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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
Its the Political Economy Stupid Excerpts
3 The Global Financial Crisis in Art and Theory Edited by: Gregory Sholette & Oliver Ressler PlutoPress www.plutobooks.com ITPESbookFINAL30Nov.indd 3 30/11/2012 10:24 It’s the Political Economy, Stupid 62 The Political Economization of Art 72 John Roberts Derivative Days: Notes on Art, Finance, and the Unproductive Forces 14 Melanie Gilligan It’s the Political Economy, Stupid! Slavoj Žižek 3 8 Unspeaking the Grammar of Finance Gregory Sholette and Oliver Ressler 4 2 5 Occupational Realism Julia Bryan-Wilson 2a 1 Comments on Art from the Exhibition It’s the Political Economy, Stupid Liz Park 84 Foreword by Pia Hovi-Assad, Pori Art Museum, Finland 34 6 ITPESbookFINAL30Nov.indd 4 30/11/2012 10:24 5 CONTENTS 96 118 164 Art After Capitalism Brian Holmes Notes On Comments on Art from the Exhibition 9 Contibutors It’s the Political Economy, Stupid 8 Angela Dimitrakaki and Kirsten Lloyd Touring Exhibition Dates Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street (excerpts) Sick Sad Life: On the Judith Butler 7a Artistic Reproduction 5a of Capital Kerstin Stakemeier Comments on Art from the Exhibition 7 It’s the Political Economy, Stupid Thom Donovan 180 6 Occupy Wall Street’s Anarchist Roots David Graeber 178 156 110 128 ITPESbookFINAL30Nov.indd 5 30/11/2012 10:24 15 Slavoj Žižek Two events mark the beginning and end of the first decade of the twenty- first century: the 9/11 attacks in 2001 and the financial meltdown in 2008. ITPESbookFINAL30Nov.indd 15 30/11/2012 10:24 It’s the Political Economy, Stupid The language President Bush used, in both instances, to address the American people sounds like two versions of the same speech. -
Marxism and Ethical Socialism
REVISTA DE INVESTIGACIÓN FILOSÓFICA Y TEORÍA SOCIAL Dialektika Marxism and Ethical Socialism El Marxismo y el Socialismo Ético Recibido: 26/02/2020 Renzo Llorente 1* Aceptado: 02/05/2020 1* Division of Humanities, Saint Louis University, Madrid, España. Email: [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000‐0003‐0017‐0213 Para Citar: Llorente, R. (2020). El marxismo y el socialismo ético. Dialektika: Revista De Investigación Filosófica Y Teoría Social, 2(4), 47-56. Recuperado a partir de https://journal.dialektika.org/ojs/index.php/logos/article/view/23 Resumen: Quizá el legado más notable del llamado marxismo Abstract: One of the principal legacies of analytical Marxism analítico sea la tesis, defendida por algunos destacados has been a moralization of Marxism, for some of the most representantes de esta corriente filosófica, según la cual las influential analytical Marxists came to endorse the view that razones que impulsan a Marx y al marxismo a condenar el the Marxist condemnation of capitalism and defense of socialism ultimately derive from normative ethical SSAYS capitalismo y defender el socialismo son, en el fondo, de una E naturaleza moral. Si asumimos esta interpretación de Marx y considerations. If we accept this new interpretation of Marx del marxismo, nos veremos obligados a reconsiderar la and Marxism, with its emphasis on the moral foundations of relación entre el marxismo y otra tradición socialista para la Marxist doctrine, we are forced to reconsider the relationship cual los valores morales también son fundamentales, a saber, between Marxism and another socialist tradition for which el llamado “socialismo ético”. Si al reconsiderar esta relación moral commitments are also fundamental, namely ethical dejamos de lado algunas ideas falsas, si bien muy extendidas, socialism. -
Bevir the Making of British Socialism.Indb
Copyrighted Material CHAPTER ONE Introduction: Socialism and History “We Are All Socialists Now: The Perils and Promise of the New Era of Big Government” ran the provocative cover of Newsweek on 11 Feb ruary 2009. A financial crisis had swept through the economy. Several small banks had failed. The state had intervened, pumping money into the economy, bailing out large banks and other failing financial institu tions, and taking shares and part ownership in what had been private companies. The cover of Newsweek showed a red hand clasping a blue one, implying that both sides of the political spectrum now agreed on the importance of such state action. Although socialism is making headlines again, there seems to be very little understanding of its nature and history. The identification of social ism with “big government” is, to say the least, misleading. It just is not the case that when big business staggers and the state steps in, you have