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Issues in Issues Issues in Race & Society
Issues in Issues in Race & Society Issues in Race & Society Race Volume 8 | Issue 1 The Complete 2019 Edition In this Issue: Race & Africana Demography: Lessons from Founders E. Franklin Frazier, W.E.B. DuBois, and the Atlanta School of Sociology — Lori Latrice Martin Subjective Social Status, Reliliency Resources, and Self-Concept among Employed African Americans — Verna Keith and Maxine Thompson Exclusive Religious Beliefs and Social Capital: Unpacking Nuances in the Relationship between Religion and Social Capital Formation Society — Daniel Auguste More than Just Incarceration: Law Enforcement Contact and Black Fathers’ Familial Relationships — Deadrick T. Williams and Armon R. Perry An Interdisciplinary Global Journal Training the Hands, the Head, and the Heart: Student Protest and Activism at Hampton Institute During the 1920s — James E. Alford “High Tech Lynching:” White Virtual Mobs and University Administrators Volume 8 | The Complete 2019 Edition 2019 Complete 8 | The Volume as Policing Agents in Higher Education — Biko Mandela Gray, Stephen C. Finley, Lori Latrice Martin Racialized Categorical Inequality: Elaborating Educational Theory to Explain African American Disparities in Public Schools — Geoffrey L. Wood Black Women’s Words: Unsing Oral History to Understand the Foundations of Black Women’s Educational Advocacy — Gabrielle Peterson ABSASSOCIATION OF Suicide in Color: Portrayals of African American Suicide in Ebony Magazine from 1960-2008 — Kamesha Spates BLACK SOCIOLOGISTS ISBN 978-1-947602-67-0 ISBN 978-1-947602-67-0 90000> VolumePublished 8 |by Thethe Association Complete of Black2019 Sociologists Edition 9 781947 602670 Do Guys Just Want to Have Fun? Issues in Race & Society An Interdisciplinary Global Journal Volume 8 | Issue 1 The Complete 2019 Edition © Association of Black Sociologists | All rights reserved. -
The Origins of the Imperial Presidency and the Framework for Executive Power, 1933-1960
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Dissertations Graduate College 4-2013 Building A House of Peace: The Origins of the Imperial Presidency and the Framework for Executive Power, 1933-1960 Katherine Elizabeth Ellison Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations Part of the Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Ellison, Katherine Elizabeth, "Building A House of Peace: The Origins of the Imperial Presidency and the Framework for Executive Power, 1933-1960" (2013). Dissertations. 138. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations/138 This Dissertation-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUILDING A HOUSE OF PEACE: THE ORIGINS OF THE IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY AND THE FRAMEWORK FOR EXECUTIVE POWER, 1933-1960 by Katherine Elizabeth Ellison A dissertation submitted to the Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History Western Michigan University April 2013 Doctoral Committee: Edwin A. Martini, Ph.D., Chair Sally E. Hadden, Ph.D. Mark S. Hurwitz, Ph.D. Kathleen G. Donohue, Ph.D. BUILDING A HOUSE OF PEACE: THE ORIGINS OF THE IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY AND THE FRAMEWORK FOR EXECUTIVE POWER, 1933-1960 Katherine Elizabeth Ellison, Ph.D. Western Michigan University, 2013 This project offers a fundamental rethinking of the origins of the imperial presidency, taking an interdisciplinary approach as perceived through the interactions of the executive, legislative, and judiciary branches of government during the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. -
Fighting for Inclusion: the Origin of Gay Liberation at the University of Michigan
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 5-2015 Fighting for Inclusion: The Origin of Gay Liberation at the University of Michigan Eric Denby Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the History of Gender Commons, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Studies Commons, and the Social History Commons Recommended Citation Denby, Eric, "Fighting for Inclusion: The Origin of Gay Liberation at the University of Michigan" (2015). Master's Theses. 561. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/561 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FIGHTING FOR INCLUSION: THE ORIGIN OF GAY LIBERATION AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN Eric W. Denby, M.A. Western Michigan University, 2015 The 1960s and 1970s were decades of turbulence, militancy, and unrest in America. The post-World War II boom in consumerism and consumption made way for a new post-materialist societal ethos, one that looked past the American dream of home ownership and material wealth. Many citizens were now concerned with social and economic equality, justice for all people of the world, and a restructuring of the capitalist system itself. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Ann Arbor and the University of Michigan was a hotbed of student activism. As an early headquarters for the Students for a Democratic Society, a location of various student and faculty led demonstrations against the U.S. -
