TRANSNATIONAL JOURNALISM, PUBLIC DIPLOMACY, and VIRTUAL STATES Philip Seib Published Online: 09 Sep 2010
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This article was downloaded by: [Universidad Autonoma de Barcelona] On: 17 October 2014, At: 02:15 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journalism Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjos20 TRANSNATIONAL JOURNALISM, PUBLIC DIPLOMACY, AND VIRTUAL STATES Philip Seib Published online: 09 Sep 2010. To cite this article: Philip Seib (2010) TRANSNATIONAL JOURNALISM, PUBLIC DIPLOMACY, AND VIRTUAL STATES, Journalism Studies, 11:5, 734-744, DOI: 10.1080/1461670X.2010.503023 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2010.503023 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. 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Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions TRANSNATIONAL JOURNALISM, PUBLIC DIPLOMACY, AND VIRTUAL STATES Philip Seib As a public diplomacy tool, transnational journalism (principally broadcasting) has long had appeal to governments. It is a relatively efficient and inexpensive way to reach potentially vast audiences throughout the world with messages that presumably possess added credibility when wrapped in the trappings of journalism. Non-state actors, including media organizations themselves, may conduct their own versions of public diplomacy. New communication technologies have led to an expanded number of players in this field and to an even larger audience, which has gradually become more sophisticated and less credulous. Broadcasters are no longer just broadcasters. The most creative among them use Internet-based media to enhance their reach and influence. For purveyors of public diplomacy to earn and maintain the trust of the publics they seek to reach requires an adherence to established principles of journalism, more specifically those of foreign correspondence. If this occurs, a new genre of international reporting may take shape and help compensate for the diminished amount of traditional reporting from abroad. KEYWORDS Al Jazeera; international broadcasting; journalistic norms; public diplomacy Introduction: Evolution of the Craft Transnational broadcasting’s political effects first became noteworthy during the late 1930s, when Great Britain and Germany used radio in efforts to influence public opinion, particularly in the United States (Seib, 2006, pp. 7Á47). By September 1940, the BBC was offering more than 70 news broadcasts each day*more than 200,000 words*to audiences outside the United Kingdom. Among the themes was that America had a stake in the war’s outcome and that the British were ‘‘a first line of defense for the other side of the Atlantic.’’ BBC commentator J. B. Priestley criticized US isolationists, saying, ‘‘All this patter about non-belligerence is like sitting down and doing crossword puzzles in front of a pack of ravening wolves’’ (Graves, 1941a). CBS London correspondent Edward R. Murrow knew that radio enhanced the impact Downloaded by [Universidad Autonoma de Barcelona] at 02:15 17 October 2014 of propaganda: If you believe that this war will be decided on the home front, then you must believe that radio used as an instrument of war is one of the most powerful weapons a nation possesses. If you believe, as I do, that this war is being fought for the control of men’s minds, it is clear that radio will be a deciding factor. (Murrow, 1941, p. 76) Murrow was shrewd enough to know, as a corollary to this, that news reports such as his, which praised Britain’s resilience while under German attack, were serving British diplomatic interests. In May 1940, the BBC began broadcasting ‘‘Britain Speaks,’’ which was designed for US listeners, and in September a ‘‘new and enlarged North American transmission’’ Journalism Studies, Vol. 11, No 5, 2010, 734Á744 ISSN 1461-670X print/1469-9699 online – 2010 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/1461670X.2010.503023 TRANSNATIONAL JOURNALISM 735 lasting six hours was inaugurated. The news, described as ‘‘a really reliable word picture of the very latest world events,’’ was read with an American accent (Graves, 1941a). Americans were also hearing from Germany. A German radio service for North America had been started in 1933, and as Adolf Hitler embarked on his course toward war the broadcasts praised isolationism, criticized Britain, and portrayed the new Germany in the best light. Reports claimed, for example, that Hitler was simply trying ‘‘to straighten out some of the political and economic confusion with which Central and Eastern Europe were plagued’’ (Economist, 2006b). Once the war began in 1939, this radio service sent America more than 11 hours of programming each day, including nine news programs and five commentaries. Among the broadcasters was Iowa native Fred Kaltenbach, who each week delivered an ‘‘open letter’’ that began, ‘‘Dear Harry and the folks back home in Iowa ...’’ In one of these letters, he warned his listeners about British propaganda: ‘‘The American people are to be led to believe that England and France are the last hopes of democracy, and that Germany is seeking to beat them only because they are democratic. Stuff and nonsense!’’ On another occasion, Kaltenbach said, ‘‘Let it be said, once and for all, a German victory in this war is no threat to democracy*and certainly not to American democracy’’ (Graves, 1940, pp. 601Á6). The broadcasts attempted to justify German policy to Americans by comparing the seizure of the Polish Corridor with the US annexation of Texas, and likened Hitler’s concept of Lebensraum*ensuring ‘‘living space’’ by controlling Central Europe* to the Monroe Doctrine (Rolo, 1942). On any given day in early 1941, the American audience for the German broadcasts was estimated to be about 150,000, but there is no evidence that the German radio efforts accomplished anything beyond feeding the gospel according to Goebbels to the small number of Nazi sympathizers in America (Rolo, 1942). If the Nazis’ programs created any drag on the pro-British drift in American opinion, it did not amount to much. Meanwhile, the British enhanced their own efforts with what might be called ‘‘public diplomacy by proxy.’’ From Prime Minister Winston Churchill on down through the ranks of government, the courting of American journalists was relentless. The British had made a wise decision: despite the upgraded BBC efforts, American public opinion would most likely be shaped by reports from Americans, and so influencing the content of US news coverage emanating from Britain was crucial. Coverage by Murrow and many other American journalists dovetailed nicely with Downloaded by [Universidad Autonoma de Barcelona] at 02:15 17 October 2014 President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s effort to chip away at isolationism. US public opinion began to shift, and the British public diplomacy effort*aimed at bringing America into the war*finally proved successful. This bit of history is useful in considering today’s media-based public diplomacy because it underscores the value of creative flexibility in designing public diplomacy undertakings. The alternative to this*following a conventional formula*might result in having an acceptable product, but it certainly does not ensure reaching a substantial audience. Just as Americans in 1940 most trusted news from American voices, so today do international audiences most rely on reports from journalists with whom they share language, politics, and culture. 736 PHILIP SEIB The Crowded Field For major world players, international journalism can be an essential element of public diplomacy. Some news organizations have been created to produce foreign news reports that advance the ‘‘national values’’ of their governments by disseminating them throughout the world. Whether the results are worth the effort varies significantly from case to case (Seib, 2008). In some instances, the basic rationale behind such efforts is to diversity the perspectives expressed in international issues debates. French journalist Ulysse Gosset, who helped develop France’s entry into this field, France 24, said: ‘‘Today news channels are part of the global battle in the world. It’s as important as traditional diplomacy and economic strength.’’ He added, ‘‘If we have a real desire to communicate around the world, we need to do it with the right medium, and that’s English’’ (Carvajal, 2006). Just about everywhere in the world, there are people*particularly among the political and economic elite*who speak English and are part of the far-flung audience for the American and British broadcasting giants. For governments that want to participate in the global conversation about important issues, English-language media are essential. France 24, born in 2006, is an example of this. France 24, referred to by some as ‘‘CNN a la Francaise,’’ was constructed as a joint venture between TF1, France’s largest independent network, and state-run France Televisions. News is presented in French, English, and Arabic. Its creation was spurred by the Iraq war.