 GOV 1684 part 2 of 2 Polks 1903 Gazetteer .Filson's Pan for Gold Database Patent (Pat.) and and Title (LT) Records, Land Title Office Whitehorse 4 Assessment and Tax Rolls for the years 1902, YA GOV 119 1 Assessment and Tax Rolls for the years 1903, YA GOV 1192 Assessment and Tax Rolls for the years 1904, YA GOV 1193 ' Lynch (1967) I Table B3: Known occupations for property owners in Blocks K, 0 and S, I Government Addition, between 1898 and 1907. NAME BLOCKLOT (based on Table (based on Table YEARIOCCUPATION NOTES B 1\ B 1) I John Brown I K-1 1 1899 Miner (Pat. 2767) ' Jack Hulliger I K-1 s112 1 1902 Dentist I H. Blankman I K-1 s117 I I I J.W. Sutherland K-1 N112 1900 Miner (LT145A) J.B. Erwin K-1 N112 1903 Stenographer 1900 Miner (Pat. 3887) C.N. Pring K-2 '; 1903 Clerk David Doig K-3 1903 BNA bank manager 1 Richard Kills I K-3 ~'17 1 1899 Miner (Pat. 3949) ' I I Gunder Smith K-3 ~'12 R.L. Ashbough K-3 1907 Advocate (LT 55M) J.W. Mitchell K-4 s'12 1903 Contractor (LT 2 12G) Co-owner with Berford 11903 Contractor (LT 2 12G) 4; Co-owner with P.J. Berford K-4 s112 1903 Civil engineer Mitchell Berg H. Porter K-4 'li2 'K-5 1903 carpenter , wl/-7, 8' I I Maw Morrison I K-5 Ross & M.A. K-5 Dalin Isaac Smith K-5 SW 'I4 1899 Miner (Pat. 388 1) ' I V.M. Arbuckle I K-5 ~t E'/? I I I T.F. Sinclair 1 K-5 pt Ell2 33 113' 1 I Co-owner with Hood Hood I K-5 pt Ell2 33 113' 1 I Co-owner with Sinclair Co-owner with M.C. Harris 1898-9 (?) Miner (Pat. 2374) ' Crocker 1898-9 (?) Miner (Pat. 2374) George Crocker '; Co-owner with Harris 1903 Carpenter Aurel Marigold 1903 Janitor at A.B. Hall A.J. Keller Co-owner with Peasley C. Peasley Co-owner with Keller Frederick G. Crisv 1907 Barrister at law (LT 28M) T.C. Luellen K-7 1900 Miner (Pat. 3903) ' C.W. Johnson K-7 ~'1, I C.E. Wilson I K-7 ~'17 1 1903 Rancher (LT 110H) I I C.J. Payne 1 K-8 1 1900 Miner (Pat. 3886) ' I Co-owner with Hinds F.J. Hinds I K-8 I Co-owner with Payne I E.B. Newman I K-9 1 1907 Miner (Pat. 932 1) ' I I Jeremiah Lynch K-9 1898 Miner & trader W.A. Robertson K-10 1900 Hotelkee~er(Pat. 29 15) ' T. Marrimon K-10 W.H. Rourke K-1 1 1900 Contractor (Pat. 3375) ' Owned lot for less than Marian S. Tracie K- 11 1900 Entertainer ' 1 month (LT 28B) I Wilfred Delage I K-1 1 Table B3: Known occupations for property owners in Blocks K, 0 and S, Government Addition, between 185 I and 1-907. BLOCKLOT (based on Table (based on Table NOTES
A.Y. Wilson K-12 1901 Lumberman (Pat. 4934) ' H. Roseburg K-13 1907 Miner (Pat 9324) ' J.A. Hoshoe K-14 1907 Miner (Pat. 9327) '
L.U. Nelson I K-14 nw 114 K-14 s 112 & ne 1903 Butcher E.S. Schuman 1 /A 1899 Miner (Pat. 2453) F.C. Snell 0-1 '; I 1898 N.W.M.P. ' 1902 Police Chief I? Frank Smith 1903 N.W.M.P. town station 1898 Civil employee 5; 1900 Inspector (Pat. 2663) ' G.A. Gouin 1901 Miner (Pat. 4657) ' Ole Lien Co-owner with Louset J. Louset Co-owner with Lien A.E. Elliott 0-4 1907 Miner (Pat. 93 171 ' Gussie Bard 0-4 S'/Z H.K. Ste~hanson 1 0-4 N'/? P.H. Harking 1 0-4 ~'1~ Geo A. Peabodv 1 0-5 1901 Miner 1900 Miner (Pat. 3938) I; Swan Beemer 0-6 and 0-7 1903 Carpenter 2'9 J.M. Yates 0-7 E.H. Forman 0-8 1901 Miner (Pat. 3962) '; L.T. Holt 0-8 1 1903 Hotel owner Fred E. Bevin 0-9 1900 Miner (Pat. 3942) ' 1900 Miner (Pat. 2596) '; C.M. Carter 0-10 1903 Stenographer 1900 Advocate (LT 103A) 4; C.M. Woodworth 0-10 . . 1 1903 Lawyer Charles Caldwell 0-12 1900 Miner (Pat. 3926) ' T.J. Wershkul 0-13 190 1 Miner Originally government Robert B. Craig 0-14 1898 Civil employee, miner ' employee, then worked for Alex MacDonald 1898 Civil employee 5; 1900 Dominion Land Surveyor E.D. Bolton (Pat. 3893) '; 1903 Civil engineer Charles Garbuth / S-2 1900 Miner (Pat. 3924) ' Eugene Ray S-3 T.J. Larbv S-4 Joseph Gallagher I S-6 Table B3: Known occupations for property owners in Blocks K, 0 and S, Government Addition, between 1898 and 1907. NAME BLOCKILOT (based on Table (based on Table YEAIX/OCCUPATION NOTES Bl) B 1) Samual Spring I S-7 1 1903 Circulator for Yukon Sun 1 Chas Greene S-7 Hans Jor~ensen S-8 H.P. Hansen I S-9 1 1901 Manager 1 G.W. Johnson S-10 Robert E. S-14 1900 Miner (Pat. 3879) McGregor ' H.J. Wilson I S-14 1 I ' Patent (Pat.) Records, Land Title Office Whitehorse Polks 1903 Gazetteer, Filson's Pan for Gold Database Lynch (1967) 4 Land Title (LT) Records, Land Title Office Whitehorse Wade (1 898) Craig (1898) ' Klondike Nugget, 5 July 1900:4 Assessment and Tax Rolls for the years 1902, YA GOV 119 1 Ferguson 2003 APPENDIX C
HILLSIDE TENTICABIN PLATFORM DIMENSIONS
Table C1. Crocus Bluff platforms, Dawson City hillside.
Table C2. Crocus Bluff possible platforms.
Table C3. Judge Street Area platforms, Dawson City hillside.
