DOCSLIB.ORG

First As Tragedy, Then As Farce

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
First As Tragedy, Then As Farce FIRST AS TRAGEDY, THEN AS FARCE SLAVOJ ZrZEK VERSO London • New York First published by Verso 2009 © Slavoj Zizek 2009 All rights reserved The moral rights of the author have been asserted I 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Verso UK: 6 Meard Street, London WIF oEG US: 20 Jay Street, Suite 1010, Brooklyn, NY 11201 ww.versobooks.com Verso is the imprint of New LeftBooks ISBN-13: 978-1-84467-428 2 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Typeset by Hewer Text UK Ltd, Edinburgh Printed in the US by Maple Vail Contents Introduction: TheLessons of the First Decade 1 1 It's Ideology, Stupid! 9 Capitalist Socialism?-CrisisAs Shock Therapy-The Structure of Enemy Propaganda-Human, All Too Human ...-The "New Spirit" of Capitalism-Between the Two Fetishisms­ Communism,Again! 2 The Communist Hypothesis 86 The New Enclosure of the Commons-Socialism or Communism?-The"Pu blic Use of Reason"- ...in Haiti­ The Capitalist Exception--":'Capitalismwith Asian Values ...in Europe-From Profit to Rent-"We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting For" Introduction: The Lessons of the First Decade The title of this book is intended as an elementary IQ test fo r the reader: if the first association it generates is the vulgaranti-communist cliche-"You are right-today, after the tragedy of twentieth-century totalitarianism, all the talk about a return to communism can only be farcical!"-then I sincerely advise you to stop here. Indeed, the book should be fo rcibly confiscated from you, since it deals with an entirely different tragedy and farce, namely, the two events which mark the beginning and the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century: the attacks of September 11, 2001 and the financial meltdown of 2008. We should note the similarity of President Bush's language in his addresses to the American p�ople after 9/11 and after the financial collapse: they sounded very much like two versions of the same speech. Both times Bush evoked the threat to the American way of life and the need to take fast and decisive action to cope with the danger. Both times he called for the partial suspension of American values (guaran­ tees of individual freedom, market capitalism) in order to save these very same values. From whence comes this similarity? Marx began his Eighteenth Brumaire with a correction of Hegel's idea that history necessarily repeats itself: "Hegel remarks somewhere that al great events and characters of world history occur, so to speak, twice. He fo rgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce.'" This 1 Karl Marx, "TheEighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte:' in Surveys From Exile, edited and introduced by David Pernbach, Harmondsworth: Penguin 1973, p. 146. 2 FIRST AS TRAGEDY, THEN AS FARCE supplement to Hegel's notion of historical repetition was a rhetorical figure which had already haunted Marx years earlier: we find it in his "A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right;' where he diagnoses the decay of the German ancien regime in the 1830S and 1840S as a fa rcical repetition of the tragic fall of the French ancien regime: It is instructive for [the modern nations 1 to see the ancien regime, which in their countries has experienced its tragedy, play its comic role as a German phantom. Its history was tragic as long as it was the pre-existing power in the world and fr eedom a personal whim-in a word, as long as it believed, and had to believe, in its own privileges. As long as the ancien regime, as an established world order, was struggling against a world that was only just emerging, there was a world-historical error on its side but not a personal one. Its downfall was therefore tragic. The present German regime, on the other hand-an anachronism, a flagrant contradiction of universally accepted axioms, the futility of the ancien regime displayed for all the world to see-only imagines that it still believes in itself and asks the world to share in its fantasy. If it believed in its own nature, would it try to hide that nature under the appearance of an alien nature and seek its salvation in hypocrisy and sophism? The modern ancien regime is rather merely the clown of a world order whose real heroes are dead. History is thorough and passes through many stages while bearing an ancient fo rm to its grave. The last phase of a world-historical fo rm is its comedy. TheGreek gods, who already died once of their wounds in Aeschylus's tragedy Prometheus Bound, were fo rced to die a second death-this time a comic one-in Lucian's Dialogues. Why does history take this course? So that mankind may part happily with its past. We lay claim to this happy historical destiny for the political powers of Germany.' 