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The Crisis of the Fourth Crusade in Byzantium (1203-1204) and the Emergence of Networks for Anti-Latin Reaction and Political Action
The Crisis of the Fourth Crusade in Byzantium (1203-1204) and the Emergence of Networks for Anti-Latin Reaction and Political Action Ilias GIARENIS In spite of a great number of important publications on the relevant issues,1 the Fourth Crusade and its impact in the Eastern Mediterranean are often – even nowadays – neither fully apprehended nor sufficiently explained. Important aspects of the rich scientific debate still are the collapse of the Byzantine state, the formation of smaller political entities, and the processes through which such immense changes took place. As is well known, the two most prominent among those successor polities were the States of Nicaea and of Epirus, which were both established mainly by members of the high Byzantine Constantinopolitan aristocracy;2 neverheless, the empire of Trebizond, where the imperial legacy of the Komnenoi had been considered as a solid ground for the Grand Komnenoi rulership, should also not be neglected in the study of the historical framework.3 The events of 1203/1204 led to the conquest of Constantinople by the Latin Crusaders, the milites Christi of the Fourth Crusade who had reached the Byzantine capital in a “diversion” from the declared original destination of the Crusade, i.e. Jerusalem. The latter, a Sacred *This paper is dedicated to Nikolaos G. Moschonas. 1 See D. E. Queller and Th. F. Madden, The Fourth Crusade. The Conquest of Constantinople, second edition, Philadelphia 1997; M Angold, The Fourth Crusade. Event and Context, [The Medieval World] Harlow 2003; J. Phillips, The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople, London 2004; Urbs Capta. -
Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos 299
Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos 299 Chapter 14 Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos Savvas Kyriakidis The purpose of this paper is to examine the descriptions of military operations that can be found in the Histories of the megas domestikos and emperor John VI Kantakouzenos (1347-54). The discussion of Kantakouzenos’ accounts of mili- tary operations contributes to the better understanding of his military thinking and provides a better insight to the nature of military conflicts in the Byzantine world in the first half of the fourteenth century. John VI Kantakouzenos is the only late Byzantine emperor who wrote a nar- rative of the political and military events of his period. His Histories cover the period 1320-1356, though some events, such as the temporary capture of Anhialos and Mesembria by John V Palaiologos (1341-91) date in the 1360s.1 Modern scholars describe the Histories either as an apologetic work for Kantakouzenos’ role in the civil wars of the fourteenth century which ruined Byzantium, or as memoirs.2 Regardless whether the distinction between memoirs and historiography can be applied in this case, Kantakouzenos’ agenda is easily discernible. He wanted to justify and explain his involvement in the civil wars and portray himself as a defender of the dynastic rights of the emperors of the Palaiologan dynasty.3 Kantakouzenos supported and financed the rebellion of Andronikos III Palaiologos (1328-41) against his grandfather Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282-28). This rebellion led to a civil war which was fought intermittently from 1321 until 1328 and resulted in the deposition of the elder Andronikos. -
Περίληψη : Manuel Laskaris Was a Member of the Laskaris Family and One of the Six Brothers of Theodore I Laskaris (1204-1222)
IΔΡΥΜA ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ Συγγραφή : Γιαρένης Ηλίας Μετάφραση : Βελέντζας Γεώργιος Για παραπομπή : Γιαρένης Ηλίας , "Manuel Laskaris ", Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=7801> Περίληψη : Manuel Laskaris was a member of the Laskaris family and one of the six brothers of Theodore I Laskaris (1204-1222). In the years of John III Vatatzes (1222-1254), he was in disgrace, while when Theodore II Laskaris assumed the throne (1254-1958), he was recalled along with the rest of his relatives. He became an important trusty counselor of the emperor and was honoured by him with the notable title of protosebastos. He was not a successful fighter in the battlefield, though. After Theodore II died in 1258, he did not support the election of Michael Palaiologos as the regent of John IV Laskaris and, as a result, was exiled in Prousa. Άλλα Ονόματα Manuel Komnenos Laskaris, Manuel Tzamanturos, Maximos Τόπος και Χρόνος Γέννησης late 12th / early 13th century Τόπος και Χρόνος Θανάτου third quarter of the 13th century Κύρια Ιδιότητα protosebastos 1. Βiography Manuel Laskaris was the youngest brother of the emperor of Nicaea Theodore I Komnenos Laskaris, and the last of all six Laskaris brothers. The Laskaris brothers from the eldest to the younger were: Isaac, Alexios, Theodore (I Komnenos Laskaris, emperor in the exile of Nicaea), Constantine (XI Laskaris, uncrowned Byzantine emperor), Michael and Manuel.1 The activity of Michael Laskaris is also mentioned by George Akropolites, Theodore Skoutariotes and George Pachymeres, who calls him ‘Tzamanturos’( Tζαμάντουρος).2 There is information about his life and work until Michael VIII assumed the throne; Michael Laskaris must have died in exile in Prousa. -