Table C4. Klondike City hillside platforms.
Table C5. Klondike City hillside possible platforms Table C1. Crocus Bluff platforms, Dawson City hillside.
Feature Elevation Length Width Area Front Wall Rear Wall No. Above (m) (m) (m2) Retaining Height Retaining Height (HAP- ) Townsite dm wall (m) wall (m) a51 751395 5.1 6.3 32.1 no no 751395 5.0 6.5 32.5 no 0.4 no .04 751395 6.0 9.0 54.0 no 0.6 no 501370 7.1 2.7 19.2 no 0.9 no 0.9 501370 6.1 3.4 20.7 yes 1.2 no 1.1 4013 60 9.0 4.0 36.0 no 1.0 no 0.7 Table C1. Crocus Bluff platforms, Dawson City hillside, continued. Feature / Elevation 1 Ler$h 1 Width Area Front Wall Rear Wall No. Above (m) (m2) Retaining Height Retaining Height (HAP- ) Townsite m/m wall (m) wall (m)
12.9 yes 0.5 no 0.9 10.5 no 1.0 no I 1.O 18.5 no 0.3 no 0.8 48.9 ves 1.2 no 1.O 32.5 1 yes 1 1.71 no 1.1 13.5 no 0.6 yes 1.2 18.6 no 0.7 no 1.O
30.8 no 0.5 yes 0.8 18.4 no 0.8 no 0.9
6.3 no 0.6 yes 1.2 18.4 no 0.6 no 1.O
34.3 yes 2.3 no 1.1 7.3 no 0.9 no 0.7
13.5 no 0.4 no 0.7 35.7 - ves 1.2 no 0.7 132.0 yes 0.8 yes 2.9 11.0 no 0.6 no 0.7 48.0 1 yes 1 0.7 1 yes 1 1.9 Table C2. Crocus Bluff possible platforms.
Table C3. Judge Street Area platforms, Dawson City hillside.
Feature Elevation Length Width Area Front Wall Rear Wall No. Above Townsite (m) (m) (m2) Retaini Heigh Retainin Heigh (HAP-J ) m/m as1 ng wall t g wall t (m) (m) 1 12.7 4.7 59.7 yes 0.4 no 0.6 2 4.0 4.0 16.0 no 0.4 no 0.3 3 5.8 3.9 22.6 yes 0.6 no 0.6 P' 0 OU S'I ou 9'EZ O'P I 6's O•’•’/OI P9 9'0 ou OU P'SI Z'P 19'6 1 OZ•’/O I SS oz •’10 6'P OZWO OZVO OZVO 9P 9 I 9'L I OZVO I SP OZVO 7OZVO OZVO Z'9 Z'L OZVO 9'P L'P OZVO 6 •’ L'P 0'8 OZE/O 8E •’'S I L'9 I OZVO I 9 •’
I I S'P 0's OEVOI S•’ 8'0 Ou 10.1 I L'PP 8's L'L OEVOI P•’ O'•’ 9's OEVOI 0 •’ 6'E Z'S O•’YOI 62
9'0 OU 9'0 s~A 8'0•’ 9'0 OU L'O saA L'EI
. . . I I -- Z'Z O'ZI OS•’/O•’ •’Z S'O I ou IO'I saA IO'SP O'S 0'6 SPVSZ ZZ 9'•’ 6'8 O•’•’/OI OZ 9'1 Z'Z OPVOZ 6 I 2.1 OU •’.I saA 6'PI I 8'P OPVOZ 8 I L'O ou S'I saA 9'EP 9'E I'ZI OPYOZ L I 8'•’ I P'P I OPVOZ I 9 I 8's 9'8 OPVOZ S I P'S L'OI OPVOZ PI OU L'O saA 8.9 6'1 9'•’ OSVOE Z I S'O OU 8'0 saA •’*S P'I 8'•’ OS•’/O•’ I I S'O I OU 1 8'0 1 1 8'•’1 Z'I ou Z'I i S'ZI S'Z 0's 09 VOP 6 1'1 OU 6'0 saA O'LZ O'Z 0'6 OLVOS L I Table C4. Klondike City hillside platforms continued. I Width Area Front Wall Rear Wall Above (m) (m2) Retaining Height Retaining Height wall (m) wall (m) m/m as1 31.8 yes 0.7 no 0.7 44.0 yes 0.9 no 0.6 28.2 no 1.1 yes 0.6 44.6 yes 1.O no 0.8 21.1 ? 0.6 no 0.8 22.3 yes 0.6 no 0.5 42.6 ves 1.1 no 0.3 14.4 yes 1.O no 0.4 15.8 ves 1.2 no 1.O 38.8 1 yes 1.2 1 no 0.7 50.0 yes 0.8 no 0.7 21.6 no 0.7 no 0.3 64.4 yes 1.1 no 0.4 69.0 ves 0.9 no 0.9 49.6 no 1.O no 0.6 3 1.2 yes 0.8 no 0.5 20.7 yes 0.9 yes 0.6 25.0 no 1.6 no 0.3 Table C5. Klondike City hillside possible platforms. I Feature Elevation Length Width Area Front Wall Rear Wall No. Above (m) (m) (m2) Retaining Height Retaining Height (KCH- ) Townsite wall (m) wall (m) mlm as1 3 1 101330 3.3 2.3 7.6 no no 0.4 3 2 101330 3.1 2.4 7.4 no no 0.4 37 01320 4.5 3.8 17.1 no 0.5 no 0.3 4 1 01320 4.8 3.4 16.3 no no 0.5 Appendix D
Metal Container Collections from the Hillside Locations
Table Dl. Metal containers sorted by shape and closure type.
Table D2. Judge Street Area metal container technological attributes.
Table D3. Platform HAP-4, Dawson City hillside, metal container technological attributes.
Table D4. Platform KCH 7, Klondike City hillside, metal container technological attributes.
Table D5. Platform KCH 9, Klondike City hillside, metal container technological attributes.
Table D6. Platforms KCH 14- 16, Klondike City hillside, metal container technological attributes.
Table D7. Standard types for cylindrical cans.
Table D8. Standard types for rectangular cans.
Table D9. Metal container types for products identified by marks on cans in the hillside assemblages. Metal Container Attributes A variety of attributes were recorded for each container: shape, closure, side seam, top seam, base seam, solder, height, diameter, diameter of hole in top, length, width, key type and opening method used (not all fields are applicable to each specimen). All marks, such as embossing, paint, remnants of paper or lithographed labels and ink stamping were recorded. Any modification made to the container was also noted. As many attributes as possible were recorded for each specimen. Many of the containers were fragmentary or partially crushed. When a container was crushed to the extent that no accurate measurement of its dimensions could be made those fields were left bank. If the can was only slightly crushed, and it appeared that a relatively close measurement could be made, it was recorded with an approximation symbol; these could then be grouped with the most similar type of can when the database was sorted. Technological attributes of the metal containers recorded in the study areas are summarized in Table D-1 to D-7.
