i NKWUAKU, OSITA AUGUSTINE REG. NO: PG/MA/09/52139 IGWE SUCCESSION DISPUTE IN ENUGWU- UKWU, 2007-2011 Department of History and International Studies Faculty of Arts Digitally Signed by : Content manager’s Odimba Rita Name DN : CN = Weabmaster’s name O= University of Nigeri a, Nsukka ii TITLE PAGE IGWE SUCCESSION DISPUTE IN ENUGWU-UKWU, 2007-2011 A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS (M.A.) IN DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA BY NKWUAKU, OSITA AUGUSTINE REG. NO: PG/MA/09/52139 SUPERVISOR: DR. J. O. AHAZUEM MAY, 2014 iii CERTIFICATION/APPROVAL PAGE This is to certify that Nkwuaku, Osita Augustine, a postgraduate student in the Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts (UNN) with the registration number PG/M.A/09/52139 has satisfactorily completed the requirement for the award of degree Master of Arts (M.A) Degree in History and International Studies of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN). ………………………..... ....………………………… Dr. Ahazuem, J. O. Dr. P. O. Obiani (Project Supervisor) (Head of Department) ………………………….. …………………………….. Internal Examiner External Examiner iv DEDICATION This research work is dedicated To God Almighty, for His unconditional grace and mercy v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, my profound gratitude goes to God Almighty for His mercy, protection and provision throughout the course of this work. My immense thanks go to my amiable supervisor, Dr. J.O. Ahazuem, whose intellectual prowess, co-operation, and constructive criticisms made this work a success. I am also grateful to my Head of Department, Dr. P. O. Obiani, Dr. Opata, C.C., who also was the internal reader of this work for his notable contributions and corrections, the Dean of the Faculty, Prof. Uche Anyanwu, Prof. Onwuka Njoku, and all other lecturers in the Department of History and International Studies (UNN) for their encouragements. My special thanks also go to my wife Mrs. Chinelo Ossy-Nkwuaku, for being there for me and her endurance during my days of absence in pursuance of this academic goal. She also deserves hearty recommendations for taking good care of our children. I must not fail to record my appreciation to my children, Mimi, Anita, Elochukwu (of the blessed memory) and Nwando for their encouragements and prayers. Nkwuaku, Osita Augustine University of Nigeria, Nsukka. May, 2014. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Title Page i Certification/ Approval page ii Dedication iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents v List of Maps vi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Background of the Study 1 Theoretical Framework 7 Statement of the Problem 8 Purpose of the Study 11 Significance and Scope of the Study 11 Literature Review 11 Method, Sources and Organization 20 CHAPTER TWO: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ENUGWU-UKWU Traditions of Origin 22 Social, Economic, and Political Organization before Colonial Era 24 CHAPTER THREE: PRELUDE TO THE TUSSLE Warrant Chiefs Era 29 The Era of Chief Lazarus Okeke Agwuna 1920-1939 32 The Reign of Igwe Osita Agwuna (1958-2007) 38 CHAPTER FOUR: 2007-2011 TUSSLE The Period of Interregnum and Tussle for Igwe in Enugwu-Ukwu 43 Selection of a Successor 48 vii CHAPTER FIVE: RATIONALE FOR THE TUSSLE Access to Governance 52 Government Recognition 54 Material Attraction 56 Family and Inheritance Claim 58 Corporate Organization and Royalty 59 The Issue of Ego and Social Recognition 60 Conclusion 61 Bibliography 65 Particulars of Informants 68 viii LIST OF MAP Fig 1: Map of Enugwu-Ukwu showing her villages 6 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY The Igwe (kingship) institution has a long history and tradition in Enugwu-Ukwu. However, of recent, the Igwe institution has become a contentious issue in the town. The institution, started with the introduction of the warrant chiefs’ in Igboland during the colonial era. Consequently, it has been argued in some quarters that the establishment of the British colonial administration in Igboland led to the demise of political independence of Igbo towns in the process of integrating Nigeria under British role. For example, Uzoigwe argues that the towns were brought under the control of the British imperial power, to facilitate both administrative and imperial necessity. As he puts it, ‘politically, economically and socially they were progressively integrated into the larger Nigerian State’. 1 In the process of doing this, the British colonial administration instituted Native Courts and installed chiefs by warrants that controlled them. Hence, on regular basis, these warrant chiefs were installed in an arbitrary manner, leading in some cases, to social crisis. Most often, the colonial rulers chose people of questionable character to the post. 1. G. N. Uzoigwe, ‘Evolution and Relevance of Autonomous Communities in Contemporary Igboland: An Essay in Local Governance’ , (Journal of Third World Studies, Fall 2009). p.9. 