Nerin-En.Pdf
FOLLOWING THE FOOTPRINTS OF COLONIAL BARCELONA Gustau Nerín It is hardly unusual to find people, even highly educated people, who claim Catalonia can analyse colonialism with sufficient objectivity given that it has never taken part in any colonial campaign and never been colonialist. Even though most historians do not subscribe to this view, it is certainly a common belief among ordinary people. Dissociating ourselves from colonialism is obviously a way of whitewashing our history and collective conscience. But Barcelona, like it or not, is a city that owes a considerable amount of its growth to its colonial experience. First, it is obvious that the whole of Europe was infected with colonial attitudes at the height of the colonial period, towards the end of the 19th century and first half of the 20th. Colonial beliefs were shared among the English, French, Portuguese and Belgians, as well as the Swedes, Swiss, Italians, Germans and Catalans. Colonialist culture was constantly being consumed in Barcelona as in the rest of Europe. People were reading Jules Verne’s and Emilio Salgari's novels, collecting money for the “poor coloured folk” at missions in China and Africa and raising their own children with the racist poems of Kipling. The film industry, that great propagator of colonial myths, inflamed passions in our city with Tarzan, Beau Geste and The Four Feathers. Barcelona’s citizens certainly shared this belief in European superiority and in the white man’s burden, with Parisians, Londoners and so many other Europeans. In fact, even the comic strip El Capitán Trueno, which was created by a communist Catalan, Víctor Mora, proved to be a perfect reflection of these colonial stereotypes. -
A Chronological Particular Timeline of Near East and Europe History
Introduction This compilation was begun merely to be a synthesized, occasional source for other writings, primarily for familiarization with European world development. Gradually, however, it was forced to come to grips with the elephantine amount of historical detail in certain classical sources. Recording the numbers of reported war deaths in previous history (many thousands, here and there!) initially was done with little contemplation but eventually, with the near‐exponential number of Humankind battles (not just major ones; inter‐tribal, dynastic, and inter‐regional), mind was caused to pause and ask itself, “Why?” Awed by the numbers killed in battles over recorded time, one falls subject to believing the very occupation in war was a naturally occurring ancient inclination, no longer possessed by ‘enlightened’ Humankind. In our synthesized histories, however, details are confined to generals, geography, battle strategies and formations, victories and defeats, with precious little revealed of the highly complicated and combined subjective forces that generate and fuel war. Two territories of human existence are involved: material and psychological. Material includes land, resources, and freedom to maintain a life to which one feels entitled. It fuels war by emotions arising from either deprivation or conditioned expectations. Psychological embraces Egalitarian and Egoistical arenas. Egalitarian is fueled by emotions arising from either a need to improve conditions or defend what it has. To that category also belongs the individual for whom revenge becomes an end in itself. Egoistical is fueled by emotions arising from material possessiveness and self‐aggrandizations. To that category also belongs the individual for whom worldly power is an end in itself. -
The Fourth Crusade Was No Different
Coastal Carolina University CCU Digital Commons Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Honors Theses Studies Fall 12-15-2016 The ourF th Crusade: An Analysis of Sacred Duty Dale Robinson Coastal Carolina University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Robinson, Dale, "The ourF th Crusade: An Analysis of Sacred Duty " (2016). Honors Theses. 4. https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses/4 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Studies at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Robinson 1 The crusades were a Christian enterprise. They were proclaimed in the name of God for the service of the church. Religion was the thread which bound crusaders together and united them in a single holy cause. When crusaders set out for a holy war they took a vow not to their feudal lord or king, but to God. The Fourth Crusade was no different. Proclaimed by Pope Innocent III in 1201, it was intended to recover Christian control of the Levant after the failure of past endeavors. Crusading vows were exchanged for indulgences absolving all sins on behalf of the church. Christianity tied crusaders to the cause. That thread gradually came unwound as Innocent’s crusade progressed, however. Pope Innocent III preached the Fourth Crusade as another attempt to secure Christian control of the Holy Land after the failures of previous crusades. -
