George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press

GEORgE AUgUSTUS SaLa aND THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY PERIODIcaL PRESS This page has been left blank intentionally George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press The Personal Style of a Public Writer

PETER BLaKE University of Brighton, UK First published 2015 by Ashgate Publishing

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The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows: Blake, Peter. George Augustus Sala and the nineteenth-century periodical press : the personal style of a public writer / by Peter Blake. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4724-1607-0 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Sala, George Augustus, 1828–1895—Criticism and interpretation. 2. Sala, George Augustus, 1828–1895—Knowledge—Journalism. 3. Journalism—Great Britain— History—19th century. I. Title. PR5299.S2Z65 2015 070.92—dc23

2014039893 ISBN: 9781472416070 (hbk) ISBN: 9781315584522 (ebk) Contents

List of Figures vii Acknowledgements ix

Introduction 1

1 A Visual Apprenticeship 17

2 Tales of Two Cities: Part 1 – London 65

3 Tales of Two Cities: Part 2 – Paris 103

4 Interlude – A Russian Digression 135

5 Novelist and Man of Letters 151

6 ‘There really is a world outside Fleet Street’: Completing the Journalistic Education: Sala as Special Correspondent 181

7 ‘The flogging to be efficacious must be severe’: Sala and Flagellant Pornography 225

Conclusion 257

Bibliography 265 Index 279 This page has been left blank intentionally List of Figures

1.1 Frontispiece to Charles Dickens, Sketches by Boz by George Cruikshank (1837). Source: British Library © The British Library Board 102642.n.204. 21

1.2 Sala’s illustrated frontispiece to Alfred Bunn’s pamphlet A Word With Punch (1847). Source: British Library © The British Library Board 10860.bb.3 p. 59. 36

1.3 Sala’s illustration from Heads of the Headless (1847). Source: British Library © The British Library Board 10860.bb.3, p. 56. 40

1.4 Illustration from Sala’s panorama The House that Paxton Built (1850). Source: British Library © The British Library Board 012331.de.83. 45

1.5 Illustration by Sala of Alexis Soyer from Sala’s panorama The House that Paxton Built (1850). Source: British Library © The British Library Board 012331.de.83. 47

1.6 W.P. Frith, Ramsgate Sands (1852–1854). Source: Royal Collection Trust © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2014. 59

1.7 W.P. Frith, The Private View of the Royal Academy, 1881 (1883). Source: Bridgeman Images © Pope Family Trust. 61

7.1 Illustration from Sala’s panorama The House that Paxton Built (1850). Source: British Library © The British Library Board 012331.de.83. 235 This page has been left blank intentionally Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the librarians and staff of the following libraries; British Library at St. Pancras and at Colindale, Senate House Library of the University of London, Guildhall Library, London, National Portrait Gallery, London, John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, Brighton History Centre, Brighton Museum, Beinecke Library of Yale University, Brotherton Collection, Leeds University Library. Special thanks to my colleagues and friends Paul Jordan, Shona Milton, Kate Elms and Kevin Bacon at the Brighton History Centre. My colleagues at the University of Sussex and the University of Brighton deserve special thanks for their support and help and for putting up with my ramblings about an obscure nineteenth-century writer…in particular thanks go to Jenny Bourne-Taylor and Norman Vance at Sussex and Richard Jacobs, Katy Shaw, Kate Aughterson, Deborah Philips, Vedrana Velickovic, Dora Carpenter- Latiri, Jess Moriarty, John Wrighton and Andrew Hammond at Brighton. Thanks also to Paddy McGuire and the CRD (Centre for Research and Development) at Brighton for allowing me time away from teaching in order to complete the manuscript. Thanks also to those students who had to endure lectures about Sala and the periodical press and pornography but offered valuable insights into both. Part of Chapter 1 was first published in Journal of Victorian Culture, Peter Blake, ‘George Augustus Sala: A Visual Apprenticeship’ Vol. 40 Issue 02 Sep 2012 and is reprinted with permission © Journal of Victorian Culture. Part of Chapter 2 was first published inDickens Quarterly, Peter Blake ‘Charles Dickens, George Augustus Sala and Household Words’ Vol. 26 No. 1, March 2009 and is reproduced with the permission of the Dickens Society. Part of Chapter 6 was first published in 19: Interdisciplinary Studies in the Long Nineteenth Century 8 (Autumn, 2009) Special Issue: Transatlanticism, Identities and Exchange. www.19.bbk.ac.uk. Peter Blake ‘George Augustus Sala and the English Middle-Class View of America’ and is reprinted with permission © 19: Interdisciplinary Studies in the Long Nineteenth Century. My enduring gratitude goes to my family who have helped me and supported me with their love throughout the writing of this book. In particular my wife Anna and my children Ella, Amber and Saul for the joy and love they have brought me. This book is dedicated to you. This page has been left blank intentionally Introduction

George Augustus Sala divided opinions. Although his career began in the visual arts as an illustrator and engraver, he would find his metier as a journalist and would go on to write for some of the most important and influential newspapers and periodicals of the nineteenth century, including Charles Dickens’s Household Words, the Illustrated London News, Illustrated Times, Cornhill and the Daily Telegraph. The latter was particularly noted for its ‘roaring young lions’ who created a new journalistic style, a ‘telegraphese’, that played a significant role in the history of journalism, but was held up to ridicule by its detractors. Sala became the editor of a shilling monthly, Temple Bar, and turned to writing novels and plays before becoming one of the first Special Correspondents when in 1863 the Telegraph sent him to America to report on the Civil War. He would provide copy on foreign countries and cultures for the newspaper for the next 25 years. His initials, GAS, signed after an article or a column became known throughout the English-speaking world and Sala came to represent the Fleet Street journalist. He successfully cultivated an image of journalistic and literary Bohemia, of a freedom from society’s conventions with a motto of ‘no method, no system, no management, no earnest purpose.’1 As his career progressed, however, he found himself hobnobbing with some of the most respectable members of the Victorian establishment and P.H. Muir, the editor of Book Collector, described Sala as ‘not only one of the pioneers of modern journalism but a complete apotheosis of his profession.’2 But he was also the subject of malicious, negative critical reviews and was accused of philistinism and of single-handedly ruining the English language. He was involved in high-profile arguments, literary back-biting and journalistic in- fighting which sometimes led to libel and often led to his being withdrawn from the staff of a periodical or the serialisation of a novel. His bohemian lifestyle was put in the spotlight and questioned and he was known to have been involved in drunken brawls and for serving a spell in debtors’ prison. His pornographic productions and his appetite for flagellation were hidden from the public during his lifetime but he could never quite shrug off his affiliation with Bohemia, and rumours abounded that there was something not quite right about Sala, that he could never be a true gentleman. His followers, however, found a freshness in his writing style, free from what they considered the tortured syntax, pompousness, and verbosity of his journalistic forebears and contemporaries. They avidly devoured his leaders for the Daily Telegraph and his weekly column ‘Echoes of the Week’ in the Illustrated London News with an almost religious devotion.