2 Karl Marx. ''A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right:' in Early Writings, introduced by Lucio Colletti. Harmondsworth: Penguin 1975. pp. 247 8. INTRODUCTION 3 Note the precise characterization of the German ancien regime as the one which "only imagines that it still believes in itself" -one can even speculate about the meaning of the fact that, during the same period, Kierkegaard deployed his idea that we humans cannot ever be sure that we believe: ultimately, we only "believe that we believe:' Thefo rmula of a regime which "only imagines that it believes in itself" nicely captures the cancellation of the performative power ("symbolic efficiency") of the ruling ideology: it no longer effectively functions as the fundamental structure of the social bond. And, we may ask, are we not today in the same situation? Do today's preachers and practitioners of liberal democracy not also "only imagine that they believe in them­ selves:' in their pronunciations? In fact, it would be more appropriate to describe contemporary cynicism as representing an exact inversion of Marx's formula: today, we only imagine that we do not "really believe" in our ideology-in spite of this imaginary distance, we continue to practise it. We believe not less but much more than we imagine we believe. Benjamin was thus indeed prescient in his remark that "every­ thing depends on how one believes in one's belief:'3 Twelve years prior to 9/11, on November 9, 1989, the Berlin Wall fell. This event seemed to announce the beginning of the "happy' 90S:' Francis Fukuyama's utopia of the "end of history," the belief that liberal democracy had, in principle, won out, that the advent of a global liberal community was hovering just around the corner, and that the obsta­ cles to this Hollywood-style ending were merely empirical and contingent (local pockets of resistance whose leaders had not yet grasped that their time was up). September 11, in contrast, symbolized the end of the Clintonite period, and heralded an era in which new walls were seen emerging everywhere: between Israel and the West Bank, around the European Union, along the US-Mexico border, but also within nation­ states themselves. 3 Walter Benjamin, Gesammelte Briefe, Vol. I, Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag 1995, p. 182. 4 FIRST AS TRAGEDY, THEN AS FARCE In an article for Newsweek, Emily Flynn Vencat and Ginanne Brownell report how today, the members-only phenomenon is exploding into a whole way of life, encompassing everything from private banking conditions to invitation- only health clinics , , . those with money are increasingly locking their entire lives behind closed doors. Rather than attend media-heavy events, they arrange private concerts, fashion shows and art exhibitions in their own homes. They shop after-hours, and have their neighbors (and potential friends) vetted for class and cash. A new global class is thus emerging "with, say, an Indian passport, a castle in Scotland, a pied-a-terre in Manhattan and a private Caribbean island"­ the paradox is that the members of this global class "dine privately, shop privately, view art privately, everything is private, private, private:' Theyare thus creating a life-world of their own to solve their anguishing herme­ neutic problem; as To dd Milay puts it: "wealthy familiescan't ju st 'invite people over and expect them to understand what it's like to have $300 million:" So what are their contacts with the world at large? Theycome in two fo rms: business and humanitarianism (protecting the environment, fighting against diseases, supporting the arts, etc.). Theseglobal citizens live their lives mostly in pristine nature-whether trekking in Patagonia or swimming in the translucent waters of their private islands. One cannot help but note that one fe ature basic to the attitude of these gated superrich is fe ar: fear of external social life itself The highest priorities of the "ultrahigh-net-worth individuals" are thus how to minimizesecurity risks-diseases, exposureto threats of violent crime, andso fo rth.4 In contemporary China, the new rich have built secluded commu­ nities modeled upon idealized "typical" Western towns; there is, for example, near Shanghai a "real" replica of a small English town, 4 Emily Flynn Vencat and Ginanne Brownell, "A h, the secluded life;' Newsweek, December 10, 2007. INTRODUCTION including a main street with pubs, an Anglican church, a Sainsbury supermarket, etc.-the whole area is isolated from its surroundings by an invisible, but no less real, cupola.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • Its the Political Economy Stupid Excerpts
    3 The Global Financial Crisis in Art and Theory Edited by: Gregory Sholette & Oliver Ressler PlutoPress www.plutobooks.com ITPESbookFINAL30Nov.indd 3 30/11/2012 10:24 It’s the Political Economy, Stupid 62 The Political Economization of Art 72 John Roberts Derivative Days: Notes on Art, Finance, and the Unproductive Forces 14 Melanie Gilligan It’s the Political Economy, Stupid! Slavoj Žižek 3 8 Unspeaking the Grammar of Finance Gregory Sholette and Oliver Ressler 4 2 5 Occupational Realism Julia Bryan-Wilson 2a 1 Comments on Art from the Exhibition It’s the Political Economy, Stupid Liz Park 84 Foreword by Pia Hovi-Assad, Pori Art Museum, Finland 34 6 ITPESbookFINAL30Nov.indd 4 30/11/2012 10:24 5 CONTENTS 96 118 164 Art After Capitalism Brian Holmes Notes On Comments on Art from the Exhibition 9 Contibutors It’s the Political Economy, Stupid 8 Angela Dimitrakaki and Kirsten Lloyd Touring Exhibition Dates Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street (excerpts) Sick Sad Life: On the Judith Butler 7a Artistic Reproduction 5a of Capital Kerstin Stakemeier Comments on Art from the Exhibition 7 It’s the Political Economy, Stupid Thom Donovan 180 6 Occupy Wall Street’s Anarchist Roots David Graeber 178 156 110 128 ITPESbookFINAL30Nov.indd 5 30/11/2012 10:24 15 Slavoj Žižek Two events mark the beginning and end of the first decade of the twenty- first century: the 9/11 attacks in 2001 and the financial meltdown in 2008. ITPESbookFINAL30Nov.indd 15 30/11/2012 10:24 It’s the Political Economy, Stupid The language President Bush used, in both instances, to address the American people sounds like two versions of the same speech.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxism and Ethical Socialism
