Ukraine's 2019 Elections and the Rise of a New Political Guard —

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ukraine's 2019 Elections and the Rise of a New Political Guard — 6/2019 Ukraine’s 2019 Elections and the Rise of a New Political Guard — Katya Gorchinskaya PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Summary Ukraine held presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019. The results radically altered the political landscape and concentrated power in the hands of a single political group in an unprecedented way. The political novice and former comedian, Volodymyr Zelensky, won the presidency by a huge margin on April 21 and his rapidly formed political party, Servant of the People, won a parliamentary majority just three months later. This concentration of power in the hands of a single group presents a unique opportunity to make a radical leap with much-needed reforms. However, it also presents multiple risks for a country with weak institutions and a short history of democracy. © 2019 The Swedish Institute of International Affairs 2 Presidential elections corruption and the war with Russia. The top five expectations for the first 100 days of Ukraine held the first round of its the new presidency were to: (a) reduce presidential election on March 31 and a run- utility tariffs, 39.1 per cent; (b) introduce a off vote followed on April 21. Despite a draft bill to remove immunity from proliferation of candidates – there were 44 prosecution for parliamentarians, judges in total – the real fight for the nation’s top and the president, 35.5 per cent; job was between the incumbent president, (c) begin/speed up the largest corruption Petro Poroshenko, a multimillionaire, and investigations, 32.4 per cent; (d) start the actor and comedian, Volodymyr negotiations with Russia, 23.3 per cent; and Zelensky, a complete novice in politics. (e) reduce the salaries of senior officials, 18.4 per cent. Zelensky won the run-off overwhelmingly with 73.22 per cent of the vote, as against Unlike Poroshenko, Zelensky echoed the 24.45 per cent cast for Poroshenko. In people’s concerns in his election addition, Zelensky received a majority of programme and campaign, albeit in a support in all of Ukraine’s regions, bridging populist way. His campaign comprised a the traditional east-west divide in the series of performances by his comedy country for the first time since the country’s troupe. Fittingly, his programme read more independence in 1991. like a television script than a list of policies that would take care of the country’s woes: In his concession speech, Poroshenko announced that he would be remaining in I will tell you about the Ukraine of my politics despite the defeat: “We did not win dreams. It’s the Ukraine where the only shots this fight but it certainly does not mean that are fireworks at weddings and birthday we lost the war”. Zelensky’s victory was parties. It’s a Ukraine where it only takes an widely interpreted by observers as a hour to start a business, it takes 15 minutes to demonstration of the nation’s desire to see get a passport and it takes a second to vote in new faces in politics – a trend that began elections, via the Internet….Where there are with “Revolution of Dignity” and the no adverts about “Jobs in Poland”, and presidential election in 2014. In that Poland has ads about “Jobs in Ukraine”. election, Poroshenko had run on a slogan of Where a young family has only one “Living the New Way” and claimed that challenge, to choose between a flat in the city “fundamental changes are needed for the or a house in the suburbs….Where doctors country, and for each citizen individually”. and teachers receive real salaries – and His rhetoric had changed dramatically five corrupt officials real jail time. Where it is the years on, when he ran on a conservative Carpathian forests that are untouchable, not slogan: “Army; language; faith”. members of parliament. Where an elderly woman gets a decent pension, not a heart Expectations attack from her housing bills. Poroshenko’s departure from his original Media coverage programme was out of line with the demands of the electorate. According to an Zelensky’s campaign relied heavily on April 2019 poll by the Kyiv International coverage from 1+1, one of Ukraine’s most Institute of Sociology, in the run-up to popularmedia outlets, which is owned by elections voters were most concerned about his long-time business partner, the dollar the state of the economy, political injustice, billionaire Igor Kolomoisky. The skewed © 2019 The Swedish Institute of International Affairs 3 coverage in favour of Zelensky was the remarks on social networks. These were subject of a special review by the regulator, often derogatory about Zelensky and his the National Television and Radio Council, supporters. In one such post that reflects on May 17, 2019. The council’s monitoring the general sentiment, Poroshenko’s showed that in