1 Joel Weiner, The Americanization of the British Press 1830s–1914 (Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) 225. 2 P.H. Muir, ‘Ralph Straus’s Sala library,’ TLS, 25 November 1939. 2 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press

As a sign of the esteem in which he was held in the year of his death, and of his continuing financial woes, Lord Rosebery, then Prime Minister, obtained for him a civil list pension of £100 per annum. Sala’s artistic prowess was praised by the renowned Victorian artist W.P. Frith, who claimed that ‘if he [Sala] had devoted himself to art instead of literature he would have scored a success equal to that he has secured in letters.’3 Dickens was so impressed with Sala’s first essay for his Household Words magazine, ‘The Key of the Street’, that he believed Sala could be the writer to save the magazine from the dull and lifeless writing that was threatening to ruin it. The article was also highly praised by William Makepeace Thackeray. In fact Thackeray considered Sala’s essay to be ‘almost the best magazine paper that ever was written.’4 The great novelist duly commissioned Sala to write a series of essays on William Hogarth for Cornhill magazine, of which he was editor, and on 1 April 1863 he commented to the Punch Brotherhood that Sala was a ‘D----d clever fellow’.5 Thackeray’s courting of Sala led to John Maxwell commissioning Sala as editor for a periodical that would briefly rival Thackeray’s own Cornhill project, Temple Bar. When Sala was sent over to America by the Daily Telegraph it was to be the start of a successful career as one of a band of roving reporters, or ‘Specials’, who inaugurated an entirely new way of writing about foreign countries and foreign news. In April 1879, at the zenith of Sala’s career, T.H.S. Escott, in an article entitled ‘A Journalist of the Day’ for Time, wrote ‘The simple and unexaggerated truth is, that there is a particular style of journalism complete success in which Mr Sala can alone of living men command.’ Escott believed that Sala’s special talent for journalism lay in his ability to produce articles with a literary flavour, but in such a way that rather than alienate his middle-class audience – not all of whom would have had a university education – he managed to make such literary articles thoroughly readable and popular. Escott went on to claim, ‘Never was there a journalist who had so thoroughly mastered the tastes and requirements of the colossal circle of readers to which he appeals.’6 That Sala was conscious of his readership is evident in a letter he wrote in 1875 to Percy Fitzgerald, another contributor to Household Words. Describing his ‘Echoes of the Week’ column, Sala writes, ‘P.S. that little column of mine (which I love very dearly) in the Illustrated London News is very difficult to write. You have to address an audience among whom clergymen, old maids, and people who live in country houses preponderate. They all want gossip, and are not averse from scandal; but woe to you if you tread on one of the corns of their prejudices; and nearly all your readers are centipedes.’7 Sala’s ‘Echoes of

3 W.P. Frith, A Victorian Canvas: The Memoirs of W.P. Frith, R.A. (London: Geoffrey Bles, 1957), 213. 4 Thackeray to George Smith, 22 September 1855, Letters and Private Papers of William Makepeace Thackeray (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press) 3:470–71. 5 Patrick Leary, The Punch Brotherhood: Table Talk and Print Culture in Mid- Victorian London (London: British Library, 2010), 76. 6 T.H.S. Escott, ‘A Journalist of the Day,’ Time, April 1879, 117. 7 Letter to Percy Fitzgerald 20 September 1875. Beinecke Library. Introduction 3 the Week’ column became so popular that he regularly received 150 to 200 letters a week from his readers.8 By this stage in his career Sala had learned how to tread carefully through the different classes, religious affiliations, political persuasions and cultural ideologies of his readership, a skill evident in his very first essay ‘The Key of the Street’, and one honed during his editorship of Temple Bar. Even Sala’s pornographic work was praised by those who were able to get their hands on a copy. His tale of flagellation in a Brighton girls boarding school, The Mysteries of Verbena House (1882), was described by the pre-eminent collector of Victorian pornography, Henry Ashbee, as being ‘a most minute and truthful depiction of a fashionable Brighton seminary for young ladies’ and that it ‘is one of the best books of its kind.’9 Even the Punch brotherhood, with whom Sala had had a long-standing enmity, were magnanimous towards him in his later life and on his death. On 8 July 1882 they stated, albeit with their customary irony, that ‘electric light was rendered almost unnecessary by the presence of GAS whose brilliant reflections will make memorable the brightest days of the Daily Telegraph as the George Augustan Era of Journalism.’10 But on his death in 1895 Punch published the following verse poem celebrating his life:

‘But the ‘young lions’ of George Sala’s prime Roared, in the Daily Telegraph, their day, Whereat let whoso will tilt nose sublime Punch parts with an old friend in kindly sorrow, Loses an old contributor with grief, And trusts his kindred solace sure may borrow From knowledge that his fame is green of leaf Although the days seem dry-as-dust and dreary, For there be many in the haunts of men Who’ll miss the gossip gay, the wisdom cheery That fell for forty years from Sala’s pen ANAGRAM – ‘Sala’…’Alas’11

Summing up his style, Charles Pebody commented in 1882 that ‘his [Sala’s] readiness, his picturesque sensibility, his aptitude for vivid and graphic writing, his great powers of expression, and his still greater powers of illustration, constitute him the beau-ideal of a journalist.’12 But while Sala was feted on one hand he was castigated on the other. His illustrative work was mercilessly lambasted by the Morning Post, and Thackeray

8 Illustrated London News 14 July 1883, Review of ‘Living London, Being Echoes Re-echoed’ from ‘Echoes of the Week’ and ‘The Playhouses.’ 9 Steven Marcus, The Other Victorians: A Study of Sexuality and Pornography in Mid-Nineteenth-Century England (London: Transaction Publishers, 2008), 264. 10 Punch, 8 July 1882. 11 Punch, 21 December 1895. 12 Charles Pebody, English Journalism and the Men who Made It (London: Cassell, 1882), 143–4. 4 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press revised his earlier opinion of him and in 1858 proclaimed unflatteringly that his style was like ‘Dickens and water.’13 The Saturday Review declared that Sala was simply a slavish imitator of Dickens and refused to believe that Sala had actually travelled to Russia when he wrote his account of his travels there for Household Words. The Punch crowd refused to have him as a contributor because he would not represent the ‘gentlemanly view of things’ that they wished to project to their readers.14 They also questioned whether he had actually written all of his novel Quite Alone. With typical archness they exclaimed, ‘It is true to say that Mr. Sala is the author of the novel, Quite Alone. It is true, we are sorry to say, equally true that he did not write the novel quite alone’ (their emphasis).15 Two of Sala’s novels, The Seven Sons of Mammon and The Baddington Peerage, were pilloried in the literary reviews and became known as ‘The Seven Tons of Gammon’ and ‘The Badly-Done Peerage’. Even Graphic, a magazine usually favourable to Sala, reviewed his play, Wat Tyler MP; An Operatic Extravaganza, and found that ‘…the piece, as a whole, is undramatic.’16 Dickens eventually fell out with Sala due to his increasingly dissolute and bohemian behaviour and he satirised him in the portmanteau series of ghost narratives for All The Year Round entitled The Haunted House. Sala’s story features a drunken and dissolute young man called Alfred Starling and in his introductory narrative Dickens likens Starling to Sala. He describes how Alfred ‘pretends to be “fast” (another word for loose, as I understand the term), but who is much too good and sensible for that nonsense.’17 The arbiter of Victorian culture, Matthew Arnold, had singled out the Daily Telegraph as exemplifying middle-class philistinism and identified Sala as the chief purveyor of its demotic ‘Telegraphese’, a style of writing completely at odds with Arnold’s ideas of culture. In his book Modern Men of Letters Honestly Criticised (1870) James Hain Friswell, a fellow journalist and member of a literary coterie called The Savage Club, had described Sala as ‘often drunken, always in debt, sometimes in prison, and … totally disreputable.’18 Although hardly cause for recourse to the courts given some of the strong words Sala had used to his rivals over the years, he nevertheless sued Friswell’s publishers, Hodder and Stoughton, for libel. Sala duly won the case and received £500 damages. At the end of his life he also sued Harry Furniss, Punch artist and editor of Lika Joko, when rumours went around that in Sala’s early artistic efforts he had drawn six toes on the feet of his human subjects and because of this had been rejected by the Art Schools of the Royal Academy.

