Territoriality and Land Use Politics of Mountain Agriculture in Taiwan

Asia Paciﬁc Viewpoint Vol. 59, No. 3, 2018 ISSN 1360-7456, pp349–367

Apples in action: Territoriality and land use politics of mountain agriculture in Taiwan

Po-Yi Hung and Hui-Tsen Hsiao Department of Geography, National Taiwan University, 1, Section 4, Roosevelt Road, Taipei, 10617, Taiwan. Email: [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract: This essay outlines the symbolic and material transformation of mountain agriculture in Taiwan by tracing the historical trajectories of temperate fruit production, and of apple growing in particular. Speciﬁcally, we look at the area of Lishan, a major production centre for apples and other temperate fruits in Taiwan’s Cen- tral Mountain Range in order to explore the relationship between the mountain agriculture and the politics of territorialisation. Focusing on the post-war era, we argue that the development of mountain agriculture in Taiwan, and upland fruit growing in particular, has operated as a ‘more-than-human political technology’. The territory of Lishan is not just a passive geographical space, but engaged in a process of becoming, which re-makes the mountain areas of Taiwan into ‘apple zones’ both spatially and socially. The spatial dimension centres on processes of political territorialisation, economic deterritorialisation and combined reterritorialisations whereby apple plantations have transformed the landscape from one focused on strategic politics to one embedded within development and market frameworks which entail their own particular forms of politics. The social dimensions are centred on the politics of forging connections among different elements circulating through the mountain areas of Taiwan, including apples, soldiers, transport infrastructures and agricultural policies.

Keywords: assemblage, Kuomintang veterans, mountain agriculture, Taiwan, territory

Introduction past strategies of the state to exert political control over upland areas. Agriculture has never In Taiwan, ‘mountain agriculture’ (gaoshan non- been a simple matter of transforming rugged gye) has various, sometimes contradictory, con- mountains into productive farmlands, but has notations. On one hand, especially during the also served as a way of integrating the mountain post-war era, mountain agriculture has symbo- areas under state sovereignty and territorial con- lised the modernisation of Taiwan’s agricultural trol. Accordingly, while any account of moun- sector. For many, the transformation of mountain agriculture must address the conflict tain areas from rugged wilderness into modern between economic development and environ- farms has been a source of national pride (Liu, mental conservation, this paper seeks to move 1974). Opposed to this is a view of mountain beyond this binary opposition. Specifically, we agriculture as a source of environmental degra- aim to understand mountain agriculture from dation. This view frames the environmental the perspective of territorial politics. problems of mountain areas – such as land- This paper outlines the symbolic and material slides, soil erosion and water eutrophication – as transformation of mountain agriculture in Tai- side effects of mountain agriculture (Hu, 1988). wan by tracing the historical trajectories of tem- Recently the view regarding mountain agricul- perate fruit production, and of apple growing in ture as a sign of environmental degradation has particular. Specifically, we look at the area of intensified and this debate continues. Lishan, a major production centre for apples and These conflicting representations of mountain other temperate fruits in Taiwan’s Central Moun- agriculture do not, however, tell the full story. tain Range, to explore the relationship between Mountain agriculture in Taiwan has never been mountain agriculture and the politics of territor- purely a matter of economic development ver- ialisation. Focusing on the post-war era, we sus environmental conservation. Rather, today’s argue that the development of mountain agricul- mountain landscapes are also the product of ture in Taiwan, and upland fruit growing in

