The Transformation of the Identity of the Karelian Isthmus of Russia

Home , Izhorians, Karelians, Karelian Isthmus, Lake Ladoga, Priozersk, Svetogorsk

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Milla Hannula The transformation of the identity of the Karelian Isthmus of Russia

Venäjän Karjalankannaksen muuttuva identiteetti

I search for elements behind the current collec- Introduction tive experience(s) of the population of the Karelian Isthmus in Russia. I examine the matter through the Between Lake Ladoga and the Gulf of Finland changes in the common collective identity or identi- there is a neck of land traversed by the waterways. ties, and through continuity. Permanent features in- Today, both Russians and Finns call it the Karelian clude the location of the area on a national and cul- Isthmus, although administratively it is part of tural boundary, and the nature of the Isthmus which the Leningrad oblast (see Balashov 1998: 8). After the occupational life of people is built on. Industrial the Second World War, the Russian settlers start- life on the Isthmus has recently gone through radi- ed their life in the empty land and in the houses cal changes, but in keeping with the characteristics mostly constructed by Finns. The reason that re- of the area. After the fall of the Soviet Union, the gion was left empty makes this an exceptional emphasis of the industrial life on the Karelian Isth- place to study a construction of we-ness there. mus has started to turn to tourism and recreational This highlights a question what kinds of sources activities instead of agriculture. Furthermore, histori- for this collective experiences are used in the Isth- cally, the isthmus has been inhabited by Finno-Ugric mus after the collapse of Communism. Who are and Slavic groups. The ethnicity of the isthmus has people living in the contemporary Isthmus; are lately included new aspects from southern immi- they Karelians? And what basis the collective iden- grants. The building of the new collective experience tity of the population is constructed today? and new interpretations of history on the place of I have searched for answers to these questions the old Soviet identity has also been impacted by mostly in the village (county) of Melnikovo (for- the renaissance of religiousness in Russia, which has merly Räisälä), the town of Svetogorsk (formerly introduced Russian Orthodox features to the area. Enso) and to some extent also in the town of Pri- This is demonstrated by the numerous Orthodox ozersk (formerly Käkisalmi). In Melnikovo, I rent- churches constructed in the area recently. ed an apartment for a week, recorded eight interviews, talked to the locals and got acquainted with Keywords: region, identity, Karelia, Russia the everyday life in the village. The key interviews were open theme interviews with the active citizens in different spheres of life: a contemporary and a current mayors of Melnikovo, owners of small business enterprises, a worker in a library, a school headmaster and a researcher (see Hannula 2006:

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5–6). I have visited also Svetogorsk approximately the region is distinguished from other regions. It is 30 times during the last one and half years in a more permanent than the regional identity: people project which studies the co-operation between today are more mobile and can identify themselves the border towns Imatra and Svetogorsk and made with more than one region. Only few people con- tens of interviews about the co-operation between tribute to constructing regions and creating their towns. I refer to some of these interviews here too.1 identity, whereas a majority is responsible for rec- I have also observed the other places of the Isth- reating them. The life-span of the identities of the mus several times by a car and a bus. regions is long – longer than that of their creators. The difference of local experiences in the Isth- New people can contribute to the originality of a mus makes generalization on the basis of my em- region and carry on the old identity (Paasi 1995). pirical material difficult. It is still possible to draw I will elaborate the historical continuation and some general lines. The Karelian Isthmus is well changes of the certain features of the identity in studied in terms of ethnic history during the pre- the Isthmus through the elements such as ethnic- WWII era. The contemporary region and collec- ity, border, nature, and livelihood. These are only tive feelings of inhabitants there during the post- some features behind the formation of the regional Soviet era is a new subject to study. This prelimi- collective experience. I refer both to the elements nary work tries to be one step to fill this lack. The used in building the identity of region as well as to work will be completed later in the future as the the individual processes of the building of regional comprehensive analysis of the issue requires more identity. The subject is extensive and this article analysis and empirical material. draws only some general lines which are behind the reasons for the contemporary regional identity Spatial and collective identity in the Isthmus. Some of the issues are not ana- lysed or I only mention them: e.g. the role of the The idea of borderlands has emerged in debates cultural institutions and a re-writing of history. on identities that do not fit neatly into the master narratives of ethnicity or nation. The Karelian Historical roots for a Finno-Ugrian and Isthmus is this kind of borderland in question. A Russian Isthmus regional identity has emerged as a popular category, yet if is often unclear what it means. The re- Ethnicity is a crucial way to build a spatial iden- gional identity is one kind of spatial identity. Spa- tity and a bond between individual, collective and tial identity refers to a bond between an individual territory. The establishment of an ethnic group and a certain socially constructed space. Spatial and the identification of people with each other – global, national, regional or local – identity con- is, at an individual level, a subjective and fluctu- nects individuals together in a space constructed ating process. People within one ethnic group by people (Paasi 2003: 477). may experience their group in many different Paasi makes visible key elements of regional ways. Understanding ethnicity constructively is transformation through the concept of institution- based on acknowledging that the birth of ethnic alization of regions. Institutionalization refers to groups is not a question of isolated groups and the process during which specific territorial units their cultural differences. In fact, ethnic groups emerge and becomes established and socio-spatial are created through mutual contact. By observing consciousness prevail in the context where society the similarities within one group and the differ- itself is transforming. This regional transformation ences compared to others, and by creating them includes stages such as: the constitution of terri- as a consequence of an observation process, con- torial shape, the constitution of symbolic shape, cepts regarding ethnic groups, us and others, are the constitution of institutions and finally the es- formed. Therefore, ethnicity is not a characteristic tablishment of the territorial unit in the regional and static phenomenon but a social relationship. structure and social consciousness. Paasi classifies The observed differences and classifications based social consciousness into regional identity, and on them do not always coincide with actual cul- identity of region (Paasi 1995: 33–37). This article tural differences (Barth 1969: 5–12). highlights both the transformation of the identity Dividing people into ethnic groups based on of region and regional identity since the collapse language is a fairly new phenomenon, as is catego- of communism. rising groups into nations. Yet, people as social an- The identity of a region is an expression of a imals have a biological need to belong to a group. communal, collective experience based on which A nation, natio, and the history of its etymological