the two-week period April adviser, Roman Donik, asked: “Why do we 8–21, the Kolomoisky’s flagship television have to be shy about being the smartest channel devoted three times more airtime and best educated? That’s every fourth to Zelensky than to Poroshenko. Coverage person in the country – that’s us. That we of Zelensky was on air for 31 hours and 38 are the only ones capable of critical minutes, while Poroshenko’s campaign thinking. That we are statesmen....We are received only 11 hours and 34 minutes of not afraid to take responsibility and we can airtime. take a punch”. Zelensky’s team also ran a unique and A clean election robust campaign across social media – from Facebook to Instagram, YouTube and Both rounds of the presidential election Telegram – in an attempt to mobilize were judged by international and domestic younger voters. Notably, Zelensky’s observers to be the cleanest in Ukraine’s Telegram channel became the biggest in history. According to a report by the Ukraine in March 2019 after launching on Organization for Security and Co-operation December 28, 2018. It overtook the in Europe’s elections monitoring arm, the massively popular discount travel channel, Office for Democratic Institutions and Veter Doit, which had been the market Human Rights (ODIHR), “the 2019 leader in terms of number of subscribers for presidential election in Ukraine was at least one year prior to the election. competitive and held with respect for Zelensky’s mobilization tactics worked well, fundamental freedoms”. The ODIHR report and he became the leading candidate noted, however, that: “the campaign in among younger voters. According to the both rounds lacked genuine discussion of National Exit Poll, he received 57 per cent of issues of public concern” and criticized the votes of 18–29-year olds in the first skewed coverage by the media, which round. Poroshenko received just 14 per cent reflected the business and political interests of the votes of this cohort. of owners rather than the public interest. The report also listed a number of legislative Surprise and procedural flaws. Zelensky’s victory and its margin were OPORA, the domestic election watchdog, predicted by every poll conducted in the reported that both rounds of presidential country. Nonetheless, it came as a shock for elections were better run even than the much of the political elite and to most of “clean elections” of 2014. The most those active on social media. Reactions to common violation was attempts by voters Poroshenko’s defeat from the latter group to obtain ballots without presenting a were bitter and dramatic. A short-lived but passport for identification (14.5 per cent of highly vocal community formed on polling stations experienced this violation). Ukrainian social media, calling itself “the 25 The second most common breach was per cent movement” in a reference to voters showing their completed ballot to Poroshenko’s share of the vote in the run- election officials, which was observed at 5 off. Members of this community posted per cent of polling stations. OPORA also hundreds ego-boosting or self-pitying © 2019 The Swedish Institute of International Affairs 4 expressed major concerns about the non- National Bank are filing countersuits in an transparent funding of elections. attempt to prove large-scale fraud and obtain compensation from the oligarch and An oligarch connection his multiple companies. Both during the election campaign and Kolomoisky is claiming $2 billion from since, one of the biggest concerns Ukraine for what he considers the unlawful surrounding Zelensky has been his nationalization of his bank. The National connection with the oligarch Igor Bank spent 155 billion hryvnias (over €5 Kolomoisky. Kolomoisky’s media empire billion) recapitalizing the ailing bank in supported Zelensky during the election and 2016. PrivatBank is countersuing the two have had a close business and Kolomoisky in the US state of Delaware, personal connection since 2012, when alleging large-scale fraud and money Zelensky’s company, Kvartal 95, signed a laundering. Its complaint also mentions an contract with 1+1 for the production of FBI investigation into the oligarch. programmes such as situation comedies and films, most notably his eponymous In an unrelated case, a provincial court comedy show. annulled the operating licence of SkyUp, a budget airline and successful rival of According to Schemes, an investigative Kolomoisky’s Ukraine International Airlines. television programme, Zelensky flew to see Investigative journalists discovered that the Kolomoisky in Geneva or Tel Aviv 13 times woman who won the case against SkyUp in the two years when Kolomoisky was had never flown with the budget airline and living in exile in fear of criminal prosecution did not file the lawsuit. The same court has in Ukraine. He returned home in May, after made rulings in Kolomoisky’s favour in the first round of the presidential election.