© 2018 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd doi:10.1111/apv.12194 P.-Y. Hung and H.-T. Hsiao particular, has operated as a ‘more-than-human (Delaney, 2005). In line with the greater atten- political technology’ (Hung and Baird, 2017). tion being paid to relational flows of popula- To mount this argument, we first proceed from tions and goods, geographers (and social the view that territory as a political technology scientists in general) have urged scholars to (Elden, 2010) encompasses both a political-legal reconsider the previous conceptions of territory dimension whereby the state enacts its power to as a boundary-fixed space and reservoir of state maintain order within its zone of territorial sover- power (Allen and Cochrane, 2007). For exam- eignty, and also a political-technical dimension ple, scholars working on critical geopolitics whereby surveying and mapping techniques pro- (e.g. Ó Tuathail, 1996; Dodds and Atkinson, duce a ‘legible’ territory for both political control 2000) have argued that the received view of ter- and the operation of the market economy. Then, ritory as a pre-given ‘container’ (e.g. Mackinder, we proceed with idea of assemblage (Deleuze 1904; Cohen, 1973) implies a form of environ- and Guattari, 1987; see also DeLanda, 2006) tak- mental determinism. In addition, the static and ing apples as the agent which puts territoriality in bounded concept of territory has been de- the process of becoming. emphasised in human geography and other After this introduction, we will outline our the- social sciences over recent years as increasing oretical approach and explain how viewing terri- attention is given to issues such as migration, tory as a more-than-human political technology diaspora, displacement and movement offers new insights into the role of apples (and (Escobar, 2008). These trends are in line with a temperate fruits in general) in the development of shift in disciplinary focus from stable and Taiwan’s mountain areas. Next, we briefly bounded conceptions of territory to dynamic explain our research methods. The remainder of flows of populations that live lives in relational the paper looks at three post-war historical connection (Amin, 2002; Murdoch, 2006). epochs and their corresponding territorial poli- Yet taking a relational approach need not be tics. First, we examine the phase from the early in conflict with territorial thinking (Jones, 2009) 1950s to the early 1960s. After the Chinese civil and rethinking received definitions of territory war, the Republic of China’s (ROC) Chinese does not mean that we can ignore the role of Nationalist Party (Kuomintang or KMT) govern- the state as it enacts political operations to terri- ment retreated to Taiwan from China, bringing in torialise its otherwise abstract sovereignty its wake a large number of soldiers and other ref- (Jonas, 2012). Instead, as Elden (2013) argued, ugees. We show how during this period, the territory remains a ‘political technology’ Nationalist government used mountain agricul- employed by the state to survey its land and ture as a vehicle for a process of political territor- control its terrain. Territory, as a ‘political tech- ialisation that transformed demobilised soldiers nology’, must be understood, then, through its into farmers. Next, we look at the period from the relation to both land and terrain. Elden (2013: late 1960s to the late 1970s. By investigating the 804) defines land as ‘a relation of property, a changing representations of apples, we show finite resource that is distributed, allocated and how political territorialisation also led to stronger owned, a political-economic question’. By con- connections between mountain areas and the trast he defines terrain as ‘a relation of power, market economy, earlier political territorialisation with a heritage in geology and military, the con- paving the way for a new phase of market deter- trol of which allows the establishment and ritorialisation. Finally, we explore how, more maintenance of order’, and therefore a ‘politi- recently, environmental governance has spurred cal-strategic question’ (Elden, 2010). Moreover, a form of reterritorialisation that mixes state Elden pushes further to argue that ‘land’ and power and market forces to recontest the politics ‘terrain’ are necessary, but not sufficient, to of land use in mountain agriculture zones. thoroughly capture the meanings of territory. Instead, ‘measure[ment] and control – the technical and the legal – need to be thought along- Territory as a more-than-human political side land and terrain’ (Elden, 2010: 811–812). technology In other words, territory as a political technol- Territory has long been an important analytical ogy requires a political-legal state apparatus that concept in political geography and beyond can enact power to maintain order inside its

350 © 2018 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd Apples in action territorial zone of sovereignty. But as a political sites’ (Moore, 2005: 332, note 116). However, technology, it also comprises the political- critiques concerning assemblage point to its fre- technical techniques of surveying and mapping quent occlusion of ‘power relations, historical that produce a ‘legible’ territory in the first place sedimentations and their forceful effects’ (Scott, 1998). (Moore, 2005: 24). Here, it is useful to recon- While acknowledging the significance of tak- sider Elden’s (2013) proposal of territory as a ing territory as a political technology that con- political technology, which significantly empha- trols and measures geographical space, sises the political, economic, legal and techni- Antonsich (2011) points to the importance of cal powers, as well as the historical accounts in agency to the production of territory. Antonsich understanding territory. Therefore, territory as (2011: 424) argues that territory is a ‘social political technology and the assemblage space, produced by specific social practices approach with attention to non-human agency and meanings which turns territory into both a complement each other in understanding terri- “semiotised” and a “lived” space’. As Jonas torial politics. (2012: 270) argues, geography requires a com- This paper takes territory as a more-than- bination ‘both of relational thinking about terri- human political technology while recognising torial politics and of territorial thinking about the role of both human and non-human agency relational processes’. To this end, recent schol- in producing territory. By thinking of territory as arship has started to reconceptualise territoriali- a more-than-human political technology, we sation as a relational process containing both intend to better understand territorial politics. human and nonhuman elements. For example, Specifically, we argue that mountain agriculture Dittmer (2014) has applied the concept of in Taiwan has operated as a more-than-human assemblage (Deleuze and Guattari, 1987; see political technology that has forged territories also DeLanda, 2006) to propose ‘geopolitical for both the state and the market. By under- assemblages’ of territorialisation and deterritor- standing the changing symbolic meanings and ialisation. Such a geopolitical assemblage of ter- material landscapes of apples and other temper- ritory emphasises a relational ontology that ate fruit, we can, in turn, shed light on how the configures agencies in the context of interac- territorial politics of the state is enacted in relations between multiple powers issuing from tional connection with market forces. both the state and the market. Throughout our analysis, we intend to under- Assemblage, though defined and applied in stand how the development of mountain agri- diverse ways, in general foregrounds ‘multiplici- culture aimed not only to produce apples and ties irreducible to a single sense, structure or other temperate fruits, but was also a political logic’, and spans ‘the divide between nature project that sought to convert unruly mountain and culture, humans and nonhumans’ (Moore, landscapes into a legible and controllable agri- 2005: 24). As a result, recent scholarship has cultural territory. The story of apple plantations applied assemblage to think about non-human around our field site of Lishan illustrates the agency. For example, Jane Bennett (2010: 35) relationship between mountain agriculture and proposes a congregational agency originating the enhancement of Taiwanese state control ‘from the very disposition of things’. In other over its Central Mountain Range area, a process words, agency, human or non-human, is not of political territorialisation. Additionally, we self-contained or independent, but congrega- argue that this political territorialisation process tional work based on the relational connections has also led to processes of economic deterri- and arrangement between human and non- torialisation and reterritorialisation by which human factors. Taiwan’s Central Mountain Range areas have To reconsider territory with assemblage and been connected to the global market economy. non-human agency, the notion of territorial These processes of political territorialisation and assemblage is viewed as being ‘contained economic deterritorialisation, and the ensuing within it impulses of deterritorialisation and combination of both state and market reterritor- reterritorialisation, lines of flight away form ialisation, serve as valuable illustrations of the locality and rootedness, as well as emplaced dynamic relationship between nature and reconfigurations of arrangements within specific society in Taiwan.