The Varangian Guard 988-1453 Free
FREE THE VARANGIAN GUARD 988-1453 PDF Raffaele D'Amato,Giuseppe Rava | 48 pages | 22 Jun 2010 | Bloomsbury Publishing PLC | 9781849081795 | English | Oxford, England, United Kingdom The Varangian Guard < Uniformi - Distintivi < Milistoria Uh-oh, it looks like your Internet Explorer is out of date. For a better shopping experience, please upgrade now. Javascript is not enabled in your browser. Enabling JavaScript in your browser will allow you to experience all the features of our site. Learn how to enable JavaScript on your browser. Home 1 Books 2. Add to Wishlist. Sign in to Purchase Instantly. Members save with free shipping everyday! See details. Overview The Varangian Guards were Viking mercenaries who operated far beyond their native shores as an elite force within the Byzantine Armies. Descendants from a legendary line of warriors, the Varangian Guard was formed after a group of Viking mercenaries made a major contribution The Varangian Guard 988-1453 the Byzantine Emperor Basil II's victory over The Varangian Guard 988-1453 forces in AD. These 5, men were then retained as Basil's personal guard and would provide loyal service to many successive occupants of the imperial throne. Commonly referred to as 'foreigners' Etaireia The Varangian Guard 988-1453, they were nonetheless absorbed into a new Palatine regiment under command of an officer termed the Akolouthos, who was either a Norsemen or a Rus Norsemen colonizers of Russia. The Varangians wore mixtures of their native clothing and armor together with a splendid formal Byzantine uniform. But most famously, they always wielded their own traditional battle-axes; this became a sign that the emperor was on the battlefield in person. -
Epidemic Waves of the Black Death in the Byzantine Empire
Le Infezioni in Medicina, n. 3, 193-201, 2011 Le infezioni Epidemic waves of the Black nella sto - Death in the Byzantine Empire ria della medicina (1347-1453 AD) Ondate epidemiche della Morte Nera nell’Impero Bizantino Infections (1347-1453 d.C.) in the history of medicine Costas Tsiamis 1, Effie Poulakou-Rebelakou 2, Athanassios Tsakris 3, Eleni Petridou 1 1Department of Hygiene, Epidemiology and Medical Statistics, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece; 2Department of History of Medicine, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece; 3Department of Microbiology, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece n INTRODUCTION a small geographical area is impressive; it is ba - sically a case of “all against all”. The Republics he completeness of the Byzantine historiog - of Venice and Genova held strategic and eco - raphy of the plague epidemics in the 14 th and nomically important areas in the region after T15 th century cannot be compared with that the 4 th Crusade (1204) and were in permanent of the West. References made to the plague are conflict with the Byzantines for control of the often in conjunction with other concurrent his - Aegean Sea and the trade roads [2, 3]. torical events. The political turmoil and the de - In the east, the Ottoman Turks of Asia Minor cline experienced by the Empire in the 13 th and exert pressure on the Empire of Trebizond, in - 14 th century gradually changed the mentality of vading the Balkan Peninsula, detaching Greek Byzantine scholars. Military defeats, civil wars, territories of the Byzantine Empire, while fight - earthquakes and natural disasters were joined by ing with Venice, Genova and the Knights of the plague, which exacerbated the people’s sense Saint John of Rhodes for control of the sea [4, 5]. -
Reaction to the Siege of Zadar in Western Christendom
Vanja Burić REACTION TO THE SIEGE OF ZADAR IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM MA Thesis in Medieval Studies CEU eTD Collection Central European University Budapest May 2015 REACTION TO THE SIEGE OF ZADAR IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM by Vanja Burić (Croatia) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ____________________________________________ Chair, Examination Committee ____________________________________________ Thesis Supervisor ____________________________________________ Examiner ____________________________________________ Examiner Budapest CEU eTD Collection May 2015 i REACTION TO THE SIEGE OF ZADAR IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM by Vanja Burić (Croatia) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ____________________________________________ External Reader CEU eTD Collection Budapest May 2015 ii REACTION TO THE SIEGE OF ZADAR IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM by Vanja Burić (Croatia) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ____________________________________________ External Supervisor Budapest CEU eTD Collection May 2015 iii I, the undersigned, Vanja Burić, candidate for the MA degree in Medieval Studies, declare herewith that the present thesis is exclusively my own work, based on my research and only such external information as properly credited in notes and bibliography. I declare that no unidentified and illegitimate use was made of the work of others, and no part of the thesis infringes on any person’s or institution’s copyright. -