Shape Container shape is one potential indicator of the can's contents. The most obvious example of this are the Log Cabin Syrup cans that were manufactured in the shape of log cabins. Five different metal container shapes were identified among the hillside assemblages, in order of abundance these are: cylindrical, rectangular, log cabin (polygonal), oval, and 'D' shaped. Cylindrical and rectangular shape designations are, in some cases, inclusive of similar shapes, such as pyramidal containers, whose actual shape is often difficult to identify when the container is crushed.
Closure Closure is the means used to seal a container once it was filled with product and may also refer to the methods available to remove the contents from the can. Closures are generally divided into "once-only" and "reclosable" (Murray and Hamilton 1986:1 13). Once-only closures in the assemblage include: hole-in-top, key strip, hole-in-top and key strip, key wind, matchstick, vent only, and open top. 339 Reclosable closures identified in the assemblage are: cork spout, threaded cap, hinge lid, lever lid, slip lid, and spout with valve. A number of cans have a combination of once-only and reclosable closures, such as hole-in-top and slip lid, key strip and slip lid, and hole-in-top and lever lid. The most commonly occurring closure type in the metal container assemblages is the hole-in-top (also known as hole in cap). It was observed on both cylindrical and rectangular containers. One end of these cans has a filler hole, the size varying according to the contents, that is capped with a metal disc. Once the container is filled, the tinplate cap is soldered in place over the filler hole (Rock 1987:19). The cap has a small vent, to allow moisture and air to escape as the can is heated, which is then closed by a drop of solder sealing the can. This closure type was the most common method used until 1916, when the American Can Company lost its monopoly on the technology for manufacturing open top cans (Keen 1982), after which the open top can dominated the industry. Matchstick filler hole cans, also known as vent hole cans (Rock 1987:21), have a small hole in one end of the can. The hole is sealed with a drop of solder once the container is filled. Rock (1987:21) notes that these cans were mostly used to hold evaporated milk. A key strip container is opened with a narrow band of metal around the body that has one free end. A key is fitted over the free end and the strip is wound around the key. This closure was invented in 1866 (Sacharow and Griffin 1970:10). Key strip closures were recorded on cylindrical, D shaped, oval and rectangular cans. Key strip closures were found on containers that also had hole-in-top closures and slip lid closures. In the later case the container was re-closable. Keen (1982) notes that cans with hole in top and key strip closures were commonly used for meat products in the late nineteenth century. The keys for these containers were either attached to the free end of the strip or attached to one end of the can with a blob of solder (in some cases the end of the can had an indented area in the general shape of the key). Nine different types of key styles have been recorded. A number of keys with the metal strip still coiled around them and fragments of the strips were also recorded independent of cans. 340 A second version of the key strip closure removes one side, or a portion of one side, of the container instead of just a narrow band. To differentiate them from the tear strip cans, they are referred to here as key wind, and are best represented by sardine cans. Rock (198758-59) states that the first sardine cans were constructed from three pieces of tin plate soldered together, cans with press drawn bodies were first manufactured in 1897, machine made sardine cans started in the USA in 1904, and the double seamed can was first made in 1918. Keen (1982), citing Judge (1914) notes that the double seamed press drawn sardine can was first manufactured around 1900. The lever lid is the type of closure commonly used on paint cans today. This closure was commonly observed on the rectangular containers. Lever lid and hole-in- top closures were observed together on a small number of cylindrical containers. The open top, or sanitary can, is the type of closure used in the canning process today. The body and base (attached with a double seam) are joined and the can is filled prior to the addition of the top end, also by a double seam. Rock (1987: 14) notes that this type of closure was not common until after the Sanitary Can Company was formed in 1904. According to Keen (1982), locked or double side seams were first put on open top cans around 1906. The American Can Company purchased the Sanitary Can Co. in 1908, and held a monopoly on open top canning technology until 19 16, after which other companies could make the change from the hole-in-top can (Keen 1982). Threaded cap closures are relatively self explanatory, and although they can either thread into or over a spout (Burley and Ross 1979:50), only the latter have been observed here. Threaded cap closures were observed on cylindrical, composite (e.g., Log Cabin Syrup) and rectangular shaped containers. The term spout is used here to refer to closures with a spout made to be sealed with a stopper of some kind. The slip lid, also known as the external friction lid (Rock 1987:lo), is generally a pressed lid that slides over one end of the container. Containers with slip lids commonly contained dry goods (Burley and Ross 197958). The lids from these containers are commonly found alone, and often have embossing identifying the product or manufacturer. The hinged lid closure is still common and needs no 34 1 explanation. The hinge lid is included as a type of slip lid in the Parks Canada Metal Container Recording Guide (Keen 1982). This type of closure was used on containers for a variety of products, including tea and tobacco (Rock 1987: 11). The spout with valve closure has a small spout that is opened and closed by a valve. This type of closure was commonly observed on the large rectangular oil cans.
Side and End Seams Two types of side seams were observed in the hillside metal container collections: (1) lapped, and (2) interlocked. Lapped side seams have the two edges of the body overlapped and soldered together. Interlocked side seams are made by machines that hook the edges of the body together and press the seam flat to create a tight seal (Keen 1982). The multiple layers of tin created by the seam can either be on the inside or outside of the container. Three types of end seams were commonly used on cans in the hillsides collections: (1) capped-on; (2) single seam; and (3) double seam. A capped-on end consists of a cap-like pressed end that slides over the end of the can and is held in place by solder or slight pressure (Keen 1982). This type of end seam was dominant on hole-in-top cans. The single seam is created by folding the end of the can over the edge of the body and crimping them together, resulting in three layers of tin. This type of seam was often used on dry goods containers. Some liquid contents containers, however, also have single seams. Capped-on and single seams were little used after the perfection of machines capable of making a double seamed end. Different styles of double seams were used (Keen 1982), but all involved the edges of the body and can end being folded together and crimped, resulting in four or five layers of tin. The double seam allowed the production of open-top closure containers, originally known as Sanitary cans. The seams provide a strong, liquid-tight seal that does not require solder. Table Dl. Metal containers sorted by shape and closure type.