1 2 This is perhaps why Okafor asserted that arbitrary manner was used by the British in choosing most of the people who were made the warrant chiefs, most of them soon became corrupt and that led to the Aba women riot in 1929. 2 Although every Igbo town then had come under a warrant chief, however, they were charged with functions of maintaining law and order in their respective towns. By this arrangement, the Native Court Proclamation of 1901 outlawed all traditional tribunal that existed before the introduction of warrant chief system. This introduction recognized only the Native Courts in judicial matters. However, in real practice the traditional tribunals continued to function in the villages alongside the Native Courts. 3 The warrant chiefs wielded enormous powers and many of them saw themselves as second to the white men. The power and authority given to the warrant chiefs became with time abused and introduced corruption within the system. The chiefs became power drunk in their new positions as they saw themselves as representatives of the colonial rulers who commanded power and influence. The idea of an individual, issuing orders to the whole community was new and initially met with stiff opposition from the community. Intimidation, oppression, bribery, and all sorts of corruption in no time became the rule. 2. C. Okafor, “Traditional Institutions and Rural Development” , in Rural and Community Development: Critical Issues and Challenges. ( Onitsha: Austino Publishing Company, 2009). pp 280-293. 3. Ozigbo, Ikenga, R. A. The History of Igboland in the 20 th Century . (Enugu:Snap Press Ltd 1999) p.44. 3 These abuses and general exploitation of the people became endemic and helped, to a large extent, to ensure the unpopularity of the warrant chief system and the entire British rule. However, the excesses of the warrant chiefs with the backing of the colonial authority did not go down well with the people and this led to crisis and agitation in the area. “But the system did not breakdown before the famous 1929 women’s riot which took place in areas of southern Igboland and the Ibibio-speaking areas of former southeast”.4 These resentments led to the breakdown of the warrant chief system and consequently, the British began to transform local administration in order to create a popular local indirect rule, hence pre-colonial local political institutions and jurisdictions were reviewed after a systematic survey by colonial officials through their intelligence reports. Nevertheless, most warrant chiefs eventually became “traditional rulers” and overtime were accepted by their people. But these ‘traditional rulers’ as they were called, were not actually traditional rulers in the real sense of it. Most drew their legitimacy and influence from the colonial administrators and not from the traditional institutions of their people as it was non-existent in the pre- colonial times. According to Axel Harneit-Sievers, “most of these traditional rulers are not ‘traditional’ in that their position has no direct pre-colonial 5 pendant; if any their office is based on a tradition created rather recently”. 4. Axel Harneit -Sievers, Igbo Tradit ional Rulers: Chieftaincy and the State in Southeastern Nigeria . ( Afrika Spectrum 33 1998) p. 67. 5. Axel Harneit-Sievers, p. 59. 4 He further opined that if the term tradition is applied to Igbo traditional rulers, one has to be aware that it does not refer to pre-colonial historic facts, but primarily constitute a strategy of gaining legitimacy for a rather contemporary phenomenon. 6 However, the reform of the warrant chief system in the 1930s was perfected under Governor Cameron who issued two ordinances (the Native Authority Ordinance and the Native Court Ordinance) in 1933. By these reforms, the Native Authority witnessed some changes; Native Treasuries and new type of courts were set up. No new chiefs were created but existing or surviving ones were to remain and be integrated into the new system. In some places, people were made to select their leaders and representatives in the new Native Authority Council and Native Courts. “The newly selected leaders and heads of kindred (“traditional rulers”) became the new leaders of the native authorities”. 7 In effect, the traditional rulers replaced the former warrant chiefs in some places where the warrant chiefs were totally unpopular among their people or where they were seen to be weak. “In many places, former warrant chiefs manipulated themselves back to power as ‘traditional rulers’. Many of the warrant chiefs lost their positions”. 8 In Enugwu-Ukwu, more than one warrant chief existed but Chief Lazarus Agwuna retained his position in the new reform and was widely accepted by the people and the colonial authority, and this marked the beginning of the Igwe institution in Enugwu-Ukwu. 6. Ibid 7. Ikenga Ozigbo, p. 57. 8. Ibid , p. 57. 5 After his death, his son, Osita Agwuna who was nominated in 1958 to represent the town in the Eastern House of Chiefs, eventually became the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu with government recognition during the 1976 local government reforms.