13 Silver diary, 15 December 1858, Punch Archive. Cited in Leary (2010), 76. 14 Leary (2010), 77. 15 ‘Literary Paradox,’ Punch 4 February 1865. 16 Graphic, 25 December 1869. 17 Charles Dickens, The Haunted House (London: Oneworld Classics Limited, 2009), 16. 18 P.D. Edwards, Dickens’s Young Men: George Augustus Sala, Edmund Yates and the World of Victorian Journalism (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997), 130. Introduction 5

The rumour stressed that this was the real reason why Sala had renounced art for literature. Sala only received £5 for damages this time but the reputation of both men had been impaired. It was in the pages of Lika Joko that Furniss satirised what many believed was Sala’s greatest sin as a writer, his obsession with putting himself at the forefront of everything he wrote. Furniss mocked Sala’s name and the title of his recently published memoirs by entitling the piece ‘The Life and Adventures of Gastrologus Apicius Swigg’ and mocking Sala’s style: ‘Gentle readers, the subject which I shall introduce to you in the following entertaining chronicle is – to put it briefly – myself. It is a subject upon which for about half a century I have been a recognised authority, and I have found it a perfect mine of more or less interesting information.’19 It was this ‘personal’ style of journalism that was seen as being innovative and all-inclusive to some, but alienating and disconcerting to others who failed to get beyond the personality of the writer. Who, then, was the ‘real’ Sala? Was he an innovator, a purveyor of a new form of personal writing, some kind of a genius able to write on anything and everything at the drop of a hat, or was he simply a bibulous old hack, an imitator and a fraud? Two book-length studies of George Augustus Sala attempted to answer this question. Both appeared in the twentieth century: Ralph Straus’s Sala: The Portrait of an Eminent Victorian (1942) and P.D. Edwards’s Dickens’s Young Men: George Augustus Sala, Edmund Yates and the World of Victorian Journalism (1997). The titles and timing of both books are significant. Sala’s neglect for the first 50 years after his death was no doubt exacerbated by the publication of Lytton Strachey’s Eminent Victorians in 1918. Strachey’s work set in motion a tide of anti-Victorianism that seemed to be unstoppable. Ezra Pound’s coining of the term ‘Victoriana’ in the same year was, as John Gardiner has stated, ‘used to attack rather than to celebrate the past.’20 But the eminent Victorians Strachey was attacking were the members of the intellectual aristocracy, the grand old families like the Arnolds and the Mannings, establishment figures attached to the universities, the schools and public service. By titling his biography of Sala The Portrait of An Eminent Victorian, Straus was engaged in not only reigniting interest in a Victorian figure who would otherwise have been left to disappear into obscurity, but also ironically flagging Sala’s lack of credentials in having ever been such an ‘eminent Victorian.’ Sala did not attend a public school, he had no university education, and, even worse, his mother was, of all things, an actress at a time when to be a female in that profession meant you possessed at best dubious morals, at worst a propensity to prostitution. When writing his own biographical work on Sala at the end of the twentieth century, P.D. Edwards remarked that Straus’s biography went too far in that it ‘erred on the side of generosity’ and over-exaggerated Sala’s celebrity and his

19 Harry Furniss, Lika Joko, 2 Feb. 1895. 20 John Gardiner, ‘Theme-park Victoriana,’ in The Victorians Since 1901: Histories, Representations and Revisions, ed. Miles Taylor and Michael Wolff, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 168. 6 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press gifts.21 Straus’s indefatigable research certainly displays a real affection and warmth for its subject and it still remains a remarkable piece of research nearly 70 years after publication. But where Straus was meticulous in the facts and details of Sala’s life, he was not so fastidious in his dissection and analysis of Sala’s work. Straus would dismiss Sala’s writing on Europe in this manner: ‘It will hardly be necessary to give in any detail the story of Sala’s wanderings over Europe’.22 On Sala’s Australian visit Straus remarked that ‘It is hardly necessary to speak of his Australian tour in any great detail – there are the columns of the Daily Telegraph to be consulted by those who may like to know how the Land of the Golden Fleece appeared to a much-travelled and highly inquisitive Englishman in the ’eighties.’23 In fact, when looking closely at Sala’s career, his pronouncements on Europe and Australia can be seen as an extension of his interest in democracy and class fluidity, his fluctuating notions concerning race, slavery and oppression. In terms of style they are a culmination of all the different media he found himself operating in, a style that would greatly influence the new wave of journalism of the 1880s and 1890s. The title of Edwards’ work, Dickens’s Young Men, underlines how canonical Dickens had become and how neglected and marginal Sala (and Yates) had remained, despite the best efforts of Straus. It was the early twentieth-century portrayal of the strait-laced, conformist and oppressive Victorians by writers like Strachey that had led at the end of the century to a renewed interest in the marginal figures of the nineteenth century: Victorians who seemed to confound all of these stereotypes. Nearly a hundred years after his death, P.D. Edwards was keen to throw light on the darker side of Sala’s character, including his penchant for pornography, his brawls and his drinking. The fact that Edwards devoted as much time to Yates’s story meant that inevitably there would be omissions and oversights regarding Sala’s career. Like Straus’s, Edwards’s research on Sala’s life is impeccable, and he goes further by making a concerted effort to criticise Sala’s novels, while his analysis of Sala as a Special Correspondent is insightful and revealing. But by beginning his study with Sala’s contributions to Dickens’s Household Words Edwards neglects Sala’s first career as an engraver and illustrator, a career that I contend was crucial to the development of his writing style. Edwards also fails to analyse the rest of the extensive contributions Sala made to Household Words, thereby missing crucial aspects of this burgeoning style. It is hardly surprising that both Straus and Edwards concentrate their studies on Sala’s life for it was the most colourful of lives and Sala was one of the most colourful and personal of writers. This study will also contain biographical detail and will trace a linear chronology in order to assess his work for similar reasons. But for too long Sala’s