I Shape Closure 1 Judge St. I HAP 4 ( KCH 7 I KCH 9 I KCH 14-16 1 (#) (#) (#) (#I (#I Cylindrical 2078 216 140 24 158 Hole in Top (HIT) 1314 176 85 11 76 HIT & Key Strip 115 7 7 3 9 HIT & Lever 8 - - - - Key Strip 27 1 11 9 2 2 1 Key Strip & Lever 1 - - - - Key Strip & Slip Lid 19 - - - 2 Lever Lid 4 1 - - 1 Matchstick 18 6 4 1 - Open Top 47 1 2 3 - Slip Lid 101 3 18 2 25 Threaded Cap 15 - 3 - 5 Vent Only 3 - - - - n/a 163 11 12 2 19 "D" Shaped 5 - 1 - - Key Strip 5 - 1 - - Log Cabin 12 - - 1 - Cork Spout 1 - - - - Threaded Cap 11 - - 1 - Oval 5 - 1 - 1 Hinge Lid 1 - - - - Open Top - - 1 - - n/a 4 - - - 1 Rectangular 43 1 29 21 5 44 Cork Spout 2 1 - - - Hinge Lid 6 1 3 - 1 Hole in Top 16 1 - - 1 HIT & Key Strip 45 1 - - 3 HIT & Slip Lid 1 - - - - Key Strip 130 5 2 - 8 Key Strip & Slip Lid 1 - - - 1 Key Wind 14 5 1 - - Lever Lid 14 - 1 - 2 Open Top 2 - 1 1 - Slip Lid 11 1 3 - 1 Tap Spout 14 - - - 1 Threaded Cap 85 1 3 3 8 n/a 90 3 7 1 18 NIA 9 - 5 - 1 Cork Spout - - - - 1 Hole in Top - - 1 - - Table Dl. Metal containers sorted by shape and closure type.
Shape Closure Judge St. HAP 4 KCH 7 KCH 9 KCH 14-16 (#) (#) (#) (#I (#) Key Strip 1 - - - Lever Lid 1 - - - - Open Top 1 - - - - Slip Lid - - 2 - Threaded Cap 6 - 1 - - nla - - 1 - - Total Metal Containers Table D2. Judge Street Area metal container technological attributes (number in parenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM Cylindrical Hole in top & Key interlocked capped on capped on (1) (2078) StripISlip Lid ? (1) (1) Hole in top & Key Interlocked capped on capped on (1) Strip (1 14) (3) capped on raw edge (1) capped on single (1) Lapped (1 10) capped on capped on (6) capped on raw edge (6) capped on single (1) raw edge capped in (1) raw edge capped on (1) raw edge single (2) single raw edge (54) single single (37) single n/a (2) NIA (1) single raw edge (1) Hole in top & Lever Interlocked single single (1) (8) (1) Lapped (6) capped in capped in (4) capped on capped on (2) N/A (1) capped on n/a (1) Hole in top (13 14) Interlocked capped on capped on (727) (742) capped in capped in (8) capped on capped in (2) capped on knife (1)
capped on raw edge (1) raw edge (1) Lapped (562) capped in capped in (2) capped in capped on (1) capped on capped on (547) capped on n/a (4) single raw edge (2) single single (6) NIA (10) capped on capped on (8) capped on n/a (2) Table D2. Judge Street Area metal container technological attributes (number in parenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM Key Strip (27 1) Interlocked capped on raw edge ( 1)
Cyl. con't Key Strip con't Interlocked raw edge capped on (1) raw edge double (5) raw edge single (2) rolled inside capped on (1) single raw edge (1) Lapped (25 1) capped in capped in (2) indented capped in single (1) I I lindented I I capped in capped in indented (4) capped in single (2) capped on capped on (2) lcapped on lraw edge (1) ldouble ldouble (3) raw edge capped in (4) raw edge capped in indented (25) raw edge capped on (10) raw edge double (1 3) raw edge double clenched (1) raw edge raw edge (1) raw edge single (1 72) rolled inside capped on (1) single raw edge (3) single single (6) capped on (1) -- raw edge (1) N/A (9) double? raw edge (1) raw edge double (1) single single (1) capped on (1) double clenched (1) press drawn (1) n/a n/a (3) 346 rable D2. Judge Street Area metal container technological attributes (number in 3arenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM Key Strip & Lever Interlocked double double ( 1) Lid (1) (1) Key Strip & Slip Interlocked rolled inside capped on (9) Lid (17) (13) Cyl. con't Key Strip & Slip Interlocked rolled inside single (2) Lid con't (3) raw edge double (1) raw edge single (1) Lapped (3) raw edge capped in (3) Lever Lid (4) Lapped (1) n/a n/a (1) N/A (3) n/a n/a (3) Matchstick (1 8) Interlocked capped on capped on (2) (2) Lapped (16) capped on capped on (14) raw edge single (1) single single (1) N/A ( 163) Interlocked capped in capped in (2) (59) capped on capped on (29) capped on n/a (1) double double (5) double clenched double (1) flare out n/a (1) n/a n/a (1) raw edge capped on (8) raw edge double (4) rolled outside capped on? (1) rolled outside double (2) wire rolled capped on (1) outside wire rolled double (1) wire rolled double clenched outside (1) wire rolled n/a (1) outside Lapped (69) capped in capped in (26) capped in capped on (4) capped in single (1) capped on capped in (5) rable D2. Judge Street Area metal container technological attributes (number in larenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM capped on capped in indented (1) capped on capped on (8) capped on n/a (1) double double (1) single raw edge (3) single single (I) Cyl. con't NIA con't Lapped n/a n/a (1) n/a capped on (1) double (1) raw edge capped on (2) raw edge double (1) raw edge raw edge (1) raw edge single (4) raw edge n/a (1) rolled outside double (2) rolled outside single (4) N/A (33) capped in ? nla (2) capped in ? capped in (1) capped on capped on (1) capped on n/a (6) n/a capped in (3) capped in indentec (1) press drawn (1) raw edge single (1) single n/a (2) n/a n/a (1 5) Press Drawn (2) Open Top (47) Interlocked double double (1 8) (20) double double clenched (1) rolled outside double (1) Lapped (27) capped in capped in (1) double double (26) Slip Lid (101) Interlocked raw edge capped on (5) (73) l~ableD2. Judge Street Area metal container technological- attributes (number in I lparenthesis indicated quantity). I SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM raw edge double (1 8) raw edge double clenched (5) rolled inside double (26) rolled inside single (4) Lapped (6) capped on, rolled capped on (1) inside Cyl. con't Slip Lid Lapped raw edge capped on (1) I-- con't raw edge double (3) rolled inside single (1) N/A (1 0) nf a n/a (9) raw edge double (1) Press Drawn press drawn raw edge (2) (12)