    REVISTA DE INVESTIGACIÓN FILOSÓFICA Y TEORÍA SOCIAL Dialektika Marxism and Ethical Socialism El Marxismo y el Socialismo Ético Recibido: 26/02/2020 Renzo Llorente 1* Aceptado: 02/05/2020 1* Division of Humanities, Saint Louis University, Madrid, España. Email: [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000‐0003‐0017‐0213 Para Citar: Llorente, R. (2020). El marxismo y el socialismo ético. Dialektika: Revista De Investigación Filosófica Y Teoría Social, 2(4), 47-56. Recuperado a partir de https://journal.dialektika.org/ojs/index.php/logos/article/view/23 Resumen: Quizá el legado más notable del llamado marxismo Abstract: One of the principal legacies of analytical Marxism analítico sea la tesis, defendida por algunos destacados has been a moralization of Marxism, for some of the most representantes de esta corriente filosófica, según la cual las influential analytical Marxists came to endorse the view that razones que impulsan a Marx y al marxismo a condenar el the Marxist condemnation of capitalism and defense of socialism ultimately derive from normative ethical SSAYS capitalismo y defender el socialismo son, en el fondo, de una E naturaleza moral. Si asumimos esta interpretación de Marx y considerations. If we accept this new interpretation of Marx del marxismo, nos veremos obligados a reconsiderar la and Marxism, with its emphasis on the moral foundations of relación entre el marxismo y otra tradición socialista para la Marxist doctrine, we are forced to reconsider the relationship cual los valores morales también son fundamentales, a saber, between Marxism and another socialist tradition for which el llamado “socialismo ético”. Si al reconsiderar esta relación moral commitments are also fundamental, namely ethical dejamos de lado algunas ideas falsas, si bien muy extendidas, socialism.
    [Show full text]
  • Bevir the Making of British Socialism.Indb
    Copyrighted Material CHAPTER ONE Introduction: Socialism and History “We Are All Socialists Now: The Perils and Promise of the New Era of Big Government” ran the provocative cover of Newsweek on 11 Feb­ ruary 2009. A financial crisis had swept through the economy. Several small banks had failed. The state had intervened, pumping money into the economy, bailing out large banks and other failing financial institu­ tions, and taking shares and part ownership in what had been private companies. The cover of Newsweek showed a red hand clasping a blue one, implying that both sides of the political spectrum now agreed on the importance of such state action. Although socialism is making headlines again, there seems to be very little understanding of its nature and history. The identification of social­ ism with “big government” is, to say the least, misleading. It just is not the case that when big business staggers and the state steps in, you have socialism. Historically, socialists have often looked not to an enlarged state but to the withering away of the state and the rise of nongovern­ mental societies. Even when socialists have supported state intervention, they have generally focused more on promoting social justice than on simply bailing out failing financial institutions. A false identification of socialism with big government is a staple of dated ideological battles. The phrase “We are all socialists now” is a quo­ tation from a British Liberal politician of the late nineteenth century. Sir William Harcourt used it when a land reform was passed with general acceptance despite having been equally generally denounced a few years earlier as “socialist.” Moreover, Newsweek’s cover was not the first echo of Harcourt’s memorable phrase.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxist Ethical Theory in the Soviet Union Sovietica
    MARXIST ETHICAL THEORY IN THE SOVIET UNION SOVIETICA PUBLICATIONS AND MONOGRAPHS OF THE INSTITUTE OF EAST-EUROPEAN STUDIES AT THE UNIVERSITY OF FRIBOURG/SWITZERLAND AND THE CENTER FOR EAST EUROPE, RUSSIA AND ASIA AT BOSTON COLLEGE AND THE SEMINAR FOR POLITICAL THEOR Y AND PHILOSOPHY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MUNICH Founded by J. M. BOCHENSKI (Fribourg) Edited by T. J. BLAKELEY (Boston), GUIDO KUNG (Fribourg), and NIKOLAUS LOBKOWICZ (Munich) Editorial Board Karl G. Ballestrem (Munich) George L. Kline (Bryn Mawr) Helmut Dahm (Cologne) T. R. Payne (Providence) Richard T. DeGeorge (Kansas) Friedrich Rapp (Berlin) Peter Ehlen (Munich) Andries Sariemijn (Eindhoven) Michael Gagern (Munich) James Scanlan (Columbus) Felix P. Ingold (St. GaZ/) Edward Swiderski (Fribourg) Bernard Jeu (LiZ/e) VOLUME 40 PHILIP T. GRIER Department ofPhilosophy, Northwestern University MARXIST ETHICAL THEORY IN THE SOVIET UNION D. REIDEL PUBLISHING COMPANY DORDRECHT : HOLLAND I BOSTON: U.S.A. LONDON:ENGLAND library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Grier, Philip T. 1942- Marxist ethical theory in the Soviet Union. (Sovietica ; v. 40) Based on the author's thesis, University of Michigan. Bibliography: p. Includes index. I. Ethics-Russia-History. 