21 P.D. Edwards, Dickens’s Young Men: George Augustus Sala, Edmund Yates and the World of Victorian Journalism (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997), 3–4. 22 Ralph Straus, Sala: The Portrait of an Eminent Victorian (London: Constable and Co., 1942), 179. 23 Ibid., 248–9. Introduction 7 colourful life has been the sole focus of writers at the expense of a sustained effort to encapsulate his style and the theories underpinning his writing. However, in recent years there has been a slow but steady increase in interest in Sala’s oeuvre. In 1993 Judith McKenzie edited his letters to Yates, another considerable piece of scholarship that has added to our knowledge and understanding of the two men, their often fraught relationship, and the journalistic milieu of the 1860s and 1870s.24 In the last 10 years, scholarship on Sala has improved and expanded in part due to an increasing interest in nineteenth- century journalism. The Research Society for Victorian Periodicals (RSVP) is a pre-eminent collection of scholars devoted to all things journalistic and of the nineteenth century. Their journal, the Victorian Periodicals Review, consistently publishes cutting edge work in the field. This increase in attention has led to more advanced theories of journalism from scholars like Laurel Brake, Mark Hampton, James Mussell and Andrew King.25 The recent explosion of digital technology has seen a proliferation of digital resources relevant to the study of nineteenth-century literature and culture. Close scrutiny of the nineteenth-century periodical press has never been so expedient and so accessible, as James Mussell has recently outlined in his highly informative book, The Nineteenth-Century Press in the Digital Age. Google Books has revolutionised the way we access many nineteenth-century texts, but other commercial providers like JSTOR, Project Muse, ProQuest, Gale and Adam Matthew Digital have also played their part in opening up access to archival material that previously could only have been uncovered through research visits to Special Collections of academic libraries around the world. Recent resources have included NINES (Networked Infrastructure for Nineteenth-Century Electronic Scholarship), 19th Century British Library Newspapers (Gale/Cengage), 19th Century UK Periodicals (Gale/ Cengage), British Periodicals 1681–1920 (ProQuest), Historical Newspapers 1764–2008 (ProQuest), The Illustrated London News Historical Archive 1842– 2003 (Gale/Cengage), Periodicals Archive Online 1802–2002 (ProQuest) and Victorian Popular Culture: A Portal (Adam Matthew Digital). Most recently there has been the completion of the Dickens Journals Online project (DJO) which has overseen the digitization of almost 30,000 pages from Household Words, Household Narrative and All the Year Round. Under the directorship of John Drew and the University of Buckingham, the project provides full facsimile access to these journals and has signalled a flourish of scholarly activity on them. In part because of the interest in Dickens and Household Words, recent scholarship on Sala has tended to focus on his relationship with and influence on Dickens in terms of his metropolitan writings. Michael Hollington has recently

24 Judy McKenzie, ed., Letters of George Augustus Sala to Edmund Yates (Brisbane: University of Queensland, 1993). 25 See Laurel Brake, Print in Transition 1850–1910: Studies in Media and Book History (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001); Mark Hampton, Visions of the Press in Britain, 1850–1950 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2004); Andrew King, The London Journal, 1845–83: Production and Gender (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004). 8 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press compared Dickens and Sala’s critical view of arcades. Dickens and Sala, according to Hollington, not only ironically compare arcades, the ‘dream palaces’ of modernity, with a pastoral idyll or arcadia, they also criticise these spaces based on class and a sense that they are in essence false spaces dedicated to duping their customers.26 Recent work has also highlighted Sala’s involvement in the history of the London ‘sketch’, his status as a ‘cultural mediator’ when portraying the streets of London to his readership, his investment in the seamier side of London life and his sense of history and modernity when contemplating the urban milieu.27 Inevitably, recent work on Household Words has begun to recognise the importance of Sala to the magazine’s uniformity of message and his negotiation of, and interest in, commodity culture, particularly through the work of Catherine Waters.28 Waters has also taken an interest in Sala as a Special Correspondent, with her article, “Much of Sala, and but Little of Russia”: “A Journey Due North,” and her ongoing and much anticipated AHRC project on The Special Correspondent.29 Patrick Leary recently analysed Sala’s relationship with Punch in The Punch Brotherhood: Table Talk and Print Culture in Mid-Victorian London and believes that it was the ‘anxiety over perceived gentlemanliness’ that caused Punch to reject Sala’s demands to write for the magazine.30 In Joel Wiener’s recent account of the emergence of a truly transatlantic press, The Americanization of the British Press, 1830s–1914, he finds that Sala was a ‘perfect journalist’ in the sense that he was capable of writing about anything at a moment’s notice and could do so in an eminently readable way. Sala differed from his American counterparts, according to Wiener, because of his more literary style of writing rather than the more factual aspect of American journalism. But Wiener is quick to recognise that Sala’s style was no less a legitimate element of modern journalism than his transatlantic counterparts.

26 Michael Hollington, ‘Dickens, Sala and the London Arcades’, Dickens Quarterly 28, no. 4 (December 2011): 273–86. 27 See David Seed, ‘Touring the Metropolis: The Shifting Subjects of Dickens’s London Sketches’, The Yearbook of English Studies vol. 34 Nineteenth-Century Travel Writing (2004), 155–70; L.J. Nicoletti, ‘Downward Mobility: Victorian Women, Suicide and London’s “Bridge of Sighs”’, Literary London 2, no. 1 (March 2004); Beth Palmer, ‘Sensationalising the City in Mary Elizabeth Braddon’s Belgravia Magazine’, Literary London 6, no. 1 (March 2008); Cory MacLauchlin, ‘The Hummums: Bath, Brothel and Holy Shrine of Literary London,’ Literary London 6, no. 1 (March 2008). 28 See Sabine Clemm, Dickens, Journalism, and Nationhood: Mapping the World in Household Words (New York: Routledge, 2009); Catherine Waters, Commodity Culture in Dickens’s ‘Household Words’: The Social Life of Goods (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008); Jonathan V. Farina, ‘“A Certain Shadow”: Personified Abstractions and the Form of Household Words,’ Victorian Periodicals Review 42.4 (2009): 392–415; and Catherine Waters, ‘Fashion in Undress: Clothing and Commodity Culture in Household Words’, Journal of Victorian Culture 12, no. 1 (2007). 29 Catherine Waters, ‘Much of Sala, and but Little of Russia: “A Journey Due North,” Household Words, and the Birth of a Special Correspondent’, Victorian Periodicals Review 42, no. 4 (Winter 2009): 307. 30 Leary (2010), 78. Introduction 9