raw edge (1) Slip Lid & Key Interlocked rolled inside capped on (1) Strip? (2) (1) Lapped (1) raw edge capped on (1) Threaded Cap (15) Interlocked capped on capped on (1) (1 3) I I I lcapped on ldouble clenched I
double double (6) double clenched double (3) single single (2) N/A (2) capped on da(2) Vent Only (3) Interlocked capped on capped in (1) (1) Lapped (2) capped in capped on (1) capped on capped in (1) Key Strip (5) Lapped (5) single single (4) single raw edge (1) Log Cabin Cork Spout (1) llnterlocked lsingle lsingle (1) (12) Threaded Cap (1 1) Interlocked single single (1 1) (1 1) Table D2. Judge Street Area metal container technological attributes (number in parenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM Rectangular Cork Spout (2) Interlocked single single (1)
ILapped (1) lcapped in lcapped in (I) Hinge Lid (6) Interlocked folded inside single (3) (4) raw edge double (I) rolled inside capped on (1) NIA (I) n/a n/a (1) Rectangular Hole in top & Interlocked capped on single (I) con't Key Strip (45) (9) raw edge single (2)
single single (13) I l~olein top & Slip Lapped (1) single raw edge (I)
Hole in Top (16) Interlocked capped on capped on (1) (13) single single (12) Lapped (2) single raw edge (I) single single (1) NIA ( I) single single (I) Key Strip (130) Interlocked capped on capped on (1) (26) capped on raw edge (I) raw edge capped in (1) raw edge capped on (3) raw edge single (1 7) raw edge double (I) single double (I) single single (1) Lapped (10 1) capped in single (I) 33 Press Drawn double (3) (4) single (1) Lever Lid (14) Interlocked capped on capped on (2) (2) - Lapped (9) capped on capped on (6) capped on raw edge (1) capped on da(1) single single (1) NIA (3) capped on da(3) NIA (90) Interlocked capped in capped on (1) (37) capped on capped on (4) double clenched single (2) folded inside capped on (1) folded inside double clenched (1) folded inside interlocked (1) folded inside single (1) folded outside single (1) 351 Table D2. Judge Street Area metal container technological attributes (number in ~arenthesisindicated auantitv). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM raw edge capped in (1) lraw edge lraw edge (1) raw edge single (4) single single (14) single (3) -- - Icapped on (I) l~ectangular IN/A con't l~appedcon't (capped on Ida (1)
capped on capped on (24) - folded inside capped on (2) lapped lapped (1) raw edge capped on (2) single n/a (1)
Interlocked double 1;;;ble clenched? (1) lclenched? Lapped (1) single capped in indented lm Slip Lid (1 1) Interlocked double (1) (7) folded inside double? (1) raw edge double (I) raw edge single (2) single single (1) double clenched (1) Lapped (2) raw edge single (2) N/A (2) da n/a (2) Tap Spout (14) Interlocked single single (3) (3) 352 l~ableD2. Judge Street Area metal container technological attributes (number in I parenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE I CLOSURE I SIDE SEAM I TOP SEAM I BASE SEAM
Threaded Cap (85) Interlocked capped in capped in (1) (44) --- capped on capped on (6) double clenched single (3) single double clenched (1) lsingle ]raw edge (I) +Rectangular Threaded Cap con't Lapped (38) lcapped in lcapped in (10) 1 capped on capped on ( 10) double clenched sinele ( 1) single single (16) single n/a (1) N/A (3) da da(2) lsingle Ida (1) Oval (5) Hinge Lid (1) Interlocked raw edge double (1) t- t- (1)
I I J~ressDrawn lcapped in lpress drawn (3) 1
N/A (9) Key Strip (1) N/A (1) n/a da(1) Lever Lid (1) N/A (1) n/a n/a (1) Open Top (1) N/A (1) double da(1) Threaded Cap (6) NIA (6) da da(6) Table D3. Platform HAP-4, Dawson City hillside, metal container technological rittributes (number in parenthesis indicates quantity). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM Cylindrical Hole in top (1 76) Interlocked (76) capped on capped on (76) (216) Lapped (99) capped on capped on (99) NIA (1) n/a n/a (1) Hole in top & key strip lapped (7) single single (5) (7) single raw edge (2) Key strip (1 1) Lapped (1 1) single n/a (1) raw edge single (4)
Slip lid (3) Interlocked (I) raw edge double clenched (1) Press drawn (1) press drawn raw edge (2) NIA (1 1) Interlocked (2) capped on capped on (2) Table D4. Platform KCH 7, Klondike City hillside, metal container technological attributes (number in parenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM Cylindrical Hole in top (85) Interlocked Capped on Capped on (3 1)
(capped on (~awedge (1) Lapped (50) Capped on Capped on (49) Single Single (1)
I l~olein top & Key Strip (~a~~ed(7) (single Jsingle(2)
Matchstick (4) Interlocked (3) capped on capped on (3) Lapped (1) capped in capped in (1) NIA (12) Interlocked (2) capped on capped on (1) da single (1)
(openTOP (2) l~nterlocked(2) ldouble (double (2) Slip Lid (1 8) Interlocked double double (1) (1 1) 1 lrolled inside ldouble (1) raw edge capped in (1) raw edge double (3) raw edge double clenched
raw edge single (3) n/a double clenched
I l~apped(5) lrolled inside Isingle (1) l~ableD4. Platform KCH 7, Klondike City hillside, metal container technological attributes (number in parenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE I CLOSURE I SIDE SEAM 1 TOP SEAM 1 BASE SEAM
ID (1) l~e~strip (I) l~a~~ed(1) lsingle (single (1) l~ectan~ularl~in~e Lid (3) l~nterlocked(2) lraw edge lsingle (2) (21) Press drawn da press drawn (1) (1) Key strip ? (2) Lapped (2) raw edge capped on (2) Key wind (1) Lapped (1) capped on capped in (1) Lever lid (1) Interlocked (1) double double (1) NIA (7) lapped (4) capped in single (1) folded over capped on (1) raw edge capped on (1) da capped on (1) NIA (3) single da(1) raw edge capped on (1) da da(1) Open top? (1) Interlocked (1) double rolled double rolled (1) Slip lid (3) Interlocked (2) raw edge single (2) Threaded cap (3) Interlocked (2) ]single Isingle (2) Lapped (1) single single (1) Press drawn capped in press drawn (1) (1)
