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Surrealist Painting in Yogyakarta Martinus Dwi Marianto University of Wollongong
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 1995 Surrealist painting in Yogyakarta Martinus Dwi Marianto University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Marianto, Martinus Dwi, Surrealist painting in Yogyakarta, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, Faculty of Creative Arts, University of Wollongong, 1995. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/1757 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] SURREALIST PAINTING IN YOGYAKARTA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY from UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG by MARTINUS DWI MARIANTO B.F.A (STSRI 'ASRT, Yogyakarta) M.F.A. (Rhode Island School of Design, USA) FACULTY OF CREATIVE ARTS 1995 CERTIFICATION I certify that this work has not been submitted for a degree to any other university or institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by any other person, except where due reference has been made in the text. Martinus Dwi Marianto July 1995 ABSTRACT Surrealist painting flourished in Yogyakarta around the middle of the 1980s to early 1990s. It became popular amongst art students in Yogyakarta, and formed a significant style of painting which generally is characterised by the use of casual juxtapositions of disparate ideas and subjects resulting in absurd, startling, and sometimes disturbing images. In this thesis, Yogyakartan Surrealism is seen as the expression in painting of various social, cultural, and economic developments taking place rapidly and simultaneously in Yogyakarta's urban landscape. -
Trade-Offs, Compromise and Democratization in a Post-Authoritarian Setting
Asian Social Science; Vol. 8, No. 13; 2012 ISSN 1911-2017 E-ISSN 1911-2025 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Trade-offs, Compromise and Democratization in a Post-authoritarian Setting Paul James Carnegie1 1 Department of International Studies, American University of Sharjah, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates Correspondence: Paul James Carnegie, Department of International Studies, American University of Sharjah, University City, Sharjah 26666, United Arab Emirates. Tel: 971-6-515-4703. E-mail: [email protected] Received: June 17, 2012 Accepted: July 5, 2012 Online Published: October 18, 2012 doi:10.5539/ass.v8n13p71 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v8n13p71 Abstract Reconstituting the disarticulated political space of authoritarian breakdown is anything but straightforward. Distinct trade-offs and ambiguous outcomes are all too familiar. This is in no small part because political change involves compromise with an authoritarian past. The very fact of this transition dynamic leaves us with more questions than answers about the process of democratization. In particular, it is important to ask how we go about interpreting ambiguity in the study of democratization. The following article argues that the way we frame democratization is struggling to come to terms with the ambiguity of contemporary political change. Taking Indonesia as an example, the article maps a tension between authoritarianism and subsequent democratization. The story here is not merely one of opening, breakthrough, and consolidation but also (re-)negotiation. There is also an unfolding at the interstices of culture and politics and of that between discourse and practice. Unfortunately, the insight gained will not lessen some of the more undesirable aspects of Indonesia’s post-authoritarian outcome but it does afford us a more fine-grained reading of the reconfigured patterns of politics that are emerging. -
Social Media and Politics in Indonesia
Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Anders C. Johansson Stockholm School of Economics Stockholm School of Economics Asia Working Paper No. 42 December 2016 Stockholm China Economic Research Institute | Stockholm School of Economics | Box 6501 | S-113 83 Stockholm | Sweden Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Anders C. Johansson* Stockholm School of Economics December 2016 * E-mail: [email protected]. Financial support from the Marianne & Marcus Wallenberg Foundation is gratefully acknowledged. 1 Social Media and Politics in Indonesia Abstract Does social media have the potential to influence the political process more in certain countries? How do political actors and citizens use social media to participate in the political process? This paper analyzes these questions in the context of contemporary Indonesia, a country with a young democracy and a vibrant emerging economy. First, the relationships between traditional and social media and politics are discussed. Then, the current situation in Indonesia’s traditional media industry and how it may have helped drive the popularity of social media in Indonesia is analyzed. Finally, the paper discusses social media in today’s Indonesia and provides examples of how political actors and citizens use social media in the political process. JEL Classifications: D72; L82 Keywords: Indonesia; Social media; Media; Politics; Democratic process; Political process; Media industry 2 1 Introduction The use and popularity of social networking sites online has increased dramatically over the last decade. In a recent study by the Pew Research Center (2015), it was reported that 65 percent of all adults in the United States use some form of social media, a ten times increase from 2005 to 2015. -