In Pleasure Bound: Victorian Sex Rebels and the New Eroticism (2011) Deborah Lutz outlines Sala’s involvement in the Cannibal Club, a coterie of intelligent bon viveurs that included Richard Burton, Richard Monckton Milnes, James Campbell Reddie, Edward Sellon, Algernon Swinburne and Simeon Solomon. As part of this offshoot of the overtly racist Anthropological Society, Sala and his fellow members ‘wrote and collected most of the erotica and pornography of the 1860s and 1870s’ and visited London brothels like Verbena Lodge, where their growing propensity for flagellation could be catered to.31 In Barbara Black’s A Room of His Own: A Literary-Cultural Study of Victorian Clubland (2012) she focuses on Sala’s role as ‘clubland’s most faithful social actor’ and outlines his inclusion in the Savage Club, the Beefsteak Club, the Reunion Club, the Reform Club and the Cannibal Club.32 She finds that this social involvement and connectedness enabled Sala tohave his fingers on the pulse of metropolitan life and construct his own metropolitan masculinity as well as ‘embed passionate defences of journalism as a profession.’33 Finally, in her fascinating article, ‘Tense and Tender Ties: Reflections on Lives Recovered from the Intimate Frontier of Empire and Slavery’, Cassandra Pybus has extensively re-researched Sala’s family history and has uncovered some startling revelations. In his autobiographical reminiscences, Sala wrote how his mother, Henrietta Florentina Caterina Sala, was the daughter of a wealthy slave owner in Demerara. Pybus has uncovered the fact that by 1807 Henrietta’s father was actually penniless and in debt, and was surviving as the official translator in the colony. Henrietta’s mother was a free woman of colour known as Catharina Cells, the daughter of Doll Thomas, whom Pybus calls ‘one of the most extraordinary colonial women of her time.’34 Doll was a black woman who had formerly been a slave in Montserrat and, through a liaison with her master, she had borne him two daughters and had been emancipated, well provided for, and went on to become the richest person in the colony. In fact Doll had actually been presented to George IV while visiting England in 1823 and had taken an elegant house with a handsome carriage. When Sala’s mother took him to meet Doll Thomas at Kensington House, an event Sala recalled in an article for Temple Bar, he probably didn’t suspect that his mother was ‘an economic dependant of the disreputable black woman he so amusingly described.’35 In fact Sala’s mother was probably trying to curry favour with the wealthy relative, hoping that she would be included in the will. But neither Sala nor his mother received a penny from Doll Thomas’s inheritance. Pybus believes that this incident affected Sala’s life and writing and that because he shared ‘a biological inheritance with a gross and vulgar ex-slave

31 Deborah Lutz, Pleasure Bound: Victorian Sex Rebels and the New Eroticism (New York, NY: Norton, 2011), 14. 32 Barbara Black, A Room of His Own: A Literary-Cultural Study of Victorian Clubland (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2012), 21. 33 Ibid., 140. 34 Cassandra Pybus, ‘Tense and Tender Ties: Reflections on Lives Recovered from the Intimate Frontier of Empire and Slavery’, Life Writing (2011) 8:1, 5–17. 35 Ibid., 13 10 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press woman’ it ‘leached into his writing as a toxic undertow.’36 Pybus feels that Sala’s perverse streak of misogyny and racism can be attributed to the psychological damage caused by the revelation that Doll Thomas was a direct relative. Despite this influx of new work on Sala, he still remains someone whom we are more likely to stumble across while looking for something else – someone at the margins of nineteenth-century culture rather than in the mainstream, someone who still divides opinion on his relative worth. Despite the advances in digital scholarship, Sala’s archive at the Beinecke Library at Yale University remains random, haphazard, and undocumented. While many would argue that this is an accurate reflection on the man and his work, the one thing that most critics and commentators do agree on when referring to Sala is that his more modern and personal style of journalism anticipated, informed, and influenced the New Journalism of the 1880s and 1890s. Taking this acknowledgement as a starting point, this study, while certainly not proposing to be the last word on Sala, tries to give a voice back to this marginal figure and hopes to provoke new discussion and research on him. By close textual analysis and extended quotation of Sala’s pronouncements this study has endeavoured to display Sala’s considerable range. An anonymous reviewer of a collection of Sala’s articles from Household Words entitled Dutch Pictures commented in 1861 that ‘A fair view would not be obtained of Mr. Sala’s labours by anyone confining his attention to his works of fiction, his photographs of Foreign Travel, and his Essays on Social Subjects.’37 I would wholeheartedly agree and would add Sala’s labours in the visual field in order to complete the ‘fair view’ of Sala’s oeuvre. I contend that without this overall survey and without analysing the influences and theories behind Sala’s work we cannot truly understand Sala’s influence on the New Journalism. First coined in 1887 by Sala’s great nemesis, Matthew Arnold, the New Journalism was a series of innovations to the press in typography and layout, content and commercialisation.38 In May 1887 Arnold wrote in The Nineteenth Century that, ‘We have had opportunities of observing a new journalism which a clever and energetic man has lately invented … it is full of ability, novelty, variety, sensation … its one great fault is that it is feather-brained.’39 The ‘clever man’ Arnold was referring to was W.T. Stead, editor of the daily evening newspaper Pall Mall Gazette, and although Arnold had actually contributed many articles to the newspaper (including ‘Friendship’s Garland’ in which he castigated Sala and his writing style) he protested against the sudden surge in circulation figures occasioned by the success of Stead’s series of articles on ‘The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon’ and his subsequent claim from prison for ‘Government by

36 Ibid., 13 37 Athenaeum No 1772 (12 October 1861): 472. 38 Joel H. Wiener, ‘How New Was the New Journalism?’ in Papers For the Millions: The New Journalism in Britain, 1850s to 1914, ed. Joel Wiener (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988) 50. 39 Matthew Arnold, ‘Up To Easter’, The Nineteenth Century No. CXXIII (May 1887): 629–43. Introduction 11