Interlocked (1 ) Ida Ida (1)
I l~hreadedcap (1) Ida Ida (1) l~ableD5. Platform KCH 9, Klondike City hillside, metal container technological- I attributes (number in parenthesis indicated quantity). SHAPE CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BOTTOM SEAM Conical (1) Hole in top & Key strip Interlocked (1) single single ( 1) (1) Cylindrical Hole in top & Key strip Interlocked (1) capped in single (1) (2 5) (2) l~a~~ed(1) (single lsingle (1)
Slip lid (2) Interlocked (2) rolled inside single (1) raw edge double clenched
Threaded cap (1) Interlocked (1) double double (1) N/A (2) Interlocked (2) raw edge double (1)
Log cabin Threaded cap (1) Lapped ( 1) single single (1) (1) Rectangular Threaded cap (3) Lapped (3) capped in single (1) (5) single capped on (1) single single (1) N/A (2) Interlocked (2) capped on capped on (1) capped on double ? (1) Table D6. Platforms KCH 14-16, Klondike City hillside, metal container technological attributes (number in parenthesis indicates quantity). CLOSURE SIDE SEAM TOP SEAM BASE SEAM lole in top (76) nterlocked (44) capped on capped on (43) capped on da(1) ,apped (30) capped on capped on (29) ]capped on lraw edge (I) g/A (2) capped on n/a (2) Cey strip (2 1) ,apped (1 8) capped in raw edge capped in indented (3) raw edge capped on (6) raw edge double (1) raw edge n/a (2) raw edge single (3) n/a double clenched Slip lid ? (17) Interlocked (15) raw edge double clenched (2) raw edge n/a (1) rolled inside double (12) IN/A (2) trolled inside ldouble (2) Table D6. Platforms KCH 14-16, Klondike City hillside, metal container technological attributes (number in parenthesis indicates quantity). 1?headed cap (5) ]Interlocked (4) lcapped on ldouble clenched I (1) double double clenched /double clenchedldouble ( 1) I /double (1) I -I' -1 -1 E - E -1id? (1) I I I I -I -5 -1 1 - 1 I lraw edge lcapped on (1) -- n/a n/a (2) -(2ork spout (1) Lapped (1) double double (1) I Table D7. Standard types for cylindncal cans. CAPACITY (orUW)HEIGHT CONTENTS ORIGIN REFERENCE 22 Mushroom 3 114 fl. oz.1 American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities 5.45 cu. In. Co. are average commercial fills) 62 ( 4 314 oz. strained instant foods, tomato American Can American Can Co. paste, tomato sauce Co. 1943:215-6 62 5 114 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities oz.19.42 cu. Co. are average commercial In. fills) 1141b. Potted 1141b. Potted Meat Hamel 191 l:l9 Meat Can Key .1141b. Potted 1141b. Potted Meat Hamel 191 l:l9 Meat Can Key Small Condensed (Evaporated) Milk pre Fontana & Greenleaf 1932 1962:75 Soup Hamel 191 1:20 114 Round 3 112 oz. Tuna us Tressler 1923?:379 4 fl. oz. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities Co. are average commercial fills) 42 Pimiento 7.18 cu. In. 5Z 7.18 cu. In. Small 9.15 cu. In. Cranberry 42 Mushroom 6 112 fl. oz.1 American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities 11.12 cu. In. Co. are average commercial fills) American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities cu. In. Co. are average commercial fills) Table D7. Standard types for cylindrical cans. DI-TER TYPE CAPACITY CONTENTS ORIGIN REFERENCE or 8 oz. Fontana & Greenleaf 1962:73 8Z Tall 7 314 fl. oz. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities Co. are average commercial fills) -t some vegetables and hits, meat American Can American Can Co. 82 Tall LI 314 fl. oz. I I products, fish products, specialties Co. 1943:215-6 No. 1 Picnic Easter Oyster, and other products us Fontana & Greenleaf 1962:73 No. 1 Picnic 9 112 fl. oz. Easter Oyster, and other products American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities Co . are average commercial +-+ fills) No. 1 Picnic 10 112 oz.; 9 vegetables, some fruits, juices, American Can American Can Co. 7112 fl.0~. soups, meat products, fish Co . products, specialties No.1 Picnic 17.05 cu. In. I 21 1 No.1 Sanitary I The Canning Trade 1919:36 2 11 Cylinder 21.28 cu. In. No.2 1 1 12 fl. oz. fruit juices, tomato juice American Can American Can Co. Cylinder Co. 1943:215-6; Cmess 1958:29, capacities are average commercial fills) Pint Olive 15 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities 02.124.47 cu. 21 1 Co . are average commercial fills) 1121b. Vienna Vienna Sausage Hamel 1911:19 Saus. Can Key No. 1 Schwaab 1899:47 1121b. Potted potted Meat Hamel 1911:19 Meat Can Table D7. Standard types for cylindrical cans. TYPE CAPACITY HEIGHT OPG.~ CONTENTS ORIGIN REFERENCE I (or L/W) Key 112lb. Vienna 1 1121b. Vienna Sausage Saus. Can Soup Hamel 191 1:20 Plain llb. Vienna Vienna Sausage Hamel 191 1:20 Saus Key 42 Pimiento 1 3 314 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities I oz.15.59 cu. Co. are average commercial fills) 72 Pimiento 1 6 314 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities I oz.ll1.37 cu. Co. are average commercial fills) 8Z Mushroom 1 12 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities oz.12 1.1 1 cu. Co. are average- commercial fills) No. 1 Tall Condensed (Evaporated) Milk pre Fontana & Greenleaf I 1932 1962:75 Fontana & Greenleaf 1962:73 No.300 American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities 02.123.7 1 cu. Co. are average commercial I In. fills) No.300 1 14 112 oz.; 13 vegetables, some fruits, juices, American Can American Can Co. 1 112 fl. oz. soups, meat products, fish Co. products, specialties No.300 1 30.17 cu. In. Cylinder No. 1 Tall 2 1.93 cu. In. Pineapple No. 1 Tall I llb. Salmon '03 'sdnos 'sa3!n( 'si!ty 'sa1qelaZaa ue3 w3uawv 'az!s pasn X1uounuo3pour 60P LOE '03 60P LOE ue3 ue3uaq 60P LOE '91Z 1 Z'ON OOP LOE 'uI 'n3 E9'LZ I S6'ON '=I '03 90E LOE 'n3 06'ZZ/'ZO ue3 wmuaq salqelaza~paq~ed umn3eA 'U PI J-zo z I wnn3e~z.0~ PIZ LOE 'UI -n3 ~1.61 auauaq31q EOZ LOE '=I 'n3 I Z' E I leld I 'ON sn em.