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derivatives in European countries dates back to no ﬁgures indicate that there are very few Finno-Ugri- further than the 16th century (Hobsbawn 1992: ans in the area today. In most cases, even fewer 23–29). In medieval communities, an individual master the Finno-Ugrian languages in question. was perceived through his or her family and clan Most of the current inhabitants of the Karelian community. Many people spoke the same lan- Isthmus identiﬁed themselves in the census as Rus- guage, but there was not necessarily much solidar- sians, and the number of those speaking Finno- ity between them. Due to urbanisation and the Ugrian languages and cultures in this area is small.

ALUE JA YMPÄRISTÖ ALUE JA development of industry and commerce, an indi- The population of the Leningrad oblast, which vidual’s profession, guild or diocese started to play includes the Karelian Isthmus, is composed of 154 an important role in defining his or her identity. nationalities (Goskomstat 2002). In the census, a Karelians never formed their own modern state person may identify himself or herself as a member but were ruled by powers that later developed into of only one ethnic group. These official statistics modern nation-states. The Karelian identity and do not directly reflect the rich and multiple ethnic culture have been part of the development of the identification of individuals, but rather controls, Swedish, Russian and first and foremost Finnish limits and simplifies it. Most of these people iden- nation-state. Both Russia and Finland have claimed tify themselves as Russians. A new, post-WWII a right to Karelia and its culture and identity. phenomenon is the immigration of people who The reason behind the title Karelian Isthmus do not have a Christian background or speak an – and not the Russian Isthmus – is in the fact that Indo-European or Fenno-Ugrian languages as their ethnic groups, which are today called as Karelians mother tongue: Muslims from the south. have settled the area for a long period. This refers to the people living in the vicinity of the river Contemporary Isthmus of Russians, Neva and Lake Ladoga, speaking Finno-Ugrian Muslims and “Karelians” languages and practising trades and making a livelihood typical to them (see e.g. Kirkinen 1998: The most important symbol of the community is 38–54). In addition to Finno-Ugrians, the Kare- the name of the region, which usually gathers to- lian Isthmus has also been inhabited by groups gether its historical development (Paasi 1995: 35). speaking Slavic languages. After 1944, there have After the Second World War, names of geographi- been more people speaking Slavic languages on cal locations were with some exceptions russified the isthmus than perhaps ever in the past thou- in the Isthmus. Finnish names were changed to sand years. Representatives of Slavic cultures set- Russian ones by 1949. As an exception, some vil- tled around the Gulf of Finland already at the end lages with a railway station, important geographi- of the first millennium when Novgorod developed cal places such as the Vuoksi river (Vuoksa) and into an important metropolis in Northern Russia. the Karelian Isthmus (Karelsky Peresheyek) re- Their number started to increase in the Modern ceived a Finnish name. New names of the places Times and especially after the Great Northern War were based e.g. on the family names for the Sec- when the entire Ingria was ceded to Russia (Haka- ond World War Soviet soldiers fighting in the Isth- mies 1992: 197–198; Nevalainen 1992: 159– mus and Leningrad. Historical nature of names 160). The Russian minority was evacuated with was abolished (Balashov 1998: 55–56; Hakamies the other minorities into Finland as they voted 2005: 94–95). The policy was different in the Re- with their feet during the Second World War. The public of Karelia, which is northern to Leningrad area ceded to Russia was completely evacuated in region (oblast), where the names of villages and 1944 and in practice no people with family ties cities were kept in their Finnish form. Hakamies to Finland were left on the isthmus. (Tikka et al. assumes that this was due to the fact that the re- 2002: 36). Therefore, the situation was different gion was by 1956 called as the Karelian-Finnish than that of Romania and Hungary or Russia and Soviet Republic (Hakamies 2005: 96). the Baltic States, where the state borders separate In the Russian Federation, as in the Soviet ethnic groups from their kin. Union, the republics were named after the eth- According to the 2002 census, the Leningrad nic groups in the area. The Republic of Karelia oblast with a total population of approximately is an administrative district founded on ethnicity. 1 500 000 is inhabited by 7930 self-designated Therefore, its inhabitants consider themselves as Finns, 35 Finnish Ingrians, 2057 Karelians, 2019 ”Karelians” after the title of the region regardless Vepsians and 177 Izhorians. The Karelian Isthmus of whether they have ethnic ties to the Karelian is only part of the Leningrad oblast, but the low language and culture. In the beginning of 1990’s