2. Communist ethics-History. 3. Philosophy, Russian-History. 4. Values-History. I. Title. II Series. BJ852.G73 171 78-12401 ISBN-13: 978-94-009-9878-0 e-ISBN-13: 978-94-009-9876-6 DOl: 10.1007/978-94-009-9876-6 Published by D. Reidel Publishing Company, P.O. Box 17, Dordrecht, Holland Sold and distributed in the U.S.A., Canada, and Mexico by D. Reidel Publishing Company, Inc. Lincoln Building, 160 Old Derby Street, Hingham, Mass.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxism and British Socialism
    MARXISM AND BRITISH SOCIALISM By MARK BEVIR Department of Politics Newcastle University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU U.K. 1 MARXISM AND BRITISH SOCIALISM What is the nature of British socialism? and why did it take the form it did? A common perspective on these questions stresses British exceptionalism, pointing out Britain was the only major European state where no important Marxist movement emerged. From this perspective, our questions become: how does British socialism diverge from Marxism? and why was there no Marxism in Britain? I want to move away from this perspective because it incorporates two problematic assumptions. The first is an essentialist account of Marxism: there is a true socialism from which the British variety departed. It makes sense to draw a clear distinction between Marxism and British socialism only if we believe certain doctrines are necessary to a Marxist outlook, or at least incompatible with a Marxist outlook. The second is a teleological view of history: there is a natural path of historical development from which Britain departed. It makes sense to look for an explanation of Britain's departure from the norm only if we accept a theory leading us to expect Britain to follow it. I will argue British Marxists espoused a Marxism infused with themes from their national culture, and British socialists criticised Marxism from a perspective incorporating the same themes. This blurs the distinctions between Marxism, British Marxism, and British socialism, thereby suggesting British socialism is a product of an encounter between Marxism and an indigenous culture. When Marxism attracted a following in Britain after 1881, its adherents approached Marx's teachings through two native traditions; radicalism and romanticism.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And
    Marxism and Racial Oppression: Towards a Unified Theory Charles Post (City University of New York) Half a century ago, the revival of the womens movementsecond wave feminismforced the revolutionary left and Marxist theory to revisit the Womens Question. As historical materialists in the 1960s and 1970s grappled with the relationship between capitalism, class and gender, two fundamental positions emerged. The dominant response was dual systems theory. Beginning with the historically correct observation that male domination predates the emergence of the capitalist mode of production, these theorists argued that contemporary gender oppression could only be comprehended as the result of the interaction of two separate systemsa patriarchal system of gender domination and the capitalist mode of production. The alternative approach emerged from the debates on domestic labor and the predominantly privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power under capitalism. In 1979, Lise Vogel synthesized an alternative unitary approach that rooted gender oppression in the tensions between the increasingly socialized character of (most) commodity production and the essentially privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power. Today, dual-systems theory has morphed into intersectionality where distinct systems of class, gender, sexuality and race interact to shape oppression, exploitation and identity. This paper attempts to begin the construction of an outline of a unified theory of race and capitalism. The paper begins by critically examining two Marxian approaches. On one side are those like Ellen Meiksins Wood who argued that capitalism is essentially color-blind and can reproduce itself without racial or gender oppression. On the other are those like David Roediger and Elizabeth Esch who argue that only an intersectional analysis can allow historical materialists to grasp the relationship of capitalism and racial oppression.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Equality and Liberty: New Labour's Liberal Conservatism
    Beyond equality and liberty: New Labour©s liberal conservatism Article (Accepted Version) Martell, Luke and Driver, Stephen (1996) Beyond equality and liberty: New Labour's liberal conservatism. Renewal, 4 (3). This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/24854/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Beyond Equality and Liberty: New Labour's Liberal-Conservatism Stephen Driver and Luke Martell A version of this was published in Renewal, 4, 3, July 1996 Post-Thatcherism is Tony Blair's way of saying: No Turning Back.