Methods retreated to Taiwan from China after 1949 and their descendants. During our stay in Lishan, we We used archival research, in-depth interviews also conducted on-site observations of how and participant observations to collect our data. people work in the orchards and market their For archival research, our main sources were produce. old newspapers and governmental documents While acknowledging the critical relations dating from the 1950s to the present. We have between mountain agriculture and Indigenous paid particular attention to documents concern- land use politics, we do not focus on the Indige- ing road construction, veteran re-settlement and nous issues in this paper. We offer this paper as the images and rhetoric surrounding apple and a complement to the existing literature concern- other temperate fruit plantations. ing the relationship between the KMT authority In addition to archival research, we con- and Indigenous peoples (e.g. Hsu, 2016; Sugi- ducted field research in the town of Lishan. It is moto, 2017) and between mountain agriculture located on Taiwan’s Central Mountain Range and Indigenous land use politics (e.g. Huang, and is a major centre for mountain agriculture 1981; Kuan, 2014). in Taiwan (see Fig. 1). We conducted our field research from June 2014 to April 2015. During Turning soldiers into farmers: Political that period, we visited Lishan six times and territorialisation in the service of state interviewed 27 persons in total, including vet- sovereignty erans and their children, orchard owners and workers, people who run agro-tourism, residents The first plantings of temperate fruit trees in the and Forest Bureau staff members. From among area took place during the Japanese colonial those we interviewed, we identified several key period (1895–1945). During the Cold War era, informants, especially ROC army veterans who the Lishan area emerged as the most important