Cultural Frames in the Gay Liberation Movement
The Hilltop Review Volume 7 Issue 2 Spring Article 17 April 2015 From “Black is Beautiful” to “Gay Power”: Cultural Frames in the Gay Liberation Movement Eric Denby Western Michigan University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/hilltopreview Part of the Cultural History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Denby, Eric (2015) "From “Black is Beautiful” to “Gay Power”: Cultural Frames in the Gay Liberation Movement," The Hilltop Review: Vol. 7 : Iss. 2 , Article 17. Available at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/hilltopreview/vol7/iss2/17 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Hilltop Review by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact wmu- [email protected]. 132 From “Black is Beautiful” to “Gay Power”: Cultural Frames in the Gay Liberation Movement Runner-Up, 2014 Graduate Humanities Conference By Eric Denby Department of History [email protected] The 1960s and 1970s were a decade of turbulence, militancy, and unrest in America. The post-World War II boom in consumerism and consumption made way for a new post- materialist societal ethos, one that looked past the American dream of home ownership and material wealth. Many citizens were now concerned with social and economic equality, justice for all people of the world, and a restructuring of the capitalist system itself. According to Max Elbaum, the -
The Black Power Movement. Part 2, the Papers of Robert F
Cover: (Left) Robert F. Williams; (Upper right) from left: Edward S. “Pete” Williams, Robert F. Williams, John Herman Williams, and Dr. Albert E. Perry Jr. at an NAACP meeting in 1957, in Monroe, North Carolina; (Lower right) Mao Tse-tung presents Robert Williams with a “little red book.” All photos courtesy of John Herman Williams. A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr. and Sharon Harley The Black Power Movement Part 2: The Papers of Robert F. Williams Microfilmed from the Holdings of the Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan at Ann Arbor Editorial Adviser Timothy B. Tyson Project Coordinator Randolph H. Boehm Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of LexisNexis Academic & Library Solutions 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Black power movement. Part 2, The papers of Robert F. Williams [microform] / editorial adviser, Timothy B. Tyson ; project coordinator, Randolph H. Boehm. 26 microfilm reels ; 35 mm.—(Black studies research sources) Accompanied by a printed guide compiled by Daniel Lewis, entitled: A guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. Part 2, The papers of Robert F. Williams. ISBN 1-55655-867-8 1. African Americans—Civil rights—History—20th century—Sources. 2. Black power—United States—History—20th century—Sources. 3. Black nationalism— United States—History—20th century—Sources. 4. Williams, Robert Franklin, 1925— Archives. I. Title: Papers of Robert F. Williams. -
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Ludecke’s Lengthening Shadow: The Disturbing Prospect of War Without End Stephen I. Vladeck* Wars have typically been fought against proper nouns (Germany, say) for the good reason that proper nouns can surrender and promise not to do it again. Wars against common nouns (poverty, crime, drugs) have been less successful. Such opponents never give up. The war on terrorism, unfortunately, falls into the second category.1 * * * Particularly when the war power is invoked to do things to the liberties of people . the constitutional basis should be scrutinized with care. I would not be willing to hold that war powers may be indefinitely prolonged merely by keeping legally alive a state of war that had in fact ended. I cannot accept the argument that war powers last as long as the effects and consequences of war, for if so they are permanent . .2 INTRODUCTION The “war” on terrorism may never end.3 At a minimum, it shows no signs of ending any time soon. Although this reality is an unpleasant one for many civil libertarians today, it is also difficult to refute. Just what will mark the conclusion of hostilities? It seems unlikely that there is an entity whose “surrender” would mark an obvious “end” of combat. Even if there were such an entity, there do not appear to be clearly identifiable objectives that allow for the successful completion of the conflict. There is no physical territory to conquer, no clear leadership structure to topple, no Reichstag over which to fly a foreign flag. * Associate Professor, University of Miami School of Law; Associate Professor (as of Fall 2007), American University Washington College of Law. -
Towards a Greater Racial Equality: Brown V. Board, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Barrier of Segregation