    [Show full text]
  • What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
    What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making.
    [Show full text]
  • Welfarism, Socialism, and Religion: on T.H. Green and Others
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title Welfarism, Socialism, and Religion: On T.H. Green and Others Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/86g7r61n Journal Review of Politics, 55 Author Bevir, Mark Publication Date 1993 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California WELFARISM, SOCIALISM AND RELIGION ON T.H. GREEN AND OTHERS By Mark Bevir Department of Politics The University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU U.K. 1 ABSTRACT Scholars often link the emergence of welfarism and socialism to a loss of religious faith. Yet an examination of the beliefs of secularists who had lost their faith suggests that the loss of faith did not result in an emotional need that social reformism sometimes met. Nonetheless, an examination of welfarists and ethical socialists such as T.H. Green suggests that there was an intellectual or rational link between faith and social reformism. Here many Victorians and Edwardians responded to the dilemmas then besetting faith by adopting immanentist theologies, and this immanentism often sustained a moral idealism that inspired various social reformers. 2 WELFARISM, SOCIALISM, AND RELIGION: ON T.H. GREEN AND OTHERS 1 Introduction Scholars often link the emergence of the ethics of welfarism and socialism (c. 1870 to 1914) to the process of secularisation.2 They imply that these doctrines of social reform fulfilled a need earlier met by religious faith. Some people argue, particularly concerning the ethic of welfarism, that evangelicals orientated their lives around practical works and social service provided an alternative outlet for the feelings of duty that arose under this religious imperative.
    [Show full text]
  • Kantian Ethics and Socialism, Appendix
    APPENDIX A Historical Note on Kantian Ethical Socialism ln an introductory note to Karl Vorlander's "Die neukantische Be­ wegung im Sozialismus" (1902), the editors of Kant-Studien wrote: "The neo-Kantian movement in socialism has gained in the past few years such a significance that the editors of Kant-Studien feel obliged to keep their readers informed about this movement. The editors have therefore requested Dr. Vorlander, who is most fa­ miliar with this movement, to report on it in an objective manner" (p. 23n.). The editors had chosen well; for Vorlander may be de­ scribed as the early historian of Kantian socialism as well as its main popularizer (in a nonpejorative sense of that word). The editors also correctly observed that Kantianism had made some impact on the German socialist movement: Conrad Schmidt, a member of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) had argued in 1897 that Kant's epistemology could function as a corrective of "Hegel's poetic metaphysics" and thus provide a more adequate epistemic framework for Marx's social theory. 1 Schmidt's polemical thesis drew a vehement response by the Russian Marxist George Plekhanov. The main impetus behind the debate on the signifi­ cance of Kant's philosophy for socialist theory and praxis was, however, the influence of Eduard Bernstein, leader and theoreti­ cian of the revisionist faction in the SPD. In 1899 Bernstein evoked the critical spirit of Kant against the " Cant" of orthodox Marxism, 291 292 Appendix with its belief in the inevitable collapse of capitalism. 2 The debate soon took a broader turn, to include the question of the socialist importance of Kant's ethics, and led to a series of papers, many of which were published in the SPD organs Die neue Zeit and Sozialistische Monatshefte.
    [Show full text]
  • The Quest for a Liberal-Socialist Democracy and Development
    The Quest for a Liberal-Socialist Democracy and Development The Quest for a Liberal-Socialist Democracy and Development: Against the Behemoth By Vjeran Katunarić The Quest for a Liberal-Socialist Democracy and Development: Against the Behemoth By Vjeran Katunarić This book first published 2018 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2018 by Vjeran Katunarić All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-0907-9 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-0907-8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements ................................................................................... vii Introduction ................................................................................................ ix Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1 Liberal Socialism Faced with the Behemoth Chapter Two ................................................................................................ 9 The Higher Immorality of the New Power Elites Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 16 The Impossible Self-Production Chapter Four .............................................................................................
    [Show full text]