^ EI I ~OE .zo L PU"OX ZII @I 3aaa padd!w .9IV/I "lIPl1 '03 sayqepads 'zo 'U E ~a~u!l63 w3 umuaq 'sdnos 'a3!nC p.g 'a3!nC oieurol 605 EOE 1d1 f'zo~'911 EOE'ON 'UI '"3 I I 'vE/'ZO 'U 61 lapu!lb EOE sa!qopads 'sdnos I EOE '03 saqepads 'salqela8a~ ue3 umuaq auros 'spnpo~dqsg 'sa3!nf 'sp~ 11P IOE '03 I IP IOE ue3 umuaq sn 11P IOE Table D7. Standard types for cylindrical cans. TYPE CAPACITY HEIGHT OPG.~ CONTENTS ORIGIN REFERENCE or I and s ecialties No.2 Sanitary The &ing Trade 409 307 1919:36 No.2 XT 22 fl. oz., American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities 38.30 cu. In. 307 506 Co. are average commercial fills) Jumbo 1 40.28 cu. In. I 307 5 10 s No. 2 llb. 9 oz.; 1 American Can American Can Co. 307 5 12 Cylinder pt 7 fl. oz. Co. 1943:215-6 No.2 Cylinder / 23 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities oz.140.95 CU. 1 307 1 512 Co. are average commercial In. fills) No.2 Tall 26 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities oz.144.99 cu. 307 604 Co. are average commercial In. fills) Quart Olive 30 fl. oz., American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities 53.62 cu. In. 307 704 Co. are average commercial I I I fills) No. 1I2 1 8 oz. 307 1 2 21/32" Salmon Tressler 1923?:379 1121b. 1121b. Hamburger Hamel 191 1:20 Hamburger 308 112 Kev--. 1121b. Lunch 1121b. Lunch Tongue 308 112 202 Tongue Key 1 Round 15 oz. 400 206 I Tuna Tressler 1923?:379 No.1 114 22.07 cu. In. 40 1 207.5 I No. 2 112 llb. 13 oz.; American Can American Can Co. 40 1 41 1 1~t10fl.OZ. Co . 1943:215-6 No.2 112 1 26 fl. 1 American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities 02.146.45 cu. 40 1 411 Co. are average commercial In. fills) No.2 112 40 1 412 The Canning Trade I Table D7. Standard types for cylindrical cans. DIAMETER TYPE CAPACITY HEIGHT CONTENTS ORIGIN REFERENCE I (or L/W) 1919:36 llb. Salmon Tressler 1923?:379 1121b. Chipped Beef Hamel 191 1 :20 ( Chipped Beef open 1lb. Roast Beef I Roast Beef llb. Chipped Beef Hamel 19 11 :20 open llb. Lamb 1lb. Lamb Tongue Hamel 19 1 1:20 1lb. Lunch Tongue Hamel 19 1 1:20 37.19 cu. In. 21b. Roast Beef Hamel 191 1:20 I Roast Beef Vienna Sausage Hamel 191 1 :20 Saus Ke The Canning Trade 1919:36 30 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities oz./80.54 cu. Co. are average commercial In. fills) lqt. 14 fl. oz. fruit juices, tomato juice American Can American Can Co. Co. 1943:215-6 31b. Schwaab l899:47 52 fl. American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities oz.192.09 cu. Co. are average comm&cial In. fills) 3 lbs. 9 oz.; fruits, juices, some vegetables, American Can American Can Co. I Table D7. Standard types for cylindrical cans. TYPE CAPACITY HEIGHT OPG.~ CONTENTS ( ORIGIN 1 REFERENCE D'p"",""or lqt lpt 4 fl. specialties Co. 1943:215-6 oz. 1 1121b. Ox 1 1121b. Ox Tongue US 507 207 400 Hamel 191 1:20 Tongue Key I I 1 3141b. Ox 1 3141b. Ox 507 210 Tongue US Hamel 191 1:20 Tongue Key 400 21b. Flat 21b. Roast Beef US Hamel 19 1 1:20 I Roast Beef I ( 507 1 210 1205 Key I I I ?IL n.. I ?IL I I I LIU. UA Ox 507 213 1400 Tongue US Hamel 1911:20 Tonrme Kev 1 1 Ox Tongue US Hamel 191 1:20 I I Ox Tongue US Hamel 191 1:20 I I Ox Tongue US Hamel 191 1:20 Ox Tongue US Hamel 191 1:20 8 Roast Beef US Hamel 19 1 1:20 Plain 51b. Round 51b. Lard US 600 606 113 Hamel 191 1:21 Lard Plain I I Ox Tongue US Hamel 1911:20 I No.10 1 96 fl. I I I fruits and vegetables institutional American Can Cruess 1958:29, capacities oz.1170.71 cu. 603 700 use Co. are average commercial 1 I I1 I1 1I - ( In. fills) No.10 1 "lo.111 10 oz.; vegetables, fruits, juices, some American Can American Can Co. 7nt 603 700 I - - I I I meat, fish, products, specialties Co. 1943:215-6 No. 10 1 603 700 1 The Canning Trade Table D7. Standard types for cylindrical cans. TYPE HEIGHT OPG: CONTENTS ORIGIN REFERENCE I (or Lrn I / I I Sanitarv 1919:36 No. 10 1 gal. 604 700 Schwaab 1899:47 61b. Chipped 61b. Chipped Beef US 700 512 open Hamel 191 1:20 1141b. Veal Veal Loaf US Hamel 191 1:21 Loaf Key 102 1141b. I Beef Hash I US I Hamel 191 1:20 Key 1121b. Veal Veal Loaf Hamel 1911:21 08 I Loaf Key I1 I I 1121b. I Beef Hash I US I Hamel 191 1:20 Key I I I llb. Veal Loaf 1lb. Veal Loaf 108 US Hamel 191 1:21 Key I I I 1121b. Bacon Bacon open US Hamel 191 1:21 Key I I llb. Bacon llb. Bacon US 31 11506 115 open Hamel 191 1:21 Key I I I I I 1lb. llb. I BeefHash I US ] Hamel 1911:20 Flar.Cd.Hash Key 121b. Bacon Bacon I Hamel 191 1:21 Key open 1 I 61b. Flar. Lunch Tongue US Hamel 191 1:20 Lunch 400 Tongue plain I J 1 I I * Can dimensions are measured to the sixteenth of an inch and written as a single number. The first digit(s) denote the inches, and the last two digits sixteenths of an inch. A can with a diameter of 2 '18" and a height of 2 V,for example would be written as 202 x 204; and a can 6 %' in diameter and 4" high is written as 612 x 400. I Diameter of opening. I Table D8. Standard types for rectangular cans. LENGTH WIDTH DESIGNATION CAPACITY HEIGHT OPG.l CONTENTS ORIGIN REFERENCE To /Base To /Base I I Weber 1921 (note I 114 Oil & created dim. from cm to Mustard 3 pc. can 12 404 301 Sardines I nearest 16th) 114 Key 3 114 oz. 12 405 3 3/32" California Sardines US I Tressler 1923?:379 I Weber 192 1 (note I 114 Oil & I created dim. from cm to I Mustard drawn 13 404 300 Sardines 114 3 Piece Key 3 114 oz. 14 405 3 3/32" Marine Sardines created dim. from cm to 112 Oil Key 101 410 306 Sardines created dim. from cm to High Quarter 103 404 301 Sardines 112 Oval 7 oz. 103 505 309 Kippered Herring Tressler 1923?:379 112 Oval 7 oz. 103 515 306 California Sardines Tressler l923?:379 Weber 192 1 (note I 314 Mustard created dim. from cm to Keyless 108 412 308 Sardines nearest 16th) I California Sardines, Kippered 1 Oval 15 oz. 108 610 408 Herring 314 Keyless 10 oz. 112 412 308 Marine Sardines 1121b. Sq. Flar.Cd.Hash Key 1121b. 204 3051305 2051200 108 Beef Hash Hamel 19 11 :20 note not positively sure which No. 1 Square 26.96 cu. In. 300 308 308 was height 0 note not positively sure which No.2 112 Square 50.68 cu. In. 300 308 604 was height 1lb.Sq. Flar.Cd.Hash Key llb. 312 3021300 2071200 110 Beef Hash Hamel 191 1:20 21b. Sq. 21b. 411 4051402 2131207 113 Beef Hash Hamel 19 1 1:20 W 0\ 00 I Table D8. Standard types for rectangular cans. I LENGTH WIDTH DESIGNATION CAPACITY HEIGHT OPG.