Journalism.’ In the latter, Stead had claimed that ‘An editor must live among the people whose opinions he essays to express’ and it was precisely these kinds of democratic sentiments that provoked Arnold’s ire.40 Joel Wiener notes how ‘Arnold stood on one side of a great cultural divide. He was the traditionalist, the arbiter of culture, clinging to a view of life that gave away little to the emerging ‘new democracy’, of which journalism was a part.’41 Stead’s belief that ‘the function of the journalist was to give voice to the democratic culture of the people’ was far removed from Arnold’s idea of a cultural elite. The Forster Education Act of 1870 had seen a huge rise in literacy rates and the New Journalism was unabashed in courting this new generation of readers, much to the chagrin of ‘arbiters of culture’ like Arnold, who worried about the political as well as cultural implications of a growing working-class readership. While Arnold worried about a ‘new’ democratisation inspired by the press, much of the content and style of the New Journalism had evolved in the previous decades. In a three-part series for the Pall Mall Gazette which began on 12 January 1866, James Greenwood disguised himself as a beggar, called himself ‘The Amateur Casual’, and provided detailed and graphic accounts of the filthy tramps and hardened criminals he encountered in his overnight stay in the casual ward of a London workhouse. Actually conceived by his brother Frederick, then editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, ‘A Night in a Workhouse’ was, as Christopher Kent has stated, ‘immediately effective, the story invigorated sluggish sales, increasing circulation by 1,200 issues per day.’42 James Grant went so far as to declare it ‘a newspaper sensation, such as has seldom been known.’43 Although Frederick Greenwood was averse to describing the articles as sensational, B.I. Diamond notes that ‘the New Journalists defined sensationalism as something designed to ‘arrest the eyes of the public’ and it is clear that Greenwood had every intention of doing just that with his workhouse series.’44 Sala had been one of the most prominent advocates of sensational literature in that most sensational of decades, the 1860s. Reacting with dismay to the thought of a newspaper without sensation, Sala had asked his readership, ‘how would you like a newspaper in which there were no police- reports, no law or assize intelligence, no leading articles on any other subject save missionary societies, governess institutions, the art of pickling onions, and the best means of obliterating freckles?’45 Another influence was highlighted by Seth

40 W.T. Stead, ‘Government by Journalism’, The Contemporary Review 49 (May 1886): 653–74. 41 Wiener, (1988), xiii. 42 Laurel Brake and Marysa Demoor, eds. Dictionary of Nineteenth Century- Journalism (London: British Library, 2009), 259. 43 James Grant, The Newspaper Press; Its Origins, Its Progress and Present Position (London, 1871–1872), II, 118 cited in B.I. Diamond, ‘A Precursor of the New Journalism: Frederick Greenwood of the Pall Mall Gazette’ in Weiner (1988), 30. 44 B.I. Diamond ‘A Precursor of the New Journalism: Frederick Greenwood of the Pall Mall Gazette’ in Wiener (1988), 27. 45 G.A. Sala, The Seven Sons of Mammon (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1864), 325–6. 12 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press

Koven; ‘it was likely that the Greenwood brothers were influenced by Charles Dickens’s ‘night walks’ published in his Uncommercial Traveller.’46 In fact Dickens published many articles about the ‘A Night in a Workhouse’ series in All The Year Round and Koven describes how ‘commentators frequently described “a Night” as Dickensian and invoked characters from various Dickens’s novels in their responses to it.’47 But it is just as credible to cite Sala as an influence, for it was highly likely that the Greenwood brothers had read and remembered his ‘A Key of the Street’ article for Household Words in which he had fashioned himself as one of the first ‘urban investigators.’ Frederick Greenwood was professionally acquainted with Sala from their time on the staff of the Illustrated Times. But even if they hadn’t read Sala’s piece Dickens himself had been influenced by Sala’s night-time perambulations in his ‘Night Walks’ piece for All The Year Round.48 Nigel Cross certainly made the link between Sala and the Greenwood article. He explained that ‘A Night In a Workhouse’ was ‘exactly the kind of slumming investigative journalism that … Sala had popularised in Household Words.’49 Linked to this was Sala’s interest in the poor and homeless and his participation in a culture of social connectedness that might explain the obsession with the ‘new democracy’ of journalists like Stead. Sala summed up this life-long preoccupation with the disadvantaged during his first visit to America. He claimed that ‘although I did not by any means set myself up as a philanthropist or a redresser of grievances, I had always striven, to the best of my ability, to stand up for the Right, and to plead the cause of the poor and oppressed person, that the strong man might not spoil his goods, nor hale him to prison without a warrant.’50 Although Sala in his later life was hardly the ‘flaming Radical’ he had once been – as evidenced by a

46 Seth Koven, Slumming: Sexual and Social Politics in Victorian London (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 35. 47 Ibid., 35 48 It seems that Sala was unimpressed with the overly emotional state of his rival and imitator, James Greenwood. In a letter to Shirley Brooks (a colleague of Sala’s on Man In The Moon and then for 23 years one of the chief contributors to Punch) from 1867, Sala in typically humorous fashion wrote: ‘I beg to state that James Greenwood is a gusher, and an offensively vulgar one, too. He seems to have made a hit with the “casual” in the PMG [Pall Mall Gazette] (which I have never read: I was abroad at the time) but what do you think of his going down to Margate, and giving the “Casual” as an “entertainment” and dressing up as a Casual?’ Sala to Shirley Brooks 17 Feb 1867, Sala Papers Box 7 Beinecke Library. The OED defines ‘Gusher’ as ‘One who is over-effusive or sentimental inthe expression of opinion or feeling’ and cites a work by Edmund Yates as an example – 1864 E. YATES Broken to Harness vi, ‘The enthusiastic gusher who flings his or herself upon our necks, and insists upon sharing our sorrow’. Accessed 19/07/10. http://dictionary.oed.com. ezproxy.sussex.ac.uk/cgi/entry/50100547?single=1&query_type=word&queryword=gush er&first=1&max_to_show=10. 49 Nigel Cross, The Common Writer: Life in Nineteenth-Century Grub Street (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 99. 50 G.A. Sala, My Diary in America in the Midst of War vol. 1 (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1865), 9. Introduction 13 list of his correspondents in 1881, a list that that included Lord Rosebery, Lady Combermere, Col. Fred Burnaby, Sir Walter Besant, the Earl of Fife, Baroness Burdett-Coutts, G.F. Watts, and Sir F. Burnard – during his final visits to America and Australia he still demonstrated a curiosity and intellectual understanding of the workings of democracy in those countries, and still took a personal interest in the hardships endured by the working classes of London.51 Sala himself was typically dismissive of the New Journalism and sought to distance himself from any association with it. In an unknown journal an article entitled ‘The New Journalism and the Old – A Chat with Mr. G.A. Sala’ outlined Sala’s stance and his views on the changing political stance of the Daily Telegraph:

‘I know nothing about the new school, and I don’t want to. I have been for 32 years a member of the Reform Club. When I joined the DT it was a radical paper. You know what it is now; but when the paper changed its politics I was retained as a shocking example of radicalism … I am still a reformer of ’32, but I will have nothing to do with any political or party movement.’52

But almost all commentators on the ‘new school’ of journalism have cited Sala as being a leading influence. Joel H. Wiener, for instance, sees Sala as ‘a pioneering figure in the New Journalism.’53 Chapter 1 traces Sala’s journey from childhood blindness through his immersion into the illustrative world. It will argue that the work he produced in the visual medium influenced his written style and his ability to produce ‘word-paintings.’ It will also highlight the origins of Sala’s life-long interest in the metropolis and will discuss those visual influences that exacerbated this concern. But it will also analyse his early textual work for The Family Herald, his synthesis of the visual and the verbal in his panoramas and his early experiments in form in the Book of the Symposium. In a letter to W.J. Thomas from 8 January 1879, Sala sums up this movement from art to literature; ‘From 8–10 I was wholly blind … Partially recovered sight at last under treatment of Dr. Curee the Homeopathist … it was only in 1852 that, half-blinded by the glare of the steelplates and the fumes of the acids used in biting in an enormous representation of the funeral of the Duke of Wellington, I definitely abandoned art and ‘took’ to literature.’54 Ironically, this final commission to illustrate Wellington’s funeral was to be Sala’s finest artistic production. In Chapters 2 and 3 Sala’s apprenticeship to Dickens on Household Words as its second most prolific contributor is assessed. Sala’s contributions included articles on gambling, pubs and inns, the backstage of a theatre, the advantages