Recommended publications
  • REFORM in UKRAINE: Decentralisation Are the Most Widely Known Reforms Launched Since the Revolution of Dignity
    INTRODUCTION Ò There is demand for systemic reform in Ukrainian society. The majority of citizens believe that these changes must be initiated by the country’s leadership, primarily by the president. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS Ò Healthcare reform, police reform and REFORM IN UKRAINE: decentralisation are the most widely known reforms launched since the Revolution of Dignity. Some 82.9%, CHANGE FOR THE BETTER 72.2% and 61.8% of the population have heard about them. However, only 15.3%, 20.6% and 32.6%, respective- OR AN IMITATION ly have had a positive experience with OF PROGRESS? the results of these reforms Ò Most citizens consider compromise for Svitlana Balyuk, Nataliya Klauning, the sake of peace and the settlement Lyudmyla Chetvertukhina, Maria Koval-Honchar of the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine unacceptable. Citizens are of the April 2020 opinion that the most undesirable de- velopments for Ukraine would include the recognition of Crimea as Russian territory, the transfer of control of Ukraine’s gas transportation to Russia and a full amnesty for militants in the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics (DPR and LPR). 1 DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS REFORM IN UKRAINE: CHANGE FOR THE BETTER OR AN IMITATION OF PROGRESS? Contents 1 INTRODUCTION 3 2 METHODOLOGY 4 3 KEY FINDINGS 5 3.1. UKRAINIAN PUBLIC OPINION REGARDING THE SITUATION IN THE COUNTRY ....................................5 3.2. WHAT UKRAINIANS UNDERSTAND BY THE NOTION OF »REFORM« ..................................................6 3.3. CONDITIONS FOR IMPLEMENTING EFFECTIVE REFORMS AND THE DRIVING FORCES OF CHANGE .....6 3.4. REFORMS AND THE POPULATION’S STANDARD OF LIVING .............................................................11 3.5.
    [Show full text]
  • Online Surveys Wave 1
    Data report: online surveys Wave 1 Authors1: Evelyn Ersanilli & Marieke van der Gaag Version: 4.0 Updated: September 2021 Please cite as: Ersanilli, E. & Van der Gaag, M. (2021). “Data report: online surveys. Wave 1” MOBILISE working papers. This work is part of “MOBILISE - Determinants of 'Mobilisation' at Home and Abroad: Analysing the Micro-Foundations of Out-Migration & Mass Protest” funded under the Open Research Area (ORA) scheme by ESRC (UK), DFG (Germany), ANR (France) and NWO Social Sciences and Humanities (the Netherlands). 1 We would like to thank Piotr Goldstein and Kostiantyn Fedorenko for providing us with data on election results and helpful suggestions during the data collection. We also thank Sorana Toma for her helpful suggestions. MOBILISE – ONLINE SURVEY DATA REPORT W1 Abstract The MOBILISE project examines why some people respond to discontent by protesting, others by migrating while yet others stay immobile. It focuses on four countries that have seen outmigration and protest in recent year (Ukraine, Poland, Morocco and Argentina) and migrants from these countries who live in Germany, the United Kingdom and Spain. Migrants were surveyed online and recruited into the sample through Facebook advertising. MOBILISE also conducted online surveys of the national populations of Argentina and Ukraine. This report explains why MOBILISE choose to recruit the sample through Facebook advertisements and provides detailed information on the set- up of the sampling. It also present an overview of the effectiveness of this method, in terms of costs, reach and bias, and of issues encountered. We find that sampling through Facebook advertisements is a cost-effective way to obtaining a large sample.
    [Show full text]
  • MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights
    MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights Research Team: Juliana Martínez, PhD; Ángela Duarte, MA; María Juliana Rojas, EdM and MA. Sentiido (Colombia) March 2021 The Elevate Children Funders Group is the leading global network of funders focused exclusively on the wellbeing and rights of children and youth. We focus on the most marginalized and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation, and violence. Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) is a collaboration of funders and philanthropic advisors working to expand global philanthropic support to advance the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global1 South and East. TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ...................................................................................... 4 Acronyms .................................................................................................. 4 Definitions ................................................................................................. 5 Letter from the Directors: ......................................................... 8 Executive Summary ................................................................... 10 Report Outline ..........................................................................................13 MOBILIZING A GENDER-RESTRICTIVE WORLDVIEW .... 14 The Making of the Contemporary Gender-Restrictive Movement ................................................... 18 Instrumentalizing Cultural Anxieties .........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Gontareva on One of the Toughest Jobs in Central Banking