Towards a Greater Racial Equality: Brown v. Board, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Barrier of Segregation Annabella Li Junior Division Historical Paper Historical Paper Word Count: 2498 Introduction In the United States of the late 1870s to mid-1950s, signs proclaiming “COLORED” or “WHITE” in large block letters were commonly hung in public spaces, making clear the distinction between the two categories. Indeed, in a photo taken in May 1940, titled Bus Station in Durham, North Carolina, one such sign labeling a “COLORED WAITING ROOM” looms in the background of the stark black-and-white photo.1 On May 17, 1954, the racial segregation these signs represented was ruled illegal and unconstitutional in schools for the first time by the US Supreme Court in Brown v Board of Education. This landmark case overturned previous precedents supporting segregation, thus breaking down an important barrier not only physically and legally, but also psychologically and socially, to racial equality. Lacking this barrier of segregation, the racial classes of black and white were threatened. This led to violent backlash from white supremacists and failure of schools to integrate in many places, which influenced Americans nationwide and ultimately led to the Civil Rights Movement. Origins of Segregation Though existing for years beforehand in the North,2 widespread segregation in the United States is recognized to have started barely 75 years prior to when the picture in North Carolina was taken. At that time, the North’s victory in the Civil War and the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1865 brought freedom to slaves in the South. -
Legal Authorities Supporting the Activities of the National Security Agency Described by the President
Office of the Attorney General Washington, D.C. January 19, 2006 The Honorable William H. Frist Majority Leader United States Senate Washington. D.C. 205 10 Dear Mr. Leader: As the President recently described, in response to the attacks of Septcmber I I"', he has authorized the National Security Agency (NSA) to intcrcept international comn~unicationsinto or out of the United States of persons linked to al Qaeda or an affiliated terrorist organization. The attached paper has becn prepared by the Department of Justice to provide a detailed analysis of the legal basis for those NSA activities dcscribcd by the President. As J have previously explained, these NSA activities al-e lawful in all respects. They represent a vital effort by the President to ensurc that we havc in place an early warning system to detect and prevent another catastrophic terrorist attack 011America. In the o~lgoingarmed conflict with al Qaeda and its allies, the President has the primary duty under the Constitution to protect the Anlerican people. The Constitution gives the President thc full authority necessary to carry out that solemn duty, and he has made clear that he will LIS~all authority available to him. consistent with the law, to protect the Nation. The President's authority to approve these NSA activities is confirmed and supplemented by Congress in the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), enacted on Septembcr 18, 2001. As discussed in depth in the attached paper, the President's use of his constitutional authority, as supplemented by statute in the AUMF, is consistent with the Foreign Intelligcnce Surveillance Act and is also fiilly protective of the civil liberties guaranteed by the Fourth Amendment. -
Making Democracy Work
Making Democracy Work: A Brief History of Twentieth-Century Federal Executive Reorganization BY BRIAN BALOGH, JOANNA GRISINGER AND PHILIP ZELIKOW In Consultation with: Peri Arnold Melvyn Leffler Ernest May Patrick McGuinn Paul Milazzo Sidney Milkis Edmund Russell Charles Wise Julian Zelizer Miller Center Working Paper in American Political Development University of Virginia July 22, 2002 2 Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS 5 ABOUT THIS WORKING PAPER 9 INTRODUCTION: Making History Work 11 PART I: Milestones in Twentieth-Century Executive Reorganization 15 • Early Efforts 17 • 1905-09 - Commission on Department Methods [Keep Commission] 20 • 1910-1923 - President’s Inquiry into Re-Efficiency and Economy; Commission on Economy and Efficiency [Taft Commission]; The Overman Act of 1918; Budget and Accounting Act of 1921; Joint Committee on Reorganization 21 • President’s Committee on Administrative Management [Brownlow Committee] 22 • Reorganizing for World War II; Commission on the Organization of the Executive Branch [Hoover Commission I] 26 • PACGO and the Commission on the Reorganization of the Executive Branch [Hoover Commission II] 33 • 1964 Task Force on Government Reorganization [Price Task Force] and 1967 Task Force on Government Organization [Heineman Task Force] 40 Advisory Council on Government Organization [Ash Council] • Carter’s Presidential Reorganization Project, Reagan’s Grace Commission, and Clinton’s National Performance Review, 1977 – 2000 44 PART II: Patterns 55 • Defending the Status Quo 57 • Catalysts for Reorganization 59 • Implementing Reorganization 61 o EPA Case Study 61 o The Department of Education Case Study 69 ABOUT THE AUTHORS 75 APPENDIX 81 Chart 1: Milestones in Twentieth-Century Executive Reorganization Chart 2. -
The Civil Rights Presidents: FDR to Nixon