34 35: 2 (2006) ss. 32–41 JA ALUE YMPÄRISTÖ inhabitants of Karelian Isthmus voted against a re- and strongly emphasized specially among the naming of the local villages as Leningrad was re- younger and middle age generation as it is in gen- named to St. Petersburg. Inhabitants of the coun- eral in Russia. I did not notice that people in the tryside were not willing to return the old Finn- area would identify strongly with the Leningrad ish names of the villages. Yet, the unofficial title region. However, people from elsewhere in Rus- “Karelian Isthmus” has been a natural choice for sia may label them as the inhabitants of the Len- the locals, derived from the geographic location ingrad oblast and in the encounters with people and history of the area (summary of the interview from the other parts of Russia this category may in Priozersk 28.10.2005). Thus, the reference to be relevant. “Karelian” does not stem from the contemporary The Karelian Isthmus is divided between the ethnic situation but from the ethnic history of the administrative districts of Priozersk and Vyborg. territory which echoes the ethnic population used However, I did not observe identification with the to live in the area as was mentioned above. So administrative districts, but due to the limited take “Karelian” is a regional not ethnic term. I cannot say whether these administrative districts Association called as Karelija was established in make some difference in terms of identification. 1993. It has been an active and important actor Administrative division and regional identities of in creating new regional identity in the Isthmus. Finland is mostly based on local tribes: South and The activity of the association started in two dif- North Karelia, Lapland, Pohjanmaa, Tavastia and ferent directions in the middle of the 1980’s. The Varsinais-Suomi. In contemporary Karelian Isth- first actor was the art school led by a teacher Ev- mus, in turn, tribes make no role when people de- genij Balashov in Leningrad. Their activity was fine who they are. based on the expeditions of the art school to the During the field work I found some new sourc- Isthmus, after the questions about the pre-WWII es for identity among the inhabitants of Isthmus. history of the Isthmus arose. The following acts A researcher in Priozersk said there is a boom to included revealing the Finnish history of the Isth- learn what happened in the Isthmus during the mus which was hidden in a formal Soviet history Finnish and Novgorod periods. He also says that writing. Members of the club wrote former Finn- personally he feels he is partly Finnish and Kare- ish names of the places on the cliffs and stones lian as well as old-Novgorod due to the unique lo- and talked with locals. The second association be- cal history. An increasing interest of people to the hind the association Karelija was called the Club local history seems to create a new source of local 105. This was a group of people which started to identification at least among intelligentsija who collect information and organize expeditions about are the main creators of the regional identity. the unknown Winter War, now when the political River Vuoksi also has been a source of inspira- atmosphere was more liberal in 1980’s. Since 1998 tion for some authors. The researchers of the Pri- Association Karelija, has published a collection of ozersk fortress museum have since the beginning books about the history of the Isthmus written by of the 21st century published a Vuoksi journal to Balashov. This collection is the most comprehensive disseminate information on the local culture and presentation of the unknown pre-Soviet history of history. Approximately 50 poems have been pub- the Isthmus for the Russian readers (Smirnov 2002). lished on the Vuoksi river. These artists contribute When I started my field work, I reflected on to the identity of the region, which the rest of the the possibilities to whom people in Isthmus would population will echo. Inhabitants of the villages spatially identify themselves; with the Leningrad seem to be more conservative than intelligentsija oblast, nationalities, citizens of Russia (rossiyane), in Priozersk when it comes to the reforms of the their own towns or native districts. My interview identity of region as voting against the returning questions were based on these assumptions. How- the old Finnish names demonstrated. ever, in the field, I soon realised that they often New regional identity is formed sometimes ex- called the area they live in “the Karelian Isthmus” perimental way. Near Vyborg three Russian men as well as mentioned in some connections that are building a “Viking village” Svengard for a year they were “Karelians”. People seemed to avoid the now. Their aim is to live as the Swedes did, ac- term rossiyane (citizen of Russia) and rather re- cording to the legends, on that place approximate- ferred to patriotism (patriot) and fatherland. This ly 800 years ago. Tourists may visit their small vil- was expressed very clearly (see also Stranius 2007). lage for a fee. They teach also children an ancient One can notice the difference between Finns and local history the way they think it was. For these Russians as for Finns patriotism is not so evident men the ancient Scandinavian history is the most