    http://www.centralbanking.com/operational-risk/governance/3238311/ukraines-gontareva-on-one-of- the-toughest-jobs-in-central-banking Ukraine’s Gontareva on one of the toughest jobs in central banking Christopher Jeffery Dan Hardie 12 May 2017 The outgoing National Bank of Ukraine governor speaks about transforming the central bank while engaging in wartime deficit funding and overhauling the banking sector How did you end up as governor of the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU)? This is really a question for the president, Petro Poroshenko. But perhaps it was because I was a seasoned banker with more than 20 years of experience and the president knew me personally. The request came as big surprise and, initially, I refused it. But he convinced me. And it also came just after the ‘Revolution of Dignity’ [the Maidan Revolution in 2014, which overthrew then-president Viktor Yanukovych], at a very patriotic time when everybody wanted to implement real reform. After a few weeks of quite difficult discussions, the president convinced me to accept his proposal, and my nomination was put to Ukraine’s parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, where a majority of the deputies who voted supported the motion. Were there any terms you required from President Poroshenko in terms of support or otherwise before you took on your role? At the time, it was a very difficult macro situation. So we only discussed some general areas for reform – particularly the real need for reform in the banking sector – but nothing on specific details, of what should be done. What was the situation like when you took over as governor? It was the epicentre of a perfect storm.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloading and Uploading Are Now Under Discussion
    Pandemic Economic Crisis: Changes and New Challenges to Society Scientific monograph edited by M. Bezpartochnyi VUZF University of Finance, Business and Entrepreneurship (Sofia, Bulgaria) 2020 1 Chief Editor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Grigorii Vazov Members: Prof. Doctor of Economic Sciences Metodi Hristov Prof. Dr. Radoslaw Grabowski Prof. Dr. Daniela Bobeva Prof. Dr. Emilia Milanova Prof. Dr. Virginia Zhelyazkova Prof. Dr. Grigor Dimitrov Assoc. Prof. Dr. Yakim Kitanov Assoc. Prof. Dr. Desislava Yosifova Assoc. Prof. Dr. Stanislav Dimitrov Assoc. Prof. Dr. Krassimir Todorov Assoc. Prof. Dr Daniela Ilieva Recommended for publication by the Editorial Board of the VUZF University of Finance, Business and Entrepreneurship Reviewers (international scientific editoral board): Radostin Vazov – Assoc. Prof. Dr., Vice-Rector, VUZF University of Finance, Business and Entrepreneurship, Bulgaria Piotr Jarosz – prof. dr hab., Vice-rector, University of Socio- Economics in Przeworsk, Poland Tetiana Cherniavska – Doctor in Economics, Professor at the State University of Applied Sciences in Konin, Poland Pandemic Economic Crisis: Changes and New Challenges to Society: scientific monograph / edited by M. Bezpartochnyi // VUZF University of Finance, Business and Entrepreneurship. – Sofia: VUZF Publishing House “St. Grigorii Bogoslov”, 2020. – 313 p. Reproduction or citation reference is mandatory. © Collective of Authors © VUZF Publishing House “St. Grigorii Bogoslov”, Sofia, 2020 ISBN 978-954-8590-92-1 2 Pandemic Economic Crisis: Changes and New Challenges to Society Contents INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………..…..… 7 Chapter 1 NEW CHALLENGES AND TRANSFORMATION OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS …………………. 8 Britchenko I., Bezpartochnyi M. Global pandemic economic crisis: consequences and opportunities for Ukraine …………………………………...………………...….. 8 Doronina I., Slyusarchuk O. Analysis of the new green course in the world …………….…….. 22 Kavkler A.
    [Show full text]
  • State and Civil Society After the 2019 Elections
    EU PROJECT FOR CIVIL SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT IN UKRAINE STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY AFTER THE 2019 ELECTIONS Orysia Lutsevych, Consultant Context: This analysis aims to contribute ideas to the improvement of state and civil society cooperation in Ukraine after the electoral cycle of 2019. Two watershed elections – the presidential elections in April 2019 and the parliamentary elections in July 2019 – led to a complete overhaul of the political system in Ukraine. There are some important new factors that will determine the new leadership’s interaction with civil society: President Zelenskyy has the first ever single-party control across the legislative and executive branches in the history of independent Ukraine. He has an opportunity to demonstrate political leadership and ownership of reforms. With 254 MPs out of 450, Zelenskyy has formed a majority government without a coalition partner. At this stage, the parliament is not a strong player: as most laws are drafted and proposed by the office of the president. For the first time, the institution of the president has a much higher level of public trust than civil society organisations (CSOs). This creates a new dynamic in the relationship. After 100 days in office Zelenskyy was fully or mostly trusted by almost 70 per cent of Ukrainians, and the majority trusted that the president would deliver1. Meanwhile, trust in CSOs for driving reforms dropped from 24 per cent in 2018 to 9 per cent in 20192. This is the first time in the history of independent Ukraine that a president has enjoyed such a high level of trust in his ability to deliver change.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2020