Montana Tech Library Digital Commons @ Montana Tech 2015 Undergraduate Research Other Undergraduate Research Fall 2015 The iC vil Rights Presidents: FDR to Nixon Brody Shields Montana Tech of the University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.mtech.edu/urp_aug_2015 Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Shields, Brody, "The ivC il Rights Presidents: FDR to Nixon" (2015). 2015 Undergraduate Research. 2. http://digitalcommons.mtech.edu/urp_aug_2015/2 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Other Undergraduate Research at Digital Commons @ Montana Tech. It has been accepted for inclusion in 2015 Undergraduate Research by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Montana Tech. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Civil Rights Presidents: FDR to Nixon By Brody Shields 1 Presidents throughout the civil rights era had different ideas and strategies on how to handle the issue and bring about equality for African Americans. When evaluating the different presidents in the era, from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Richard Nixon, it is often found that the main driving forces among them to act on civil rights were necessity and political gain. Factors such as domestic unrest, political aspirations, and political influence forced these presidents to act on, or delay, civil rights legislation whether they had the desire to or not. Although they may have found civil rights to be a moral issue that deserved attention, they were careful not to agitate either Southern Democrats on one end of the spectrum and liberals from both parties on the other end. -
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Cultural Logic: Marxist Theory & Practice 2015-2017 (Whole Number 22), pp. 360-373 Rights and Rebellion: The Faculty Role, Revisited Kim Emery Words are also actions, and actions are a kind of words. — Ralph Waldo Emerson Reading a book may help someone decide to take action, but it is not the same thing as taking action. The responsibility of every writer is to take their place in the vibrant, activist movements[,…] putting their bodies on the line with everybody else. — Sarah Schulman By the time he sat down to reflect on the question in a scholarly way, Dr. Marshall Jones had already grappled with “the role of the faculty in student rebellion” in directly practical and personal terms. As faculty advisor to the University of Florida’s Student Group for Equal Rights in the early 1960s, he had protested, picketed, defied unjust laws, and been arrested more than once. Ultimately, his political commitments cost him his job. Despite Jones’s stellar credentials, the “recommendations of the chairman and faculty of his department and the dean of his college that Dr. Jones be granted tenure were rejected by the University’s Personnel Board,” apparently at the behest of University President J. Wayne Reitz. On June 27, 1967, Jones was informed of the decision and given notice that his appointment at UF would be terminated as of June 30, 1968.1 Jones appealed the decision to the University Senate Committee on Academic Freedom and Tenure, which heard testimony in a series of meetings from February 3 through April 9, 1968.2 Ultimately, Jones withdrew his bid to have tenure awarded, but sought judgment that it had been inappropriately denied and his academic freedom violated; two members of the hearing panel signed a minority report agreeing with him, but three members signed the majority report siding with the (now former) University president, Reitz. -
No Radical Hangover: Black Power, New Left, and Progressive Politics in the Midwest, 1967-1989
No Radical Hangover: Black Power, New Left, and Progressive Politics in the Midwest, 1967-1989 By Austin McCoy A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Matthew J. Countryman, Co-Chair Associate Professor Matthew D. Lassiter, Co-Chair Professor Howard Brick Associate Professor Stephen Ward Dedicated to Mom, Dad, Brandenn, Jeff, and K.C., all of the workers who have had their jobs stolen, and to all of the activists searching for answers. ii Acknowledgements Since I have taken the scenic route to this point, I have many thanks to give to family, friends, and various colleagues, collaborators, and communities that I have visited along the way. First, I would like to thank my dissertation committee—Howard Brick, Stephen Ward, Matt Lassiter, and Matthew Countryman. Your guidance and support enhanced this my dissertation. Your critical comments serve a cornerstone for this project as I proceed to revise it into a book manuscript. Howard, your classes and our conversations have expanded my thinking about the history of the left and political economy. Stephen, I appreciate your support for my scholarship and the fact that you always encouraged me to strike a balance between my academic and political work. Matt, I have learned much from you intellectually and professionally over the last seven years. I especially valued the fact that you gave me space and freedom to develop an ambitious project and to pursue my work outside of the classroom. I look forward to your continued mentorship.