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beloved part of their collective identity. Obviously ed the following: “Of course we are inhabitants of their enthusiasm has an inﬂuence, if their effort will Svetogorsk. Simply Russian, that is all. Our special last, for local people who form their self-identity. feature is, as I told you, that we have many differ- Identity of new-comers with their previous lo- ent nationalities. But now we say: I am Russian. calities seems to be true in some cases. After 1941 He is dark, non-Russian, someone else. This hap- and 1944, the Karelian Isthmus was mostly in- pens in any case, we always emphasise it.” These habited by emigrants from Central Russia (Tikka people called ”someone else” live in every corner

ALUE JA YMPÄRISTÖ ALUE JA et al. 2002: 38). In Melnikovo, kolkhozes were of Russia. They are emigrants from the Russian established based on where the emigrants origi- Caucasus or the southern CIS countries which nally came from: the Kirov kolkhoz, the Yaroslavl are also the most rapidly growing group in Russia. kolkhoz etc. In time, this principle was applied They settle in cities rather than in the countryside; more loosely and people started to mix. In Sve- in cities they already have social networks and bet- togorsk, however, a certain tie to the place of ori- ter possibilities to adapt. This is also the case on gin has been maintained. Inhabitants have grouped the Karelian Isthmus. There are no statistics on together depending on where they or their parents the nationalities in cities and villages, but when came from. A middle-aged woman from Sve- asked, for instance Azerbaijanis are mentioned. togorsk states as following: ”Let us visit with each They are mostly employed in commerce. When other: those from Vologodsk gather together with the combine was formed, many people moved to others from Vologodsk, those from Tver with oth- Svetogorsk, also from the south, such as Armenia, ers from Tver. Even streets are called by different Azerbaijan, Georgia and Moldova. names. There is Lesnaya and Sportivnaya, but peo- When I talked with people in Melnikovo in ple call them differently: that one belongs to those 2005 some denied the existence of different na- from Vologodsk, that one to those from Tver. This tionalities in the town. Others said national differ- depends on where each group has set up their ences exist but differ in no way from anyone else. homes.” Yet, I did not observe anything of this A middle-aged woman from Melnikovo stated nature in Melnikovo. Instead people said that ﬁrst the following: ”I do not think they stand out at kolkhozes were established according to where the all. No one hates them. Now many workers from people came from, then by the time people mixed Tajikistan and Uzbekistan come here and the local (summary of interviews in Svetogorsk 2005 and in men are left unemployed, and everyone does not Melnikovo 24.–29.10.2005). like it. I may soon say something inappropriate On the Karelian Isthmus people speak Russian, and be arrested (…)” The question of nationali- and in Svetogorsk and Melnikovo there are no ties is a touchy subject and people do not want to cultural autonomies for different nationalities. In reveal internal conﬂicts to outsiders. The relation- many respects, the isthmus is very Russian. This ship between Muslims and non-Muslims poses is mainly due to the fact that people migrated to a problem in the state identity politics because the area from Russian, Ukrainian or Belorussian in the construction of a rising Russia based on a areas. In the United States which is a federation strong Orthodox culture, Muslims represent the such as Russia the idea of the national policy used enemy to a united Russia. to be that people forget their previous nationalities and become Americans. Similarly, becoming Rus- An ambivalent border district identity sian occurs often fast. In Melnikovo I met a man who had Polish parents. Despite of that he said The proximity of the border is a permanent fea- to be pure Russian. This is not too rare in Rus- ture historically to all inhabitants of the Isthmus. sia especially among white, orthodox/atheist and The borders might move during the changes of Slavic people. Adaptation from one nationality to history but they usually are settled in a new place Russian and Rossiyane can take place within one somewhere in the Karelian Isthmus. As Hakkarai- generation. nen analyses in her study, people in Melnikovo re- One division into “us” and “them” based on gretted, as a result of a devaluation of Soviet ide- ethnicity was observed, and it can also be perceived ology, that they did not know “true history” that elsewhere in Russia. This is the division based on had been “concealed” from “ordinary people” dur- religion and the related culture. The distinction is ing Soviet time (Hakkarainen 2005: 43). Today made between Muslims and non-Muslims. Conse- inhabitants of the Isthmus know that the area near quently, everyone with darker skin is easily labelled the Finnish border is land conquered from anoth- as a Muslim. An interviewee from Svetogorsk stat- er country in the Second Word War. Living in a