Contemporary Literature from the Chinese Diaspora in Indonesia
CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE FROM THE CHINESE 'DIASPORA' IN INDONESIA Pamela Allen (University of Tasmania) Since the fall of Suharto a number of Chinese-Indonesian writers have begun to write as Chinese-Indonesians, some using their Chinese names, some writing in Mandarin. New literary activities include the gathering, publishing and translating (from Mandarin) of short stories and poetry by Chinese-Indonesians. Pribumi Indonesians too have privileged Chinese ethnicity in their works in new and compelling ways. To date little of this new Chinese-Indonesian literary activity has been documented or evaluated in English. This paper begins to fill that gap by examining the ways in which recent literary works by and about Chinese-Indonesians give expression to their ethnic identity. Introduction Since colonial times the Chinese have been subjected to othering in Indonesia on account of their cultural and religious difference, on account of their perceived dominance in the nation’s economy and (paradoxically, as this seems to contradict that economic - 1 - dominance) on account of their purported complicity with Communism. The first outbreak of racial violence towards the Chinese, engineered by the Dutch United East Indies Company, was in Batavia in 1740.1 The perceived hybridity of peranakan Chinese (those born in Indonesia) was encapsulated in the appellation used to describe them in pre-Independence Java: Cina wurung, londa durung, Jawa tanggung (‘no longer a Chinese, not yet a Dutchman, a half- baked Javanese’).2 ‘The Chinese are everywhere -
Only Yesterday in Jakarta: Property Boom and Consumptive Trends in the Late New Order Metropolitan City
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 38, No.4, March 2001 Only Yesterday in Jakarta: Property Boom and Consumptive Trends in the Late New Order Metropolitan City ARAI Kenichiro* Abstract The development of the property industry in and around Jakarta during the last decade was really conspicuous. Various skyscrapers, shopping malls, luxurious housing estates, condominiums, hotels and golf courses have significantly changed both the outlook and the spatial order of the metropolitan area. Behind the development was the government's policy of deregulation, which encouraged the active involvement of the private sector in urban development. The change was accompanied by various consumptive trends such as the golf and cafe boom, shopping in gor geous shopping centers, and so on. The dominant values of ruling elites became extremely con sumptive, and this had a pervasive influence on general society. In line with this change, the emergence of a middle class attracted the attention of many observers. The salient feature of this new "middle class" was their consumptive lifestyle that parallels that of middle class as in developed countries. Thus it was the various new consumer goods and services mentioned above, and the new places of consumption that made their presence visible. After widespread land speculation and enormous oversupply of property products, the property boom turned to bust, leaving massive non-performing loans. Although the boom was not sustainable and it largely alienated urban lower strata, the boom and resulting bust represented one of the most dynamic aspect of the late New Order Indonesian society. I Introduction In 1998, Indonesia's "New Order" ended. -
T 26236-Diplomasi Setengah-Literatur.Pdf
22 BAB II KONDISI EKONOMI POLITIK INDONESIA DI BAWAH REZIM SOEHARTO DI ERA 1990-AN DAN REAKSI AMERIKA SERIKAT (AS) Bab ini akan memfokuskan pembahasan pada kondisi perekonomian dan politik Indonesia sebelum Krisis finansial 1998, dan pada era krisis maupun sesudahnya. Disamping itu bab ini juga akan membahas hal-hal yang dianggap sebagai ‘faktor independen’ yang punya pengaruh penting terhadap diplomasi setengah hati Indonesia 1997-1998, yaitu antara lain merosotnya nilai mata uang rupiah terhadap dollar AS pada era krisis 1997/98, besarnya pinjaman jangka pendek yang dilakukan swasta Indonesia, krisis multidimesi, dan tekanan IMF serta AS terhadap kebijakan ekonomi-politik Presiden Soeharto pada saat krisis 1997/98. Sebelum melakukan pembahasan atas beberapa poin utama tersebut, penulis dalam paragraf berikut akan membahas hal-hal penting menyangkut kondisi ekonomi-politik Indonesia pada awal berdirinya pemerintahan Orde Baru di bawah Presiden Soeharto. II.1 Kondisi Ekonomi Politik dan Awal Era Soeharto Sistem ekonomi yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Indonesia pada masa kepemimpinan Presiden Soeharto bertolak belakang dengan apa yang dilakukan oleh Soekarno yang lebih mengutamakan slogan ‘berdiri diatas kaki sendiri’, percaya pada kekuatan sendiri (‘self relience’), dan tidak mau kompromi dengan Barat, serta menolak modal asing, bahkan orang-orang Bank Dunia pernah di usir dari Jakarta (1963). Di era pemerintahan Soeharto, Indonesia berkiprah pada hal- hal yang bersifat liberal kapitalistis dan taat pada jalur hidup (life-line) negara- -
The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: the Indonesian Case
Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 25, No.3, December 1987 The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: The Indonesian Case Mely G. TAN* As recent writIngs indicate, the term Introduction more commonly used today is "ethnic Chinese" to refer to the group as a Despite the manifest diversity of the whole, regardless of citizenship, cultural ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia, there orientation and social identification.2) is still the tendency among scholars The term ethnic or ethnicity, refers to focusing on this group, to treat them a socio-cultural entity. In the case of as a monolithic entity, by referring to the ethnic Chinese, it refers to a group all of them as "Chinese" or "Overseas with cultural elements recognizable as Chinese." Within the countries them or attributable to Chinese, while socially, selves, as In Indonesia, for instance, members of this group identify and are this tendency is apparent among the identified by others as constituting a majority population in the use of the distinct group. terms "orang Cina," "orang Tionghoa" The above definition IS III line with or even "hoakiau."D It is our conten the use in recent writings on this topic. tion that these terms should only be In the last ten years or so, we note a applied to those who are alien, not of revival of interest In ethnicity and mixed ancestry, and who initially do ethnic groups, due to the realization not plan to stay permanently. We also that the newly-developed as well as the submit that, what terminology and what established countries In Europe and definition is used for this group, has North America are heterogeneous socie important implications culturally, so ties with problems In the relations cially, psychologically and especially for policy considerations. -
VIEWS from ASIA Chinese Networks Chinese” in Southeast Asia at US$ 450 by Shiraishi Takashi Billion Or 125% of Mainland China’S GDP at the Time
VIEWS FROM ASIA Chinese Networks Chinese” in Southeast Asia at US$ 450 By Shiraishi Takashi billion or 125% of mainland China’s GDP at the time. Furthermore, the liq- uid assets held by the “overseas Chinese” THE recent tsunami disaster reminds us regional economic integration. In 1980, were estimated at US$ 1.5 to 2 trillion that many of the affected countries not intra-regional trade within East Asia or nearly two-thirds of Japan’s assets. only occupy the same geographical space constituted 33.6%; by 1990, the figure It is often said that Chinese networks in the Indian Ocean, but were historical- had risen to 41.6%, and by 1995, two are built on their social systems. Formal ly part of the world built on and con- years before the Asian financial crisis, to overseas Chinese mutual aid associations nected through maritime trade. This 50.1%. We need only to compare the are organized according to clan, place of world encompassed the western part of above statistics to those of European ancestry or dialect groupings, and suppos- Southeast Asia, including what is now Union intra-regional trade (64.1% in edly function like banks through which southern Thailand, Malaysia, the west- 1995), and the North American Free members can borrow and lend money, ern part of Indonesia and Myanmar. In Trade Area (41.9%) to realize that the exchange information, recruit labor and fact, Southeast Asia was called “the land rate of integration in East Asia has accel- establish business connections. Chinese below the winds,” and it was an impor- erated significantly in the last two firms, financial networks and distribution tant area connecting the Indian Ocean decades. -
Why Are Some Nations Rich and Others Poor?
Why are some nations rich and others poor? A comparative analysis of Singapore and Indonesia’s institutional development between 1965 and 1998 Bachelor thesis Political Science: International Relations & Organisations Leiden University: Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences Author: K. de Hek, s1645625 Supervisor: Dr. F. de Zwart Date: 18/06/2018 Word count: 8383 Introduction Why are some nations rich and others poor? One influential contemporary theory has linked economic development to inclusive institutions (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2013). According to this theory, countries differ in their economic success because of their different institutions. Countries with institutions that are more inclusive tend to be more prosperous. Furthermore, Acemoglu and Robinson highlight the negative impact of colonialism on the development of the institutions of post-colonial societies. Importantly, they make a distinction between political and economic institutions. They argue that inclusive political institutions are a prerequisite for inclusive economic institutions. Despite this, they recognize the interaction between the two, as we can observe in the following statement: Inclusive economic institutions provide foundations upon which inclusive political institutions can flourish, while inclusive political institutions can restrict deviations away from inclusive economic institutions. (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2013, p.324) Inclusive economic institutions, which will be analysed in more detail below, are economic institutions that are designed in such a way that all subsets of society can benefit from them in a relatively equal way. Extractive economic institutions are, on the other hand, designed to “extract income and wealth from one subset of society to benefit a different subset” (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2013, p.75). Moreover, extractive political institutions have been defined as institutions that “concentrate power in the hands of a small elite and create a high risk of expropriation for the majority of the population” (Acemoglu, Johnson & Robinson, 2002, p.1235). -
Hasil Survey Korupsi Di Pelayanan Publik