Figure 1. Map of Lishan

352 © 2018 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd Apples in action site for the development of mountain agriculture 39–40). After World War II, the Nationalist gov- under the KMT government. Among a variety of ernment inherited these surveys and maps, temperate fruits produced in Lishan, apples allowing it to enhance its own control over have served as symbols for the success, failure Taiwan’s central mountains. For example, the and the contested representations of mountain planning and construction of the Cross- agriculture in general. Mountain Highway, to be discussed in greater From 1895 to 1945, Taiwan was part of the detail below, was based on data collected dur- Japanese Empire following its cession by the ing the period of Japanese colonial rule. Qing Empire subsequent to the latter’s defeat in In 1949 the Chinese Communist Party estab- the Sino-Japanese War. After Japan’s surrender lished the People’s ROC, precipitating a retreat at the end of World War II, the KMT assumed to Taiwan from China by the defeated National- control over Taiwan. While this paper does not ist forces. Accompanying the Nationalist gov- cover in detail the territorialisation of Taiwan’s ernment was a troop population numbering high mountain area during the period of over one million. These soldiers came from all Japanese rule, it is important to acknowledge over China, and they arrived in Taiwan with the that the KMT government’s political territoriali- hope of soon returning to China to ‘retake the sation of Taiwan’s mountain areas in the post- mainland’ (fangong fuguo) from the new Com- war era was built on foundations established by munist government. The situation of these refu- the Japanese colonial administration. For this gee soldiers was soon complicated by Taiwan’s reason, we will describe briefly Japan’s gover- involvement in the politics of the Cold War. nance of Taiwan’s high mountain areas, and Although the KMT was not to renounce its goal some of the effects this had on subsequent KMT of retaking the mainland for several decades, control. the strategic reordering of East Asia under the conditions of the Cold War meant that the pos- Historical context: Japanese governance of sibility of re-taking political control over main- Taiwan’s mountain regions. Starting in 1898, land China diminished, and so the KMT the Japanese government investigated almost required strategies both to consolidate its con- every detail of Taiwan, including the conduct- trol over Taiwan and to resettle its troops on the ing of censuses, investigating landownership island. We argue that the development of and recording folk customs (Wu, 2007). In addi- mountain agriculture in Taiwan was a strategy tion to these large-scale surveys, many individ- that contributed to both of these ends. Establish- ual Japanese researchers conducted botanical, ing mountain agriculture enterprises such as the zoological, entomological, geological, anthro- apple plantations in Lishan achieved both an pological and other kinds of modern scientific increase in the KMT’s territorial control over research in Taiwan.1 This research data, col- Taiwan’s mountain area and also facilitated the lected officially or personally, helped the orderly demobilisation of surplus troop popula- Japanese government develop its plans to sys- tions as soldiers took up new lives as farmers. tematise information concerning Taiwan’s To explain this process, we will consider two upland regions and extend its control over aspects of this territorialisation process: road Taiwan’s Indigenous peoples. For example, in construction and land distribution. 1907 Sakuma Samata, the fifth Governor- General of Taiwan, initiated a five-year plan to Road surveying and construction. Before agri- consolidate Japanese rule over the island’s cultural enterprises could ‘go up’ to the moun- Indigenous people. He conducted two cam- tains, it was imperative to establish transportation paigns of aggressive suppression of Indigenous infrastructure. Lishan is located on the ‘Central tribes from 1907 to 1912 and later from 1910 to Cross-Island Highway’,thefirst such highway 1915 (Fujii, 2001: 209–268). Having suppressed which commenced construction (in 1956) using Indigenous resistance, Japanese officers were a labour force comprising over ten thousand mil- free to use surveying, mapping and photogram- itary veterans. Building the Central Cross-Island metry to fill in the empty spaces on maps and to Highway was not a matter of simply constructing produce more information about Taiwan’s high a road but also served as a means of settling the mountain areas (Wei et al., 2008: 11–12, large number of former Nationalist soldiers. Prior

© 2018 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd 353 P.-Y. Hung and H.-T. Hsiao to construction, surveys were carried out in order construction survey team next assigned potential to define and align the route the road would crop types for each new settlement. As shown in take. This work drew upon existing Japanese Table 3 and Figure 3, different kinds of crops, plans for a cross-island highway, which did not including apples, pears, potatoes and rice, were reach fruition due to Japan’s defeat in World assigned as the potential main agricultural prod- War II but were revived under the auspices of ucts at each site. the Nationalist government. According to an offi- One thing that should be noted is that, cial report of the Directorate General of High- according to Table 3 and Figure 3, apples were ways of Taiwan (Directorate General of not assigned as the primary crop to plant in the Highways, 1956), the final version of the route Lishan area, or along most of the Central Cross- was decided in accordance with both military Island Highway. Rather, as we will show further considerations and the need to resettle all partici- below, apples gradually became the dominant pating construction workers. Plans for building crop due to other significant cultural and social these settlements included information regarding factors. Our immediate point here is to demon- location, the number of potential new settlers strate that highway construction precipitated the and the prospective means for these settlers’ live- large-scale collection of information concerning lihoods (Table 1). This in turn necessitated a the Taiwan’s mountain areas through which the series of surveys of potential locations for agricul- highway would pass. This collected information tural development, including apple plantations then became crucial when it came time for the and other fruit farms. Nationalist government to distribute land to Figure 2 and Table 2 illustrate the results of construction workers, most of whom were one such survey, conducted in 1956. The infor- demobilised Nationalist soldiers. The next mation collected included each site’s location, section outlines how this process of land distri- altitude, soil composition, slope degree, vegeta- bution took place. tion and total area. Having identified potential arable lands along the highway, the road Land distribution: Property entitlements, land clearing and technical training. Once the high- fi Table 1. Agricultural resource development migration way was nished, the problem of how to reset- estimation (the table is translated from Chinese (original tle military veterans surfaced. In response, the source is from Ministry of Economic Affairs, 1956) Nationalist government provided the option for veterans to remain in the mountain areas to Migration develop mountain farmlands. A contemporary Location capacity Note newspaper reported that: Dajia Kayo 230 Fruit trees: 30 ha and basin 90 persons; rice and cereal In order to provide for veterans engaged in total 55.5 ha and road construction, the Veterans Affairs Council 111 persons. Total 201 persons. of the Executive Yuan, will construct Slamaw 184 Fruit trees: 40 ha and 110 houses in Sipao, Lishan and other districts (Lishan) 120 persons; rice and along the Cross-Island Highway for the use of cereal total 32 ha and veterans engaging in agriculture. ... Construc- 64 persons. tion costs for each house will total NT$12000. Total 184 persons. After construction they will be transferred to Tabuk 130 Fruit trees: 30 ha and veterans who will repay the loan costs in 90 persons; cereal total annual instalments over ten years. As well as a 20 ha and 40 persons. house the grant will comprise five fen [approxi- Total 130 persons. mately half a hectare] of land. (Military News Sqoyaw 302 Fruit trees: 70 ha and 210 persons; rice and Agency, 1959) potato total 46 ha and 92 persons. Under this policy, the mountain landscape Total 302 persons. alongside the highway was depicted not just as IuShiyou 150 Fruit trees: 50 ha and a natural landscape but also as a natural 150 persons Total 996 resource. As such, the Central Cross-Island Highway was depicted as leading those who