socialism. Historically, socialists have often looked not to an enlarged state but to the withering away of the state and the rise of nongovern mental societies. Even when socialists have supported state intervention, they have generally focused more on promoting social justice than on simply bailing out failing financial institutions. A false identification of socialism with big government is a staple of dated ideological battles. The phrase “We are all socialists now” is a quo tation from a British Liberal politician of the late nineteenth century. Sir William Harcourt used it when a land reform was passed with general acceptance despite having been equally generally denounced a few years earlier as “socialist.” Moreover, Newsweek’s cover was not the first echo of Harcourt’s memorable phrase. -
Marxist Ethical Theory in the Soviet Union Sovietica
MARXIST ETHICAL THEORY IN THE SOVIET UNION SOVIETICA PUBLICATIONS AND MONOGRAPHS OF THE INSTITUTE OF EAST-EUROPEAN STUDIES AT THE UNIVERSITY OF FRIBOURG/SWITZERLAND AND THE CENTER FOR EAST EUROPE, RUSSIA AND ASIA AT BOSTON COLLEGE AND THE SEMINAR FOR POLITICAL THEOR Y AND PHILOSOPHY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MUNICH Founded by J. M. BOCHENSKI (Fribourg) Edited by T. J. BLAKELEY (Boston), GUIDO KUNG (Fribourg), and NIKOLAUS LOBKOWICZ (Munich) Editorial Board Karl G. Ballestrem (Munich) George L. Kline (Bryn Mawr) Helmut Dahm (Cologne) T. R. Payne (Providence) Richard T. DeGeorge (Kansas) Friedrich Rapp (Berlin) Peter Ehlen (Munich) Andries Sariemijn (Eindhoven) Michael Gagern (Munich) James Scanlan (Columbus) Felix P. Ingold (St. GaZ/) Edward Swiderski (Fribourg) Bernard Jeu (LiZ/e) VOLUME 40 PHILIP T. GRIER Department ofPhilosophy, Northwestern University MARXIST ETHICAL THEORY IN THE SOVIET UNION D. REIDEL PUBLISHING COMPANY DORDRECHT : HOLLAND I BOSTON: U.S.A. LONDON:ENGLAND library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Grier, Philip T. 1942- Marxist ethical theory in the Soviet Union. (Sovietica ; v. 40) Based on the author's thesis, University of Michigan. Bibliography: p. Includes index. I. Ethics-Russia-History. 2. Communist ethics-History. 3. Philosophy, Russian-History. 4. Values-History. I. Title. II Series. BJ852.G73 171 78-12401 ISBN-13: 978-94-009-9878-0 e-ISBN-13: 978-94-009-9876-6 DOl: 10.1007/978-94-009-9876-6 Published by D. Reidel Publishing Company, P.O. Box 17, Dordrecht, Holland Sold and distributed in the U.S.A., Canada, and Mexico by D. Reidel Publishing Company, Inc. Lincoln Building, 160 Old Derby Street, Hingham, Mass. -
Beyond the Law of Value: Class Struggle and Socialisttransformation
chapter 11 Beyond the Law of Value: Class Struggle and Socialist Transformation If only one tenth of the human energy that is now expended on reform- ing capitalism, protesting its depredations and cobbling together elect- oral alliances within the arena of bourgeois politics could be channelled instead into an effective revolutionary/transformative political practice, one suspects that the era of socialist globalization would be close at hand … The objective, historical conditions for a socialist transformation are not only ripe; they have become altogether rotten. The global capital- ist order is presently in an advanced state of decay. The vital task today is to bring human consciousness and activity – the ‘subjective factor’ – into correspondence with the urgent need to confront and transform that objective reality.1 Such was my assessment in Global Capitalism in Crisis, published in the imme- diate aftermath of the Great Recession of 2008–09. Nearly a decade on, one must concede perforce that little progress has been made in accomplishing the vital task prescribed. The capitalist class has waged a remarkably success- ful campaign to suppress the emergence of a mass socialist workers movement capable of addressing the ‘triple crisis’ of twenty-first-century capitalism that was outlined in Chapter 1. In the face of persistent global economic malaise, growing inequality, accel- erating climate change, and worsening international relations portending world war, global capitalism has avoided a crisis of legitimacy proportionate to the dangers facing humanity. This anomaly speaks volumes about the power of ideology, as deployed by the main beneficiaries of the capitalist order, to ‘obscure social reality and deflect attention from the demonstrable connec- tions that exist between the capitalist profit system and the multiple crises of the contemporary world’.2 InThe German Ideology, Marx and Engels wrote: ‘The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas: i.e. -
Capitalism Has Failed — What Next?