HASIL SURVEY KORUPSI DI PELAYANAN PUBLIK (Studi Kasus di Lima Kota: Jakarta, Palangkaraya, Samarinda, Mataram dan Kupang) Disusun oleh: Tim Peneliti Departemen Riset dan Kajian Strategis Indonesia Corruption Watch Jakarta, 2000 Kata Pengantar Wacana anti korupsi mulai muncul kembali di Indonesia bersamaan dengan runtuhnya rejim Suharto. Korupsi, bersama dengan kolusi dan nepotisme, kemudian menjadi wacana baru yang menjadi dagangan politik utama di kalangan politisi. Secara deterministis KKN tersebut ditempatkan sebagai sumber utama krisis ekonomi yang terjadi di Indonesia. Wacana anti korupsi tersebut semakin berkembang pula dengan adanya organisasi- organisasi yang bergerak untuk memberantas korupsi. Dari wacana yang berkembang tersebut tersebut kemudian muncul gagasan untuk melakukan pendekatan legal dalam pemberantasan korupsi seperti perbaikan UU Anti Korupsi, UU Perlindungan Saksi, Ombudsman, dan lain-lain. Selain itu lahir pula ide-ide dari organisasi-organisasi anti korupsi untuk menempatkan gerakan anti korupsi sebagai sebuah gerakan sosial. Artinya, gerakan anti korupsi harus berjalan linier dengan demokratisasi. Gagasan ini mempercayai bahwa apabila masyarakat sipil terbentuk maka korupsi akan jauh lebih mudah diberantas. Transparansi dan demokratisasi sekaligus juga melahirkan elemen kontrol terhadap korupsi dan penyalahgunaan kekuasaan. Namun harus diakui bahwa segala gagasan untuk memberantas korupsi tersebut masih belum memiliki basis teoritis yang jelas. Teori mengenai korupsi yang berdasar pada realitas sosial yang ada di Indonesia masih kurang dalam memberikan semacam pemahaman yang jelas. Kurangnya pemahaman yang memadai dapat terlihat dari masih munculnya perdebatan mengenai target pemberantasan, apakah koruptor-koruptor kelas kakap yang melakukan korupsi padahal hidup mereka sudah berkecukupan atau koruptor-koruptor kecil yang tindakannya langsung bersentuhan dengan masyarakat. Padahal untuk menyusun langkah-langkah strategis maupun taktis dalam memberantas korupsi, perlu ada kajian yang mendalam mengenai pola-pola korupsi di Indonesia. -
116 Richard Borsuk and Nancy Chng in Writing This Book, the Authors Embarked on an Ambitious Project: to Narrate the History Of
116 book reviews Richard Borsuk and Nancy Chng Liem Sioe Liong’s Salim Group. The Business Pillar of Suharto’s Indonesia. Singapore: iseas, 574 pp. isbn 9789814459570. Price: usd 52.90 (paperback). In writing this book, the authors embarked on an ambitious project: to narrate the history of Indonesia’s most prominent, yet reclusive tycoon, Liem Sioe Liong (alias Sudono Salim), and the role played by his Salim Group in the Suharto era. The book succeeds in meeting high expectations—it tells the story of the late Liem Sioe Liong’s rise in the business world in a subtle yet colourful manner, presenting many new facts and anecdotes. It also achieves something far more important—the rewriting of Indonesia’s economic history with the personal story of Liem woven into it. As the book’s cover picture suggests, this is really the story of how Liem and Suharto operated together and came to have a profound effect on Indonesia, and it paints an intimate picture of a reciprocal relationship that lasted right to the end of Suharto’s rule. Liem started out as a small immigrant trader in Java, but eventually managed to build up an impressive collection of successful businesses that was second to none in Indonesia. He was able to achieve this partly through his intimate ties with Suharto, who remained in power for 32 years. At its height, the group touched the lives of virtually all Indonesians through providing their daily food, entertainment, financial services, properties and transport. Due to the group’s ‘crony extraordinaire’ status, a post-Suharto fall-out was almost inevitable, but by the time this happened the Salim Group was too large to fail completely. -
Michael Malley
T he 7th D evelopment Cabinet: Loyal to a Fault? Michael Malley Five years ago, amid speculation that B. J. Habibie and his allies in the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) would gain a large number of seats in the cabinet, State Secretary Moerdiono announced that "expertise" would be Soeharto's chief criterion for choosing ministers. This year, despite the economic crisis that enveloped the country, few people even thought to suggest that Soeharto sought the most technically qualified assistants. As the outgoing cabinet's term wore to a close, the jockeying for influence among ministers and their would-be successors emphasized the most important qualification of any who would join the new cabinet: loyalty. As if to diminish any surprise at the lengths he would go to create a cabinet of loyalists, Soeharto fired his central bank chief, Soedradjad Djiwandono, in mid- February, just two weeks before the 6 ^ Development Cabinet's term expired. Together with the finance minister, Mar'ie Muhammad, Soedradjad had worked closely with the International Monetary Fund to reach the reform-for-aid agreements Soeharto signed in October 1997 and January this year. Their support for reforms that would strike directly at palace-linked business interests seems to have upset the president, and neither were expected to retain their posts in the 7 ^ Cabinet. But Soedradjad made the further mistake of opposing the introduction of a currency board system to fix the rupiah's value to that of the US dollar. The scheme's main Indonesian proponents were Fuad Bawazier, one of Mar'ie's subordinates, and Peter Gontha, the principal business adviser to Soeharto's son Bambang Trihatmodjo.