~ CONTENTS ORIGIN REFERENCE To To Flar.Cd.Hash Key 21b. (Net) Sq. Cd. Bf Key 21b. 51 1 4081402 2121206 113 Chipped? Beef US Hamel 191 1:20 51b. Sq. Lard Plain 51b. 615 502 502 113 Lard US Hamel 191 1:21 61b. (Net) Sq. Cd. Bf Plain 61b. 814 5061506 402131 1 2 1 1 Chipped? Beef US Hamel 1911:20 61b. (Net) Sq. Cd. Bf Plain 61b. 901 5051414 4011310 205 Chipped? Beef US Hamel 1911:20 141b. (Net) Sq. Cd. Bf Plain 141b. 13 12 606160 1 4 131404 2 14 Chipped? Beef US Hamel 191 1:20 314 Key 10 oz. 1 28/32" 410 3 15/32" Marine Sardines US Tressler 1923?:379 114 Keyless 3 114 oz. 29/32" 405 3/32" Marine Sardines US Tressler 1923?:379 * Can dimensions are measured to the sixteenth of an inch and written as a single number. The first digit(s)- .. denote the inches, and the last two digits sixteenths of an inch. A can with a diameter of 2 '1; and a height of 2 W,forexample would be written as 202 x 204; and a can 6 %' in diarnete; and 4" high is written as 6 12 x 400. ' Diameter of opening. l~ableD9. Metal container types for products identified by marks on cans in the hillside assemblages. DIA' DIA. OF SIDE TOP BASE FILLER QUANTITY COMPANY NAME SEAM SEAM SEAM or CAP HxLxW* nterlocked raw edge single 303 x 614 1 NIA nterlocked double clenched double 304 x 408 1 Prices Baking Powder Co 404 x 602 1 Prices Baking- Powder Co nterlocked rolled inside capped on 504-6 x 2 12-5 2 Elgin Butter lraw edge ldouble I 602 x 4121 I 1 l~obertScott Manu. I - - lraw edge lsingle 500 x 3081 1 lpped capped in capped in 404 x 3 13 1 Coldbrook Creamery indented 506 x 304 1 Coldbrook Creamery capped in capped in 405 x 314 1 Coldbrook Creamery indented double double 300 x 204 1 PB 402 x 202 1 PB raw edge camed in 504 x 310 1 Coldbrook Creamew raw edge capped in 404-8 x 308-1 1 8 Coldbrook Creamery indented 504-6 x 309-11 3 Coldbrook Creamery 506 x 412 1 Coldbrook Creamery raw edge capped on 504 x 308-1 1 3 Coldbrook Creamery 510 x 303 1 Coldbrook Creamery raw edge double 500 x 207-8 4 PB 505 x 301 1 Macdonald Manufacturing rolled inside capped on 504 x 215 1 Elgin Butter m~ed raw edge double 500 x 208 1 PB Metal container types for products identified by marks on cans in the hillside assemblages. DIA. OF SIDE TOP BASE PRODUCT SHAPE CLOSURE FILLER QUANTITY COMPANY NAME SEAM SEAM SEAM or CAP I I I I HxLxW* Inla lla~~ed kolled outside ldouble 510 x 301 1 AytonCreamery Lectangular Slip Lid lapped raw edge single 603x302~302 1 N/A :offee Yonical Key Strip & interlocked double double 406 x 814 1 -A -- / Aoci-/Coffee Lever Lid I I I :offee con't Yylindrical Slip lid press 400 x 81 1 l~idOnly, Dwinell- drawn Wright :ondensed :ylindrical Hole in Top interlocked capped on capped on 215 x 303 110 3 Truro Cond Milk Co Milk 2 15 x 304-5 106-8 3 Bordens And Humbolt lapped capped on capped on 215 x 303 108-10 18 Truro Cond Milk Co 2 15 x 303-4 108 5 Baldwin Condensed Milk Co 215 x 304 108 1 Milk Co 1 [?]Ealow - I I (condensed 215 x 3051 81 1 IN-YO~~ Condensed Milk Co 215 x 304-5 104-8 25 Bordens Condensed Milk Co 215-300x 304-6 N-York Condensed I 104-81 49 IMilk Co 215 x 308 108 1 Michigan Condensedl Milk Co 300 x 304 108 1 Canada MilWCondensing Co 404 x 413 208 1 Bordens Condensed Milk Co :om Flour Lectangular Slip Lid interlocked raw edge single 600x312~209 1 Colman's rable D9. Metal container types for products identified by marks on cans in the hillside assemblages. DM' DIA.OF SIDE TOP BASE 1 PRODUCT SHAPE CLOSURE a- FILLER QUANTITY COMPANY NAME SEAM SEAM SEAM U1 CAP HxLxW* :ylindrical Hole in Top I 2 15-300x 305-6 108 2 NIA Open Top double 215-300x 408-9 6 Canada FirstEvaporated Cream 2 15 x 408-9 7 Canada FirstEvaporated Cream Ioney tRectangular Ithreaded cap nterlocked double clenched single 603x501~308 1 Alaska E x ploration r Co. da nterlocked double clenched single 603 x 500 x 306 1 NIA ,ard Cylindrical Slip Lid nterlocked rolled inside double 604 x 802-6 3 G.H. Hammond Leaf Lard and Two NIA 709 x 802 1 G.H. Hammond Leaf Lard C412x412~412 1 Orleans 1 Molasses 2 10-1 1 x 404-6 1 12-200 2 NIA 700x408~113 105 2 The MorgadOyster CoIPackers Sf 3pped double double - Des Primeur? De Lors. . . and Societa Per Le Conserve A Limentari lardines l~ectangularl~e~ Wind 13 x 404 x 3001 1 I- Runet Gaudremeau Table D9. Metal container types for products identified by marks on cans in the hillside assemblages. DIA.OF TOP BASE PRODUCT SHAPE CLOSURE SEAM FILLER QUANTITY COMPANY NAME I 1 :!A I SEAM or CAP HxLxW* 1 100 x 404 x 3001 I 3 lcapen Canning Co. , I I I I Eastport, Mi; C. Couteau x Paris; 103 x 410 x 306 1 J. Lemarchad 104 x 412 x 308 1 J. Lemarchad press double press drawn 14 x 400-4 x 3 King Oscar's drawn 215-301 single mess drawn 14 x 401 x 300 1 King Oscar's - L * Can dimensions are measured to the sixteenth of an inch and written as a single number. The first digit(s) denote the inches, and the last two digits sixteenths of an inch. A can with a diameter of 2 '18" and a height of 2 %", for example would be written as 202 x 204; and a can 6 %' in diameter and 4" high is written as 612 x 400.