36 35: 2 (2006) ss. 32–41 JA ALUE YMPÄRISTÖ conquered area provokes mixed feelings regarding lian Isthmus. During the past thousand years, the right to live there. the Karelian Isthmus has belonged to Novgorod, At the beginning of the 1990’s, public discus- Moscow, Sweden, Finland, Soviet Union and Rus- sion on returning Karelia to Finland was initiated sia. Russians as well as Finns consider the borders and legitimated with moral and cultural reasons: that reach as far as possible the right ones. A mid- Stalin’s attack to Finland, which was immoral and dle-aged man describing himself as a native of the Karelian culture in general was considered to be isthmus comments on the subject: ”You do not a part of Finnish nation-state culture. Finnish re- hear us saying that you should give us back the searchers, reporters and Karelian evacuees visiting land we lost in 1917, that Lenin was not right.” the Karelian Isthmus keep reminding the current The uncertainty related to living in an area ceded inhabitants of the area of its traumatic history. In in the war lies in the background even though ef- Melnikovo, a woman I met burst into tears when forts towards cooperation are made: ”What are we I asked what she thought about Finns wanting supposed to do, pack up and leave? This is also Karelia back. She said that she did not want to our homeland, so I say we compromise and de- leave, that this was her home. The truth about the velop the area.” The inhabitants of the Karelian Second World War – that Russia attacked Finland Isthmus want to cooperate with their neighbour, and not vice versa – was acknowledged in many not give up their area. An elderly man in Meln- sources in Russia only after the Soviet Union col- ikovo said the following: ”I feel sorry for the origi- lapsed. A new school text book which has been nal inhabitants of the area, the Finns. When they written on the history of Priozersk district (an old come here and I see tears in their eyes, I feel guilty Finnish name Käkisalmi) in 2004 tells a lot about because we could just as well have left the Karelian the Finnish history of the Isthmus (Dmitriev Isthmus to the Finns. Russia already had enough 2004). The former publication on the subject problems.” The same person defines himself as a was from the 1960’s, but many facts were omit- patriotic Russian, but criticises the history of his ted from it. Now the text book is read not only country: ”Unfortunately, I often feel ashamed for by students, but anyone interested in the history my country even though I am very patriotic. When of the area. New and old locals hungry for history needed, I will do anything and give anything for visit the Ampiala (an old Finnish) estate and study Russia, but sometimes I am ashamed for the ac- information on the Novgorod era (summary of in- tions of the state. For instance, I am ashamed that terviews in Priozersk 28.10.2005). we have taken over this area.” Since Association Karelija has acted on the Isth- Many former inhabitants of Melnikovo (for- mus they have been accused for working on the merly Räisälä), now quite advanced in years, have behalf of Finns. The statement of Balashov on this since the beginning of the 1990’s regularly visited issue is that the association Karelija is not a po- their old home town. Russians call these people litical but an actor interested in local history (krae- “nostalgia tourists”. Despite the language barrier, vedy) and thus it is not their duty to take a stand and difficult issue, some have even befriended the on territorial question such as returning Kare- new inhabitants of Melnikovo. In Priozersk, I wit- lija. Yet Balashov emphasises that the state policy nessed a situation where two elderly Finnish sisters should lie on a civilized ground not on the use of stood before the house they lived in before the war. power and that the acts of the state should be ethi- The women had often come to see their old home cally right acts, not just empty words (Balashov and even visited inside in spite of the absence of a 2004). In Finland, the idea of returning Karelia is common language. The ”new” owner of the house based on the assumption that the area belongs to stepped outside to greet them. Finland because Karelians are a part of a national In Finland many of these refugees of the Second idea of Finland. There is no information on how World War still miss deeply to their old homes. the historical population of the isthmus identified The new-comers who are living in these houses in itself, except for the fact that the Orthodox reli- Isthmus, in turn, say that it was Stalin, not they gion of Karelians and other customs have in many who decided the ownership of these houses. It ways been close to the Russian culture. Conse- seems that in many cases, not in all, former and quently, for instance state officials considered the new owners of the houses can find mutual under- Karelian-speaking Orthodox of the area in the standing. Some entrepreneurs have been able to 1600’s as Russians (Katajala 2005: 48). earn a living through the interest showed in the Finns are often not aware that also Russians area by the former inhabitants. An entrepreneur in consider that they have a moral right to the Kare- the tourism industry near Äyräpäänjärvi has estab-

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lished a restaurant on the location of an old barn, foundation for agriculture. Agriculture has most plays music dating back to the Second World likely been a permanent source of livelihood for War in Finnish and sells paraphernalia revolving the inhabitants of the Karelian Isthmus since the around the idea that Karelia should be returned to 13th century. This tradition was carried on after the Finns. the Second World War in the rural villages on the To the Karelian Isthmus, today a part of Rus- isthmus – also in Melnikovo. sia, the border signiﬁes the presence of Western Melnikovo is one quite typical county in Kare-