Figure 2. An investigation report about the potential arable land for mountain agriculture along the Central Cross-Island Highway (Ministry of Economic Affairs, 1956) travelled along it to a place with abundant assigned by the Executive Yuan. In addition, the resources ripe for utilisation, as the following Veterans Affairs Council – a unit directly under excerpt illustrates: the Executive Yuan – also established and operated farms along the cross-island highways Cut off from the rest of the world, this land- staffed by military veterans. Fushoushan and scape abounds in vistas and resources, which Wuling are two well-known examples of such will be ripe for human enjoyment and develop- veteran-operated farms in the Lishan area. Being ment after this superhuman feat of road directed by the Veterans Affairs Council, these construction. Thus, the construction of the farms had close relationships with the central Cross-Island Highway is vital for both the devel- government of the Nationalist Party and pos- opment of the tourist industry and the growth of sessed great propaganda value for those seeking agricultural production in the province [Taiwan]. to promote the success of Taiwan’s mountain (Zhang, 1959) agriculture policies. Although the Nationalist government granted To realise the development of agriculture in the former Nationalist soldiers lease rights or these regions, however, required the govern- even property rights in return for their highway ment to assign a particular piece of land to each construction labour, most of the land granted veteran. According to the Act Governing the was covered by forest. Thus, most of these Farmland Grants to Anti-Communist and Anti- soldiers-cum-farmers did not have access to Soviet Union Soldiers, every veteran had the lands ready for crops to be planted. One of the right to a piece of land in the mountain areas of major tasks for the Veterans Affairs Council, Taiwan. The speciﬁc location of the land was then, was to transform these forests into

Area estimated No (ha) Place Paddy Upland Location Land belonging Elevation (m) Geomorphological Grade Aspect Soil property Vegetation Paddy Upland

Ta-chia Kayo 1 Northern Kayo, right Ta-chia working 1700 Mountain top 3 Southeast Sandy clay loam Alpine silver 30 basin bank of Ta-chia River circle, forest flat land grass compartment No. 11 Kayo 1 Northern Kayo, left Indigenous land 1400 River side flat land — Southeast Sandy loam Alpine silver 1.5 bank of Ta-chia River grass Kayo 2 Northern Kayo, right Ta-chia working 1600 Hillside flat land 10 Southeast Sandy clay loam Alpine silver 10 bank of Tai-ka-li-jiao circle, forest grass/forest River compartment range 08Vcoi nvriyo elntnadJh ie osAsrla Ltd Australia, Sons & Wiley John and Wellington of University Victoria 2018 ©

No. 12 Hsiao H.-T. and Hung P.-Y. Kayo 2 Northern Kayo,left bank Indigenous land 1500 Terrace slope 5 Southeast Sandy loam Alpine silver 44 of Tai-ka-li-jiao River grass/forest range Subtotal 45.5 40 Slamaw 3 Northwestern Lishan, Indigenous land 1400 River side ﬂat land —— Gravel sand Alpine silver 3 (Lishan) left bank of Ta-chia grass River Slamaw 4 Northeastern Lishan, Ta-chia working 1560 Valley ﬂat land —— Gravel sandy Alpine silver 19 (Lishan) right bank of Ta-chia circle, forest loam grass River compartment No. 13 Slamaw 3 Eastern Lishan, left bank Ta-chia working 1700 Ridge slope 3 Northeast Gravel light clay Alpine silver 50 (Lishan) of Hehuanshi River circle, forest grass/forest compartment range No. 51 Subtotal 22 50 Tabuk 4 Eastern Tabuk, left bank Ta-chia working 1700 Ridge slope 5 Northeast Gravel light clay Alpine silver 50 of Hehuanshi River circle, forest grass/forest compartment range No. 50 Sqoyaw 5 Northwestern Sqoyaw, Ta-chia working 1600 Gentle slope 5 Northeast Gravel sandy Alpine silver 2 right bank of circle, forest loam frass Yi-ji-lang River Apples in action

farmlands (Fig. 4) by demarcating the exact area 110 50 granted to each former Nationalist soldier, and constructing the required infrastructure that 6 160 73.5 300 4 would make possible the introduction of new crops. In this fashion, the introduction of apple plantations and other crops substantially changed the mountain landscape by reconﬁguring grass/forest range grass grass transportation mobility and agricultural planta- Alpine silver tion capacity of the Lishan area. As well as transforming the land, developing mountain agriculture also required a transformation of former Nationalist soldiers into farmers. This achieved not only the training of a labour loam