Conquering the Conqueror at Belgrade (1456) and Rhodes (1480
Conquering the conqueror at Belgrade (1456) and Rhodes (1480): irregular soldiers for an uncommon defense Autor(es): De Vries, Kelly Publicado por: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra URL persistente: URI:http://hdl.handle.net/10316.2/41538 DOI: DOI:https://doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_30_13 Accessed : 5-Oct-2021 13:38:47 A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em https://digitalis.uc.pt/pt-pt/termos. Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso. impactum.uc.pt digitalis.uc.pt Kelly DeVries Revista de Historia das Ideias Vol. 30 (2009) CONQUERING THE CONQUEROR AT BELGRADE (1456) AND RHODES (1480): IRREGULAR SOLDIERS FOR AN UNCOMMON DEFENSE(1) Describing Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II's military goals in the mid- -fifteenth century, contemporary Ibn Kemal writes: "Like the world-illuminating sun he succumbed to the desire for world conquest and it was his plan to burn with overpowering fire the agricultural lands of the rebellious rulers who were in the provinces of the land of Rüm [the Byzantine Empire!. -
Maniakes' Misadventure
SPECIAL Maniakes' forces land on Sicily and drive off the Arab defenders. MANIAKES' MISADVENTURE THE INVASION OF SICILY IN 1038 Maniakes descended on those districts in full force. No military stratagem was left untried, and it was clear that he would drive out the conquerors and check their inroads – if all else failed, then he would do it with his own hands. – Michael Psellos By Giovanni Amatuccio 6 Medieval Warfare VIII-2 y the summer of 1038, the Mediterranean his appearance and the barbarians, to a man, island of Sicily was in chaos. Civil war had lived in dread of him, some because they had broken out in the months and years before, seen and marvelled, others because they had although the sources are not clear on what heard frightful tales of his prowess. exactly had happened. According to Greek accounts, the Emir of Sicily, Ahmad al-Akhal, Maniakes led a multi-ethnic army composed of was challenged by his brother, and had Macedons, 500 Armenian infantrymen, an unde- reached out the Byzantine Empire for assistance. fined number of thematic regular troops and mi- BMeanwhile, the rebellious faction had gained the litias from Calabria and Puglia (konteratoi) under support of the Zirid dynasty based in North Africa. the command of Patrician Michael Sfrondeles, and The Zirids arrived first, and while besieged in 300 cavalrymen led by Katakalon Kekaumenos. the city of Palermo, Emir al-Akhal was murdered. The army included Paulician troops – the “Mani- However, the Zirids were also driven away from the chean Tagma” mentioned in successive sources. In city, and the island was left devoid of political cohe- effect, the Paulicians were a heretic Manichean sect sion. -
From Jerusalem to Malta: the Hospital's Character and Evolution1 from Peregrinationes, a Publication of the Accademia Internazionale Melitense
From Jerusalem to Malta: the Hospital's character and evolution1 From Peregrinationes, a publication of the Accademia Internazionale Melitense Anthony Luttrell The origins of the Order of St. John remain somewhat obscure, and the homelands of the founder Girardus, perhaps an Italian, and of the first Master Fr. Raymond de Podio, possibly French or Provençal, are unknown. The emergence of the Hospital was an aspect of the profound religious revival in the West which generated a reformed papacy, monastic renewal based on Cluny, lay movements for the support of charity and hospitals, and the first crusade. Probably in about 1070 various merchants from Amalfi, and perhaps from elsewhere in Southern Italy, founded a hospice for Latin pilgrims in Jerusalem which was attached to the Benedictine house of Sancta Maria Latina; subsequently a second house was established for women. These hospices were for pilgrims and especially for the poor rather than for the medically sick. Their staff may have been lay brethren under some vow of obedience. The hospices seem not to have had their own incomes or endowments, their resources coming from the Amalfitans and the Benedictines and perhaps also from pilgrims and other visitors2. The crusaders' conquest of 1099 brought fundamental change to Jerusalem which became a Christian city. The number of Latin pilgrims and poor increased, the Holy Sepulchre was occupied by Latin canons and the Greek Patriarch was replaced by a Latin one. The Benedictines of Sancta Maria Latina lost their predominance in Jerusalem. The Latin hospice survived under its competent leader Girardus; it was detached from Sancta Maria Latina and was somehow associated with the Holy Sepulchre nearby.