ALUE JA YMPÄRISTÖ ALUE JA culture. With regard to the Russian or formerly lian Isthmus what comes to its livelihoods. It is Soviet state administration, this has easily turned a rural village/county despite some of its urban into a border syndrome (Kauppala 2000: 28). characteristics: a school, post office and hospital/ Those living on the Karelian Isthmus have al- medical centre. The centre of the county is sur- ways lived under a certain suspicion. Under threat rounded by the smaller villages. It is located ap- of war, the majority of the country’s population proximately 150 kilometers from St. Petersburg. and government authorities doubted the loyalties When the isthmus was ceded to Russia, people of the border district inhabitants. Under Stalin, from Central Russia moved to the area voluntarily the distrust in the inhabitants of the borderland but as a result of agitation between the years 1945 led to genocides when ethnic groups on the state and 1953. Melnikovo was inhabited especially by borders, such as the Ingrians, were killed or trans- people from Yaroslavl, Vladimir and Tver. In some ferred to the inland. The suspicions of both gov- cases, an entire kolkhoz with its representatives ernment authorities and ordinary people were cre- and accountants moved to the town. 17 kolkhozes ated by the fear that people living near the border and one sovkhoz were founded in Melnikovo, and would identify with the wrong country. They are villages from the former Rautu area were annexed suspected to turn into traitors in a difficult situa- to the town. In the 1950’s, the politics changed tion; this might explain why especially Orthodox and the state started to dismantle small kolkhozes. Karelians were called in Finnish by the pejora- Buildings were literally torn down and activities tive term ryssä; the idea that “you never know to were centralised with the help of students from which side they stay loyal”. On the other hand, Leningrad. In the 1960’s, Krushchev’s politics the doubts may be based on the fact that the iden- regarding “perspectiveless villages” led to the sys- tity of people in border districts actually contain tematic destruction of kolkhozes and many old, traits from the neighbouring country. Cultural in- small Finnish villages were depopulated. The river fluences easily cross the border. In Svetogorsk the valley may have been used for fishing or camping Finnish influence is obvious: you see Finnish texts with pioneers. Nevertheless, few buildings were in restaurants and shops, the houses in 1970’s and constructed by the waterways, but people lived 1980’s were constructed by Finns, you hear Finn- in town flats. The Soviet dream was completed ish everywhere. Imatra, in turn, which is located with indoor plumbing including warm water and in the Finnish side of the border, not only seems friends nearby (summary of interviews, Melniko- Eastern to a visitor from the west coast, but the vo 24.–29.10.2005). world beyond the border does, in fact, affect the An economic repression since the fall of the city e.g. in terms of a large number of Russian- Soviet Union bound the inhabitants of Meln- speaking newcomers. ikovo and became a new aspect of the common experience among the citizens as it did all around Fall of the old and rise of the new Russia. After the fall of the Soviet empire also the industrial identity sovkhoz system collapsed. Sovkhozes became limited-liability companies. Melnikovo experienced If the border is considered a permanent factor in the nightmare of moving over to a capitalist mar- the regional identity, and identity of a region, so ket economy. Many workers tried their luck as are waterways, the land and the sources of liveli- private farmers, but did not succeed. Only a few hood they produce. The Karelian Isthmus is situat- functioning private farms remained. Although ed between two large waters, Lake Ladoga and the there was no longer contact with the sovkhoz, Gulf of Finland. The Vuoksi river, which rather re- self-sustaining farming increased. During the eco- minds a lake system than an actual river, traverses nomic crisis of the early 1990’s, inhabitants of the the area. The natural conditions have traditionally municipality started to build their animal pens in created a framework for people’s livelihood. The the former Lutheran cemetery in the town centre. soil of the Vuoksi river valley has provided a good The municipal manager then ordered the pens