Gravel clay loam Alpine silver force for mountain agriculture but also the demobilisation and disarming of a military trained population so as to ensure they did not

Southwest Gravel sandy later become a source of political instability. The Nationalist government, accordingly, directed the Provincial Agriculture College —— — (now National Chung-Hsing University) to investigate the suitability of Taiwan mountain regions for growing temperate fruits. Around Lishan, Fushoushan and Wuling farms became learning centres where former Nationalist soldiers could acquire the required skills and know-how for growing apples and other temperate fruits. The construction of the Central Cross-Island 1900 Table land 1600 Gentle slope 5 Northwest As above Alpine silver Highway and the ensuing land distribution for mountain agriculture constituted, therefore, a process of political territorialisation aimed at enhancing and securing the Nationalist government’s control over Taiwan’s mountain areas. Road construction and agricultural development circle, forest compartment No. 28,29 compartment No. 15 circle, forest compartment No. 39 was not just a matter of introducing new crops River bed 1850 Flat land Ta-chia working Ta-chia working and the cultivating agricultural expertise. Instead, it entailed a series of activities designed to transform the rough mountain terrain into farmland landscapes, and soldiers into farmers. Road construction and the establishment of apple plantations and other agricultural enter- neighbourhood, both bank of Ta-chia River left side of Ta-chia River left bank of Nanhu River prises in areas like Lishan area have substantially changed the landscape of Taiwan’s mountains. More importantly, the processes of road construction and agricultural development produced detailed information about the mountain areas through surveying (Figs 2,3), clearing forests (Fig. 5), land distribution, land entitle- ment and so on. In this way, the previously ‘natural’ yet ‘murky’ forest landscape was gradually subtotal IuShiyou 6 IuShiyou total Sqoyaw 5 Northeastern Sqoyaw, Sqoyaw 6 Southeastern Sqoyaw, Continued transformed into a visible landscape of roads, fruit plantations and other farms. Or to use ’ Table 2 James Scott s (1998) terms, this was a process of

Table 3. English translation of Figure 3 (only the upper side)

Crop Upland Pear Apple Orange Potato Vegetable Rice rice Wheat Cereal

Location Kayo 30.00 / / / / 45.50 / / 10.00 (Dajia basin) Slamaw 40.00 / / / / 22.00 / / 10.00 (Lishan) Tabuk 30.00 / / / / / / / 20.00 Sqoyaw / 70.00 / 40.00 / 6.00 / / / InShiyou / 50.00 / / / / Total 100.00 120.00 / 40.00 / 73.50 / / 40.00 transforming the mountains into a territory ‘legi- The ‘Golden Ten Years’: Prosperity and market ble’ to the Nationalist government’s sovereign deterritorialisation gaze. Here, apples are not just apples. Rather, they have also epitomised the process of trans- After completing road construction and distrib- forming the mountain landscape for political uting land entitlements, the Nationalist govern- purposes. Nevertheless, even if they were intro- ment commenced trials of various temperate duced into Taiwan’s mountains for political pur- fruits in the Lishan area. Pears, peaches and poses, apples were to become, equally, a apples were the three main kinds of temperate ’ commodity that would connect the Lishan area fruits trialled, with pears as the project s initial to broader regional and global markets, as out- focus. However, the market price of apples lined in the next section. increased much faster than that of pears.

Figure 3. The potential crop plantations along the planned route of the Central Cross-Island Highway (Ministry of Economic Affairs, 1956)

Figure 4. Transforming the forests into farmlands, 1957 Source: Council of Agriculture, Executive Yuan)

According to one Lishan farmer, ‘originally, we commanded by apples was thus more than grew apples and pears, but the price of apples seven times that of peaches, and more than began to skyrocket overnight’. Statistics on the three times the price of pears. The price of price and yield of peaches, pears and apples for apples increased even more between 1973 and 1973 (the ﬁrst year of that data for apples is 1980 (Fig. 6). available) show that peaches were priced at NT The high price of apples led more and more $4047 per ton, pears at NT$8721 per ton and people in Lishan to start planting apples rather apple at NT$29 994 per ton. The price than pears or peaches. Additionally, growing demand for apples attracted more people to move to the Lishan area to take up apple culti- vation. In this way, the growth of temperate fruit agriculture around Lishan, and apple growing in particular, integrated Lishan into Taiwan’s fruit markets. That is, the demand for apples deriving from increased consumption in distant urban markets substantially re-oriented land use patterns in the Lishan area. However, we argue that these connections were depen- dent on the prior construction of the Central Cross-Island Highway and the subsequent grants of land to Nationalist veterans. Put another way, the political territorialisation wrought by road construction and land distribution also enabled Lishan to be incorporated into more distant markets for apples and other fruits. Thus political territorialisation served as the precursor for a subsequent market-led deterritorialisation of the Lishan area. Figure 5. Clearing forests, 1957 Source: Council of The process of market deterritorialisation did Agriculture, Executive Yuan) not occur spontaneously. Instead, increasing