51 Lord Rosebery was, like Sala, a ‘bonapartomaniac and bibliomaniac’ (P.D. Edwards [1997], 161). As Prime Minister in 1895 Rosebery regretted Sala’s financial misfortunes and obtained for him a civil list pension. 52 Beinecke Library Box 10. 53 Wiener (2011), 144. 54 Letter to W.J. Thomas, 8 January 1879, Beinecke Library. 14 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press of walking over rail travel, nostalgia for things past, music, fashion sport, hotels, open-air executions and Sunday entertainments. But of Sala’s 160 articles for the weekly magazine, it was the two metropolises of London and Paris that figured most consistently and importantly. In his book Twice Round the Clock Sala stated ‘There are two cities in the world, London and Paris, so full of these footstep memories, so haunted by impalpable ghosts of the traces of famous deeds, that locomotion, to one of my temperament, becomes a task very slow.’ Outlining his role as an urban spectator, Sala would wed historic reminiscences with modern life, ‘I love to think, walking in historical streets and houses, that my feet are treading over spots where men for ever famous have left an imprint of glory.’55 London was Sala’s natural domain, a city of world importance and problems that Sala endeavoured to find the answers to. ‘I wish you to see the monster London in the varied phases of its outer and inner life … I wish you to consider with me the giant sleeping and the giant waking; to watch him in his mad noonday rages, and in his sparse moments of unquiet repose.’56 Paris was a diversion both intellectually and physically. Adopting the role of the flaneur, the urban spectator, Sala inculcated an imaginative style along with a commitment to portraying the realities of daily Parisian life. In an age of rapid press and cultural transformation he engages with theories of urban modernity, commodity culture, finance capitalism and the uncertainty of modern life. Above all, in both London and Paris, Sala stresses his commitment to improving the lot of the poor. Chapter 4 is an interlude, a diversion from the metropolises of Paris and London, and from the daily grind of journalism. In Sala’s first foreign trip as a Special Correspondent to Russia we can trace his burgeoning desire to write extended works of fiction, his ability to blur the boundaries between fact and fiction, and his first faltering steps at a theory of travel. Chapter 5 assesses Sala’s decision to distance himself from journalism and to become a novelist. It will analyse his use of realism and sensation and will highlight his own anxieties at this move away from professional journalism to that of man of letters. In Realist Vision, Peter Brooks notes how ‘It is in particular the movement from country to city that might be said to trigger the realist impulse; the impulse, and the need, to describe, to account for, to perform a kind of immediate phenomenology of one’s new surroundings.’57 Sala would ever be associated with the urban environment and with endeavouring to make sense of the world around him. In a letter to Henry Vizetelly from November 1858, Sala talks about writing a novel from their shared experience in Hamburg, ‘I will write out a detailed scheme of the plot as I imagined it. It will be much better this way. I am not at all a good hand at writing stories, and had better stick to essays and leaders.’58 Sala seems to already be conscious that his forte lies in journalism rather than as a novelist.

55 G.A. Sala, Twice Round the Clock (Leicester: University of Leicester Press, 1971), 67. 56 Ibid, 9. 57 Peter Brooks, Realist Vision (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005. 131. 58 Letter to Henry Vizetelly, November 1858, Beinecke Library. Introduction 15

Chapter 6 highlights Sala’s forging of a new style of foreign reportage as the pre-eminent Special Correspondent for the Daily Telegraph. This style was an amalgamation of all the previous media he had been writing in and enabled Sala to discard romantic and picturesque paintings of cities and to instead write realistic and modern accounts of the countries and cities he visited. In the pages of Mary Braddon’s monthly Belgravia magazine Sala rigorously defended this style, initiated himself into a ‘brotherhood’ of the Special Correspondent and set himself at odds with the ‘chattering classes’:

‘But let the Special only be so unfortunate as to have a style of his own – let him have a capacity for minute observation, or a gift for picturesque and vivid description; let him be endowed with the power of thinking, and of expressing his thoughts in vigorous language – and the whole of Hampstead Heath will be upon him at once, kicking and braying with all the intensity of its hairy-hoofed, long-eared, hoarse-voiced energy.’59

The Rev. C.H. Spurgeon, in a letter to Sala from 1889, wrote ‘You seem to be the Encyclopaedia Universalis. It might be a question for a competition – on what point can Mr. Sala not write?’60 The Reverend was probably not thinking about erotic literature when he posed this question, but Sala even turned his hand to producing at least two of the most important works of Victorian pornography; The Mysteries of Verbena House or Miss Bellasis Birched for Thieving (1881) and New and Gorgeous Pantomime Entitled Harlequin Prince Cherrytop &the Good Fairy Fairfuck, or The Frig, the Fuck and the Fairy (1879). Although publicly Sala had denounced corporal punishment and his marriage to Harriet Hollingsworth, a pretty but uneducated girl seven years Sala’s junior, from 1859 until her death in 1885, had been outwardly happy, privately his obsession with sexuality, flagellation and corporal punishment was never far from the surface. In a typical letter on the subject of corporal punishment to an unknown correspondent from January 1869, Sala mentions his own Parisian boarding-house upbringing where one boy who was punished by being placed in a dungeon for a week led to ‘an unpleasant prevalence of masturbation.’ He goes on to outline his belief that some boys and girls need a good licking.61 Sala went to great lengths to obscure this obsession with pain and flagellation, and this chapter will highlight the way this obsession manifested itself in his earlier illustrative work. It will also analyse his involvement in the flagellant correspondence column phenomenon, particularly the way that these correspondents subverted the ideologies of family magazines, and the events in his personal life that triggered off this ‘deviant’ sexuality, as the nineteenth-century sexologists William Acton and Richard von Krafft-Ebbing would have viewed his obsession with flagellation.