The Jus Semper Global Alliance In Pursuit of the People and Planet Paradigm Sustainable Human Development November 2020 ESSAYS ON TRUE DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM Capitalism Has Failed — What Next? John Bellamy Foster ess than two decades into the twenty-first century, it is evident that capitalism has L failed as a social system. The world is mired in economic stagnation, financialisation, and the most extreme inequality in human history, accompanied by mass unemployment and underemployment, precariousness, poverty, hunger, wasted output and lives, and what at this point can only be called a planetary ecological “death spiral.”1 The digital revolution, the greatest technological advance of our time, has rapidly mutated from a promise of free communication and liberated production into new means of surveillance, control, and displacement of the working population. The institutions of liberal democracy are at the point of collapse, while fascism, the rear guard of the capitalist system, is again on the march, along with patriarchy, racism, imperialism, and war. To say that capitalism is a failed system is not, of course, to suggest that its breakdown and disintegration is imminent.2 It does, however, mean that it has passed from being a historically necessary and creative system at its inception to being a historically unnecessary and destructive one in the present century. Today, more than ever, the world is faced with the epochal choice between “the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large and the common ruin of the contending classes.”3 1 ↩ George Monbiot, “The Earth Is in a Death Spiral. It will Take Radical Action to Save Us,” Guardian, November 14, 2018; Leonid Bershidsky, “Underemployment is the New Unemployment,” Bloomberg, September 26, 2018. -
Marxism and British Socialism
MARXISM AND BRITISH SOCIALISM By MARK BEVIR Department of Politics Newcastle University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU U.K. 1 MARXISM AND BRITISH SOCIALISM What is the nature of British socialism? and why did it take the form it did? A common perspective on these questions stresses British exceptionalism, pointing out Britain was the only major European state where no important Marxist movement emerged. From this perspective, our questions become: how does British socialism diverge from Marxism? and why was there no Marxism in Britain? I want to move away from this perspective because it incorporates two problematic assumptions. The first is an essentialist account of Marxism: there is a true socialism from which the British variety departed. It makes sense to draw a clear distinction between Marxism and British socialism only if we believe certain doctrines are necessary to a Marxist outlook, or at least incompatible with a Marxist outlook. The second is a teleological view of history: there is a natural path of historical development from which Britain departed. It makes sense to look for an explanation of Britain's departure from the norm only if we accept a theory leading us to expect Britain to follow it. I will argue British Marxists espoused a Marxism infused with themes from their national culture, and British socialists criticised Marxism from a perspective incorporating the same themes. This blurs the distinctions between Marxism, British Marxism, and British socialism, thereby suggesting British socialism is a product of an encounter between Marxism and an indigenous culture. When Marxism attracted a following in Britain after 1881, its adherents approached Marx's teachings through two native traditions; radicalism and romanticism. -
Phan Bội Châu and the Imagining of Modern Vietnam by Matthew a Berry a Dissertation Submitted in Partia
Confucian Terrorism: Phan Bội Châu and the Imagining of Modern Vietnam By Matthew A Berry A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Wen-hsin Yeh, Chair Professor Peter Zinoman Professor Emeritus Lowell Dittmer Fall 2019 Abstract Confucian Terrorism: Phan Bội Châu and the Imagining of Modern Vietnam by Matthew A Berry Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Wen-hsin Yeh, Chair This study considers the life and writings of Phan Bội Châu (1867-1940), a prominent Vietnamese revolutionary and nationalist. Most research on Phan Bội Châu is over forty years old and is contaminated by historiographical prejudices of the Vietnam War period. I seek to re- engage Phan Bội Châu’s writings, activities, and connections by closely analyzing and comparing his texts, using statistical and geographical systems techniques (GIS), and reconsidering previous juridical and historiographical judgments. My dissertation explores nationalism, modernity, comparative religion, literature, history, and law through the life and work of a single individual. The theoretical scope of this dissertation is intentionally broad for two reasons. First, to improve upon work already done on Phan Bội Châu it is necessary to draw on a wider array of resources and insights. Second, I hope to challenge Vietnam’s status as a historiographical peculiarity by rendering Phan Bội Châu’s case comparable with other regional and global examples. The dissertation contains five chapters. The first is a critical analysis of Democratic Republic of Vietnam and Western research on Phan Bội Châu. -
Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And
Marxism and Racial Oppression: Towards a Unified Theory Charles Post (City University of New York) Half a century ago, the revival of the womens movementsecond wave feminismforced the revolutionary left and Marxist theory to revisit the Womens Question. As historical materialists in the 1960s and 1970s grappled with the relationship between capitalism, class and gender, two fundamental positions emerged. The dominant response was dual systems theory. Beginning with the historically correct observation that male domination predates the emergence of the capitalist mode of production, these theorists argued that contemporary gender oppression could only be comprehended as the result of the interaction of two separate systemsa patriarchal system of gender domination and the capitalist mode of production. The alternative approach emerged from the debates on domestic labor and the predominantly privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power under capitalism. In 1979, Lise Vogel synthesized an alternative unitary approach that rooted gender oppression in the tensions between the increasingly socialized character of (most) commodity production and the essentially privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power. Today, dual-systems theory has morphed into intersectionality where distinct systems of class, gender, sexuality and race interact to shape oppression, exploitation and identity. This paper attempts to begin the construction of an outline of a unified theory of race and capitalism. The paper begins by critically examining two Marxian approaches. On one side are those like Ellen Meiksins Wood who argued that capitalism is essentially color-blind and can reproduce itself without racial or gender oppression. On the other are those like David Roediger and Elizabeth Esch who argue that only an intersectional analysis can allow historical materialists to grasp the relationship of capitalism and racial oppression.