Figure 6. Prices of pears, peaches and apples Source: Taiwan Agricultural Yearbook, 1959, 1962, 1965, 1974, 1977 and 1981. [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com] market demand for apples, we argue, stemmed resided in Taiwan. Arriving in a post-war Tai- from both cultural and social factors that wan still mired in poverty, these Americans conditioned this fruit market value in Taiwan. brought financial and military resources that Pre-war plantings of apples in Lishan by the created ‘another world’ inside Taiwan. And Japanese colonial administration were sparse with American soldiers living in close proximity and sporadic, meaning that apples were not to locals, many Taiwanese inevitably became readily available except via import. Accord- aware of contrasts between the lifestyle of ingly, after World War II and during the early American soldiers and that of most Taiwanese Cold War era, apples were not commonly con- people. Their houses were thought to be more sumed in Taiwan. Instead, they were considered beautiful than ordinary Taiwanese dwellings, to be an exotic, rare and expensive import. and their food and daily necessities (including The received representation of apples as an apples) were directly imported from the United exotic and rare treasure was significantly States. Apples, somehow, became an unlikely enhanced during the early Cold War due to Tai- symbol of the disparity between each group’s wan’s receipt of economic aid from the United standard of living. The renowned Taiwanese States. As a member of the anti-communist bloc writer Chun-Ming Huang’s (1972) well-known led by the United States, the ROC was a recipi- work, The Taste of Apples, focuses on this con- ent of aid from the United States directed by the trast. Huang identifies various differences Military Assistance Advisory Group. Under this between American and Taiwanese ways of life. programme, many American military personnel For example, while many Taiwanese worked as

360 © 2018 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd Apples in action low-wage manual labourers, Americans drove to the Lishan area to participate in apple pro- Mercedes Benz cars; while Taiwanese rarely duction. As a result, the flow of people and had access to good medical treatment, Ameri- goods due to apple plantations integrated cans could easily visit clean and well-equipped Lishan area into a wider network of production modern hospitals. While Taiwanese families and consumption, binding Lishan to the market had scarce resources to raise children, Ameri- economy. We argue therefore that the state- can kids were provided with educational oppor- driven process of political territorialisation in tunities and plenty of resources. Huang uses Lishan led, subsequently, to a process of deterri- apples to illustrate this final contrast, emphasis- torialisation and market integration. ing that an apple was a common and unremark- The ‘golden ten years’ ended in 1979. That able object to an American, but to receive an year Taiwan began to import apples from the apple as a gift was considered an unexpected United States. By 1981, the United States was and surprising stroke of good fortune by most exporting more apples to Taiwan than to Taiwanese families. Eventually, this image of Canada. In 1983, 50 835 tons of apples were apples as an exotic, rare and expensive item led imported into Taiwan, with 90% of those apples to the fruit coming to represent social progress from the United States (Central Daily Newspa- and an advanced modern lifestyle, as epito- per, 1983). Canada, Korea and Chile also began mised by the American way of life. to export apples to Taiwan in the 1980s. As a In the Lishan area, similarly, apple plantations result, apple producers in the mountain area of were depicted as a means for people to ‘pro- Taiwan met with competition from other players gress’ to a better quality, modern way of life. in an increasingly global market. The connec- According to a United Daily News article look- tion between the mountain area and the local ing back at the history of apple farming in market economy of apples had further deterri- Lishan: torialised as this local market deepened its connections with global markets. Writing in 1973, Lin Yuanlin, a consultant at Around the same time that local apple the Taiwan Forestry Research Institute, farmers began to face competition from foreign described the incipient “Golden Age” of apple suppliers of apples, a new regime of environ- growing: “For the past four or five years the mental governance also emerged on the back of lives of inhabitants of the upper reaches of the mounting public criticism of mountain agricul- Dajia River have undergone a startling transfor- ture’s environmental costs. The next section will mation. Jiayang, Lishan, Songmao and Huan- examine how the connection to the global mar- … shan are all fairly well-off [now] In ket economy intersected with the development Huanshan, for instance, there are less than a of new, environmentally-oriented land use strat- hundred households, but the village already egies for mountain agriculture. has over ten cars. In my neighborhood in Tai- pei, even with neighbors working in various levels of management positions, there is not a Environmental governance: Combining state single car amongst seventy households. Look- and the market reterritorialisation ing at the interiors of the villagers’ houses, the fit out is already approaching the standard of a In 1980, a debate erupted in the Legislature good hotel. They have fridges, washing over the policy to open apple importation from machines, televisions and carpeted living other countries, particularly the United States. ’ ” rooms. It s all quite high-end. (Lin, 1996) Legislators who opposed apple imports argued that they would harm the livelihoods of local Apples were thought of as ‘gold’ especially apple farmers. Those in favour of imports coun- during the so-called ‘the golden ten years’ of tered that local farmers should abandon their apple growing in Lishan from 1970 to 1979. mountain orchards if they were no longer able During this time, the representation of apples as to turn a profit. Additionally, they argued that an exotic and rare good associated with a sense apple imports could combat the over- of progress and modernity stoked demand for exploitation of mountain lands by farmers. Here (and prices of ) apples. In turn, the apple ‘gold we see that the landscape of mountain agricul- rush’ motivated people around Taiwan to move ture, including apple plantations, had by the