38 35: 2 (2006) ss. 32–41 JA ALUE YMPÄRISTÖ to be moved to the edge of town, and even to- Isthmus was annexed to the autonomous Grand day, the municipality is bordered by grey pig and Duchy of Finland, which was part of Russia but chicken pens (summary of interviews, Melnikovo depending on the czar had relatively extensive 24.–28.10.2005). sovereignty. The late 1800’s was a prosperous The industrial identity based on agriculture time on the Karelian Isthmus; especially Terijoki collapsed after the collapse of the Soviet Union. and Raivola became a famous holiday get-away The pride of Melnikovo, tractorists, were no for Russians. The Russian ownership increased in longer needed after the economic reforms at the 19th century; as a result about 10 000 summer end of the Soviet Union. In 2005, the situation villas was owned by Russians by 1918 in Isthmus. of the sovkhoz has somewhat improved although This tradition fade away by the Finnish independ- the population is far from its glory days of 600 ence and conclusively by the Second World War workers; the sovkhoz employs now 200 workers. (Hämäläinen 1983: 5–8; Hämynen 1998: 160– A new type of industry has gained momentum. 161, 169). In addition to failure stories, new kind of success The beautiful nature of the Isthmus creates the stories emerged, as some were better equipped for same possibilities on livelihood as before. Today the fall of the Soviet Union than others. A mid- not only is the summer a popular holiday season dle-aged man running a family store in Melnikovo on the Karelian Isthmus, but winters are an ac- said: “As a history teacher I saw where perestroi- tive time with skiing, sledding and ice-fishing. Or ka was leading the country. I could predict what downhill skiing in one of the ski resorts on the would happen. I had to come up with something isthmus. Construction on the Karelian Isthmus to provide for my family, and decided to become has boomed especially since 2003; secondary and an entrepreneur. I did not want the standard of leisure homes and recreational villages have been living of my family to drop, and decided to take built. Five kilometres east of Melnikovo there is a action.” Entrepreneurship has become a major holiday home village the name of which translates source of livelihood in Melnikovo. There were 29 into Czar’s Snowflake, one of the tens of business- businesses in the town in 2005. In a municipality es in the field. It offers high-quality log villas to with a population of 2000 – and 4000 – in sum- tourists for 100 euros per day. mertime, there are five small grocery stores and a For the 50th anniversary of Melnikovo (1998), lumber market; one next to the other in the town the municipal administration had commissioned centre. In addition, there will be a large hardware commemorative glass mugs. “Melnikovo 50 years” store. The current industrial identity of Melnikovo was printed on the side along with grazing cows. is multi-dimensional, although entrepreneurship Melnikovo no longer markets itself with cows in plays an important role (summary of interviews, the 21st century. In fact, cows have become a rarer Melnikovo 24.–28.10.2005). sight on the present-day Karelian Isthmus. Some- thing else is required. The chief accountant of Nature-based industry and identity Czar’s Snowflake has printed material of Räisälä’s history on his desk. Tourists want to know about The images and conceptions serving tourism are the past of the area. Also the locals want to know based on positive features related to the area. about the history concealed during the Soviet era: Tourism selects the most appropriate elements for who used to own the Finnish houses they now live its purposes and maintains and enforces them. To- in. day the recreation-related industry with the roots The Russian Orthodox culture in the area is in the history increases in importance in Isthmus currently being re-established and strengthened. as Russian tourists and the middle class of Saint Three Orthodox chapels have been constructed Petersburg have discovered the Karelian Isthmus. in Melnikovo since the late 1990’s. One extremely st Recreation-related industries developed in the 21 beautiful chapel is located in the tiny village of century have a long history on the Karelian Isth- Vasilevo, near an underutilised sovkhoz. It can be th mus. In the early 18 century, the Isthmus was accessed by boat because it is located in the mid- transferred from Sweden to the Russian Empire. dle of the Vuoksi on a small island with room for To the inhabitants of the isthmus this meant the nothing but the chapel. This picturesque Ortho- adoption of the feudal system. Large farms in the dox temple has also become a kind of new symbol area were donated to Russian aristocracy. Citizens of Melnikovo. A calendar has been printed with of Saint Petersburg started to build summer villas pictures of it for each month, and the municipal th near these farms. In the 19 century, the Karelian manager gives it to visitors as a gift. The second

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tsasouna is in the centre of town. It is smaller than produce old Novgorod and Finnish myths and so the Lutheran stone church, which today serves as it will become a possible source of a new regional a community centre and disco in the middle of identity. At the same time the Karelian Isthmus Melnikovo. contributes the construction of the national iden- During the Second World War, statues of the tity of the Russian Federation. The elements for icons of the time – Lenin and Stalin – were built the new identity of a region is based on the old in Räisälä. Finnish soldiers tore them down when roots: on the proximity of the western border and