    INSIDE: l State in a Smartphone app is launched – page 3 l ‘Peripheral Visions’ exhibit by the Yurchuks – page 11 l Community: Alberta, New York, New Jersey – pages 16-17 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association, Inc., celebrating W its 125th anniversaryEEKLY Vol. LXXXVIII No. 7 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 2020 $2.00 NEWS ANALYSIS Yermak replaces Bohdan Zelenskyy, with Yermak in new role, as the head of Presidential Office emphasizes continuity in foreign policy by Bohdan Nahaylo understood that it is necessary to change the Minsk accords of 2014-2015 because KYIV – When President Volodymyr they are not working, and he sensed that Zelenskyy fired the controversial head of even “Russia is preparing to think this his Presidential Office, Andriy Bohdan, and over.” This recognition of “Minsk flexibility” replaced him with Andriy Yermak, a non- was a step forward. In his view, the staff close adviser who has become increas- achieve ment of peace remains the goal, for ingly influential in recent months, the move in the end it will be not about winners and suggested a change in style and approach in losers but “a victory for everyone.” the domestic sphere. But the appointment Turning from the Donbas to Crimea, also reaffirmed Mr. Yermak’s position as the President Zelenskyy acknowledged that Ukrainian president’s chief negotiator with this issue was “even more complicated.” He the Kremlin and his stewardship over added cryptically: “But we are also working Ukraine’s foreign policy in general. on it. I cannot say more so far.” On the same day as the personnel The following day, at his first press con- change in Kyiv, Moscow confirmed that ference as head of the Presidential Office, or Dmitry Kozak had replaced Vladyslav chief of staff, Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2019
    INSIDE: UWC leadership meets with Zelenskyy – page 3 Lomachenko adds WBC title to his collection – page 15 Ukrainian Independence Day celebrations – pages 16-17 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association, Inc., celebrating W its 125th anniversaryEEKLY Vol. LXXXVII No. 36 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 2019 $2.00 Trump considers suspension of military aid Zelenskyy team takes charge to Ukraine, angering U.S. lawmakers as new Rada begins its work RFE/RL delay. Unless, of course, he’s yet again act- ing at the behest of his favorite Russian dic- U.S. President Donald Trump is consid- tator & good friend, Putin,” the Illinois sena- ering blocking $250 million in military aid tor tweeted. to Ukraine, Western media reported, rais- Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-Ill.), a member of ing objections from lawmakers of both U.S. the House Foreign Affairs Committee, tweet- political parties. ed that “This is unacceptable. It was wrong Citing senior administration officials, when [President Barack] Obama failed to Politico and Reuters reported that Mr. stand up to [Russian President Vladimir] Trump had ordered a reassessment of the Putin in Ukraine, and it’s wrong now.” aid program that Kyiv uses to battle Russia- The administration officials said chances backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. are that the money will be allocated as The review is to “ensure the money is usual but that the determination will not be being used in the best interest of the United made until the review is completed and Mr. States,” Politico said on August 28, and Trump makes a final decision.
    [Show full text]
  • Volodymyr Zelensky: What Has Been Done in the Past Year? What’S Next?...1
    Nr 14 ROCZNIK INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ 2020 ŁUKASZ DONAJ DOI : 10.14746/rie.2020.14.6 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań ORCID: 0000-0002-7720-1260 Volodymyr Zelensky: What has Been Done in the Past Year? What’s Next?...1 Introduction Tadeusz Iwański, an analyst from the Center for Eastern Studies, has noted that the political situation in Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity and the ensuing Russian aggression created a peculiar social context, in which the perception of traditional politicians has dramatically changed for the worse. After the revolution, the society has been eagerly expecting a thorough recovery of the state, combined with a new quality of governance and public empowerment. However, the 2014 presidential and parliamentary elections changed little in terms of the political elite, as the most im- portant state functions remained in the hands of politicians who first emerged in the 1990s, when the oligarchic system in Ukraine was being formed. The reforms intro- duced in the first two to three years after the revolution, mainly under pressure from Western creditors and the civil society, did not meet the society’s needs. Not only did they fail to improve the quality of life, but eventually led to the emigration of some 2 million Ukrainians, which placed an additional burden on the shoulders of the old and new elites. Initiated but never completed, the painful reforms have increased po- litical volatility and sapped public trust in the political class even further. A survey by Kyiv’s Razumkov Center showed that just before the presidential elections only 23 percent of respondents trusted the president.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Sectoral Integration Into the Eu