59 G.A. Sala, ‘The Special Correspondent: His Life and Times’, Belgravia 4 (April 1871). 60 Letter from Rev. C.H. Spurgeon, 15 November 1889, Beinecke Library. 61 Letter to unknown correspondent, January 1869, Beinecke Library. 16 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press

The conclusion will assess Sala’s impact on a new wave of journalists at the end of the century. Taking the magazine Sala’s Journal as a case study, the impact and influence Sala had on the profession will be analysed, as well as the changes that had occurred in the medium of periodicals since Sala’s work for Dickens on Household Words in the 1850s. In 1859 E.S. Dallas proclaimed that ‘The rise of the periodical press is the great event of modern history.’62 At the heart of this critical period in the history of the press was George Augustus Sala. In 1859 he had just started working for the Daily Telegraph after serving a seven-year journalistic apprenticeship under the tutelage of Charles Dickens on Household Words. He was also contributing a series of articles on William Hogarth to William Thackeray’s new shilling monthly periodical, the Cornhill. All three of these publications were pioneering in terms of their style, content and target audience. It would appear, then, that Sala was ‘a product of the 1850s’, as Joel H. Wiener described Sala’s friend and fellow journalist, Edmund Yates.63 In fact Sala’s style of writing came about because of the work he had undertaken in the visual field in the 1840s, and he was to be crucial in the transformation of the image of journalism well into the 1890s. But this study will begin in the 1830s with that most Victorian of images, a sick child struggling to cope with the vicissitudes of modern life.

62 E.S. Dallas (unsigned), ‘Popular Literature – The Periodical Press’, Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 85 (January 1859): 100. 63 Joel H. Wiener, ‘Edmund Yates: The Gossip as Editor’, in Innovators and Preachers: The Role of the Editor in Victorian England, ed. Joel H. Wiener (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985), 261. Bibliography

Primary Works by George Augustus Sala

Panoramas

Grand Procession Against Papal Aggression. London: Ackermann, 1850 The Great Glass House Opened; Or the Exhibition Wot Is! London: Ackermann, 1850. Hail, Rain, Steam and Speed. London: Ackermann, 1850. The House that Paxton Built. London: Ackermann, 1850 No Popery! A Protestant Roland for a Popish Oliver. London: Ackermann, 1850.

Books

Accepted Addresses. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1862. America Revisited 2 vols. London: Vizetelly & Co., 1882. The Book of the Symposium: Or Soyer at Gore House. London: Soyer, 1851. Dutch Pictures. London: Vizetelly & Co., 1883. Gaslight and Daylight. London: Chapman & Hall, 1859. Hogarth. London: Ward & Lock Reprints, 1970. A Journey Due North. London: Richard Bentley, 1858. A Journey Due South. London: Vizetelly & Co., 1885. The Life and Adventures of George Augustus Sala vol. 1. Cassell & Co., London, 1895. London Up To Date. London: A and C. Black, 1894. Make Your Game. London: Ward & Lock, 1860. Margaret Forster. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1897. My Diary In America In The Midst Of War. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1865. Paris Herself Again in 1878–9. London: Remington, 1879. Quite Alone. London: Chapman and Hall, 1864. Rome and Venice, With Other Wanderings in Italy, in 1866–7. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1869. The Seven Sons of Mammon. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1864. The Strange Adventures of Captain Dangerous. London: C.H. Clarke, 1875. Things I Have Seen and People I Have Known vol. 1. London: Cassell & Co., 1894. The Thorough Good Cook. London: Cassell, 1895. A Trip To Barbary By a Roundabout Route. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1866. Twice Round the Clock. Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1971. Under the Sun: Essays Mainly Written in Hot Countries. London: Vizetelly & Co., 1886. 266 George Augustus Sala and the Nineteenth-Century Periodical Press

Plays

New and Gorgeous Pantomime entitled Harlequin Prince Cherrytop and the Good Fairy Fairfuck or the Frig the Fuck and the Fairy (1879) Wat Tyler

Pamphlets and Journal Articles

‘Alarming Bray From a Donkey.’ Sala’s Journal (8 October 1892). ‘Arcadia.’ Household Words vii (18 June 1853). ‘The British School in our International Exhibition: English Art from a French Point of View.’ Temple Bar (June 1862). ‘The Cant of Modern Criticism.’ Belgravia 4 (November 1867). ‘Cities in Plain Clothes.’ Household Words v (17 July 1852). ‘City Spectres.’ Household Words iv (14 February 1852). ‘Charley in the Guards.’ Punchinello (18 March – 13 May 1854) ‘Choo-Lew-Kwang; Or The Stags of Pekin.’ The Family Herald (13 December 1845). ‘Curiosities of London.’ Household Words xi (23 June 1855). ‘Down Whitechapel Way.’ Household Words iv (1 November 1851). ‘Dr. Veron’s Time.’ Household Words xiii (19 April 1856). ‘Fashion’ Household Words viii (29 October 1853). ‘The Foreign Invasion.’ Household Words iv (11 October 1851). ‘Four Stories.’ Household Words v (26 June 1852). ‘Gambling.’ Household Words xi (21 April 1855). ‘George Cruikshank: A Life Memory.’ The Gentleman’s Magazine (1871). ‘Gibbet Street.’ Household Words xiii (15 March 1856). ‘The Golden Calf.’ Household Words x (23 December 1854). ‘The Great Circumbendius’ Belgravia 6 (October 1868) ‘The Great Hotel Question.’ Household Words xiii (16 February 1856). ‘The Great Invasion.’ Household Words v (10 April 1854). ‘The Great Red Book.’ Household Words x (9 December 1854). ‘A Handful of Foreign Money.’ Household Words v (4 September 1852). ‘Houseless and Hungry.’ Household Words xiii (23 February 1856). ‘How I Went To Sea.’ Household Words vi (2 October 1852). ‘Jack Alive in London.’ Household Words iv (6 December 1851). ‘The Key Of The Street.’ Household Words iii (6 September 1851). ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity and Musketry.’ Household Words iv (27 December 1851). ‘Madame Busque’s.’ Household Words x (9 December 1854). ‘Mars a la Mode.’ Household Words x (14 October 1854). ‘The Metamorphosed Pagoda.’ Household Words xii (8 December 1855) ‘Numbers of People.’ Household Words x (21 October 1854). ‘Old Clothes.’ Household Words v (17 April 1852). Bibliography 267

‘Parisian Nights’ Entertainments.’ Train (1 January 1856). ‘Play.’ Household Words x (25 November 1854). ‘Sunday Out.’ Household Words x (9 September 1854). ‘Sunday Tea-Gardens.’ Household Words x (30 September 1854). ‘Second Hand Sovereigns’ Household Words x (13 January 1855). ‘The Secrets of the Gas.’ Household Words ix (4 March 1854). ‘Since This Old Cap Was New.’ All the Year Round 30 (19 November 1859). ‘The Special Correspondent: His Life and Times.’ Belgravia 4 (April 1871). ‘Streets Of The World.’ Temple Bar (10 February 1864). ‘Sunday Morning.’ Household Words vi (9 October 1852). ‘A Tour in Bohemia.’ Household Words ix (9 July 1854). ‘Travels In The County of Middlesex.’ Temple Bar (December 1860). ‘Up A Court’ Household Words v (14 August 1852). ‘Where Are They?’ Household Words ix (1 April 1854). A Word With Punch. London: Bogue, 1847. ‘Yadace’ Household Words xi (5 May 1855)

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