ALUE JA YMPÄRISTÖ ALUE JA they reoccupied Räisälä in 1941. From 1956, the historical connection with the western border a monument of the new patriotic war has stood areas, the captivating nature, the new rise of the in the garden of the beautiful tsasouna, built in Russian culture and the closeness of the great mar- 1990’s. Fatherland and religion meet in this fenced- ket area of Saint Petersburg and Moscow. in garden by the Käkisalmi–Svetogorsk-road. The newly-built luxus houses and churches replacing Notes the old Finnish architecture in countryside will change the regional identity. The Isthmus will be 1. The interviews were conducted together with re- probably known in future for its high-class houses, searcher Maija Hämäläinen-Abdessamad. not for the old Finnish farms and churches.2 2. I thank Doctor Terttu Nupponen for her valuable comments. Conclusions References Karelian Isthmus is a part of the Russian Federa- Balashov, Yevgeni (1998). Karelsky Peresheyek, Zemlya Neiz- tion with speciﬁc identity of a region. The frame- vedannaya. Jugo-Zapadny sektor. II Uusikirkko (Polyany). work for a life in the Isthmus has always been Izdatelstvo V.V. Valdina “Novoe Vremja”, Sankt-Peter- determined by the nature with the waterways and burg. the location of the border and by the ruling gov- Balashov, Yevgeni (2004). Otserki, o Karelskom persesheyek. ernment. On this basis people have built their re- 4.1.2007, http://www.kannas.nm.ru/ideolog_topo.htm gional identities: who are the neighbours and who Barth, Fredrik (1969). Introduction. In Barth, Fredrik (ed.) are we ourselves. Ethnic Groups and boundaries. The social organization of th cultural difference. Univerisetforslaget, Bergen. In the 18 century, Lutheran and Orthodox Dmitriev, A. P. & Lihoi, A. I. (2004). Priozerskaja Zemlja religions determined the ethnic group bounda- Istorija i Kultura. IP Kompleks, Priozersk. ries of the Karelian Isthmus more than language. Goskomstat (2002). Vserossiiskaya perepis naseleniya 2002 This was changed by the time. Still today, religion goda. 3.3.2006, http://www.perepis2002.ru/?id=8 is a source of identity and a symbol of religion as Hannula, Milla (2006) Kenttämatkalla Melnikovossa. well as it produces a regional identity. Now the Räisäläinen 1, 4–7. newly-built Orthodox churches replace those old Hakkarainen, Marina (2005). We were unaware of the history. Just took....our risk. Teoksessa Hakamies, Pekka (toim.) Finnish/Karelian Lutheran churches which some Moving in the USSR. Western anomalies and northern wil- of them until now have been left as the centres of derness, 42–66. Finnish Literature Society. Helsinki. the villages in Karelian Isthmus. The identity of Hobsbawn, Eric (1992). Nations and nationalism since 1780. Muslims has no visible landmarks such as Mosque University Press. Cambridge. in the Isthmus, but the relationship of the Russian Katajala, Kimmo (2005). Suurvallan rajalla: ihmisiä Ruotsin Muslims and non-Muslims involves the root for ajan Karjalassa. SKS, Helsinki the loyalty dilemma. Kauppala, Pekka (2000). Regionalization and the Russian North. The current condition and development trends. Ren- The inhabitants of the Isthmus experienced an vall Institute, Helsinki. economic and cultural crisis in the beginning of Nevalainen, Pekka (1992). Silmäys Inkerin kirkollisiin oloihin 1990’s. The Karelian Isthmus was a fading rural 1704–1917. Teoksessa Nevalainen, Pekka & Sihvo, Han- area long into the 1990’s. Tourism-related business nes (toim.) Inkeri. Historia, kansa, kulttuuri, 159–167. has become an important source of the livelihood SKS, Helsinki. in the area. This is not a completely new source of Hakamies, Pekka (1992). Inkeri monietnisenä alueena. Teok- industry. During the 19th century the Isthmus was sessa Nevalainen, Pekka & Sihvo, Hannes (toim.) Inkeri. Historia, kansa, kulttuuri,197–205. SKS, Helsinki. famous about its settlement of summer residences. Hakamies, Pekka (2005). New culture on new territories. The New interpretations of history have contributed Carelian Isthmus and Ladoga Karelia in post-war years. to the unique and original identity of the isthmus Teoksessa Hakamies, Pekka (toim.) Moving in the USSR. that stands apart from other Russian regions. Cul- Western anomalies and Northern wilderness, 91–110. Finn- tural institutions such as poets and scientists re- ish Literature Society, Helsinki.

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Hämynen, Tapio (1998). Karjalan yhteiskunta ja talous 28:4, 475–485. 1800-luvun lopulta toiseen maailmansotaan. Teoksessa Smirnov, Vladimir (2002). Kareliya. Istoriya IKO. 4.1.2007, Nevalainen, Pekka & Sihvo, Hannes (toim.) Karjala. http://www.kannas.nm.ru/iko_history.htm Historia, kansa, kulttuuri, 153–207. SKS, Helsinki. Stranius, Pentti (2007). ”Minä olen Kuban Karjalaisia”. Hämäläinen, Viljo (1983). Karjalan kannaksen venäläinen Teoksessa Fingerroos, Outi & Lopponen, Jaana (toim.) kesäasutuskysymys maamme itsenäisyyden kaudella. Nykytulkintojen Karjala. Nykykulttuurin tutkimuskeskuk- Tampereen yliopisto. Historiatieteen laitoksen julkaisuja sen julkaisuja 91. Gummerus. Vaajakoski. 6, Tampere. Summary of interviews in Melnikovo and Svetogorsk in Paasi, Anssi (1995). Territories, boundaries and consciousness; 2005–2006. the changing geographies of the Finnish-Russian border. Tikka, Boris, Balashov, Yevgeni & Stepakov, Viktor (2002). Chister, Whiley. Karjalan kannas sotien jälkeen. v.1940–41, 1944–1950. Paasi, Anssi (2003). Region and place: regional identity in Karelija-historian ja kotiseudun tutkimusyhdistys. Kult- question. Progress reports. Progress in Human Geography, InformPress, Pietari.