    UKRAINE’S SECTORAL INTEGRATION INTO THE EU: PRECONDITIONS, PROSPECTS, CHALLENGES The Project “Ukraine’s Sectoral Integration into the EU: Preconditions, Prospects, Challenges” was realized with the support of Konrad Adenauer Stiftung in Ukraine KYIV 2020 CONTENT UKRAINE’S SECTORAL INTEGRATION INTO THE EU: PRECONDITIONS, PROSPECTS, CHALLENGES .............................................................................................. 3 1. Integration Into the European Union: Current State, Peculiarities and Challenges ...................................... 4 1.1. European Integration Policy of the Current Government: Nature and Specifics .............................. 4 1.2. External Factors ............................................................................................................................... 8 1.3. Updating the Association Agreement and Prospects of the EU-Ukraine Relations ....................... 10 2. General Preconditions for Intensification of Sectoral Integration in the Economy ......................................15 2.1. New Priorities in EU-Ukraine Economic Cooperation in the Context of Fighting COVID-19, and Prospects of Structural Change of Economy ......................................................................... 15 2.2. Developing Mechanisms that Regulate Mutual Market Access under the Free Trade Area .......... 18 2.3. Mechanisms for Facilitating Sectoral Development and Sectoral Integration (Facilitation Institutions and Financial Instruments) ......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • ENEMO International Election Observation Mission Early Parliamentary Elections - Ukraine 2019 STATEMENT of PRELIMINARY FINDINGS and CONCLUSIONS July 23Rd 2019
    ENEMO International Election Observation Mission Early Parliamentary Elections - Ukraine 2019 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS July 23rd 2019 Elections were held in a competitive and generally peaceful environment, despite tight deadlines and remaining shortcomings in the legislation. Election administration functioned in an overall transparent and efficient manner. However, ineffective oversight and sanctioning mechanisms for election campaigning and financing, as well as media conduct, were often misused by candidates and parties to influence voters’ support. Involvement of state officials in campaigning, alleged pressure on voters and a high number of initiated cases on vote buying were reported, especially in favor of candidates in single-mandate constituencies. On June 7th the European Network of Election Monitoring Organizations (ENEMO) deployed an International Election Observation Mission to Ukraine to observe the early parliamentary elections. In addition to the twelve Core Team members based in Kyiv, ENEMO has accredited and deployed 40 Long term observers (LTOs) and 76 Short term observers (STOs) in teams of two to all regions (oblasts) of Ukraine. The Mission is headed by Dr. Zlatko Vujovic. This statement is based on ENEMO mission observations and findings during the pre- election period and on election day. ENEMO stresses that this statement is preliminary in nature, as the official results are yet to be announced and submitted complaints are still to be addressed. This mission recognizes that it will be the people of Ukraine who will ultimately determine the credibility and legitimacy of these elections. ENEMO will continue to follow the election process and will issue additional statements as needed. ENEMO is a network of 21 leading election monitoring organizations from 18 countries of Europe and Central Asia, including two European Union member states.
    [Show full text]
  • Party System of Ukraine: Characteristics of the Main Periods of Development (1991–2019)
    DOI https://doi.org/10.36059/978-966-397-220-6.02 PARTY SYSTEM OF UKRAINE: CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MAIN PERIODS OF DEVELOPMENT (1991–2019) Ostapets Yu. O. INTRODUCTION A modern democratic state is impossible without political parties, which are important elements of a democratic political system. In transitionsocieties the party system can even be called an indicator of democratization. The establishment of consolidated democracy also depends on the consolidation of the party system. However, the formation of party systems is a complex process that depends on many factors and the specific historical conditions in which it takes place. Studying the experience of forming party systems in states where political democracy is just emerging is necessary for a theoretical understanding of the general patterns and socio-cultural features of the evolution of party systems. The understanding of such experience is necessary while studying the peculiarities of domestic party systemfunctioning. The research is also updated by the fact that Ukrainian partogenesis requires its own research methodology, which would be formed taking into account the achievements of foreign political science, as well as the domestic experience of party formation. Therefore, there is an urgent need for new content, the reconceptualization of terms and categories that are used to analyze the party system of Ukraine. The problems of peroidization of the party system development also belong to disputable issues of modern science. 1. Research methodology and empirical indicators of party system development in Ukraine Political science has a commonly accepted methodology to analyze the evolution of party systems in transitional societies, Ukraine included.
    [Show full text]