1980s increasingly become a symbol of envi- agriculture in Lishan. For example, media in ronmental degradation. To brieﬂy explain the this era now began to discuss the landscape of apple’s transition from being symbol of progress mountain agriculture in Lishan in terms of ‘land to a symbol of environmental degradation, we overexploitation’ (chaoxian liyong), ‘illegal need to outline the development of environ- deforestation’ (lanken lanfa) and ‘land degrada- mental movements in 1980s Taiwan. tion’ (pohuai shuitu) (Zhuo, 1987; Huang, Due to rapid industrialisation and economic 1989). But even if its beneﬁts were increasingly development, by the 1980s Taiwan was contested in the 1980s and 1990s, the Central grouped with South Korea, Hong Kong and Sin- Cross-Island Highway remained indispensable gapore as one of the ‘Four Tigers’ of East Asia. for the transport of people and goods required However along with industrial and economic for mountain agriculture. However, the increas- growth, Taiwan also experienced increasing ingly vocal criticism of farming practices in environmental problems, which were by this Lishan and mountain agriculture in general did time attracting ever greater public concern (Ho, not result in the institution of a new regime of 2001). These concerns played out in campaigns land use governance in mountain areas. It against industrial pollution, dam and road con- would take an enormous natural disaster to struction in sensitive mountain areas, and shift the debate decisively. nuclear power. Gradually, mountain agriculture On 21 September 1999, Taiwan was hit by a in Taiwan, especially along the Central Cross- massive earthquake measuring 7.3 on the Rich- Island Highway, also became a target for activ- ter scale (an event now known in Taiwan sim- ists who blamed it for hastening soil erosion ply as ‘921’, jiu er yi). This disaster killed 2415 and land degradation. people, rendered over one hundred thousand Increasing awareness of environmental people homeless and caused over NT$300 bil- issues, and particularly of the crucial need to lion dollars worth of property damage. It also protect catchment zones of reservoirs to reduce wiped out sections of the Central Cross-Island rapid sedimentation, led to the growth of repre- Highway. As a consequence, the transportation sentations and discourse critical of mountain costs for agriculture products grown in the

Figure 7. ‘Plant back’ land with ring-cupped oak, Taiwan incense cedar and Taiwan zelkova (photo by author, April 2015). [Colour ﬁgure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]

Lishan area suddenly increased substantially. documentary Beyond Beauty: Taiwan from Those whose livelihood depended on mountain Above argued that mountain agriculture was a agriculture in Lishan urgently asked the govern- major cause of natural disasters that accompa- ment to rebuild the highway. Countering this, nied earthquakes and typhoons. Images of land environmental NGOs, scholars and many pro- degradation in mountain areas, in this film and environment officials came out against rebuild- elsewhere, galvanised public opinion against ing the highway. They used the slogan, ‘return mountain agriculture and for a ‘return to it to nature’ (huangei daziran) to argue that the nature’. damaged highway should be left to recover Accompanying this turn in public opinion without human intervention (Yu, 2000; Zhang, was a strengthened land management regime 2000). The increasing voices calling for ‘return on the part of the Forestry Bureau, a govern- it to nature’ significantly intensified the conflict mental unit under the Executive Yuan’s Council over representations of mountain agriculture of Agriculture. Since 2005, the Forestry Bureau and its future in the Lishan area. has gradually stepped up its practices of clear- Mountain agriculture became increasingly ing land of temperate fruit trees, including apple controversial following a series of typhoons that plantations, in order to ‘plant back’ tree species hit Taiwan in the early 2000s. Although Taiwan indigenous to mountain areas (Fig. 7), such as is often affected by typhoons, in the 2000s ring-cupped oak, Taiwan incense cedar and greater attention was being paid to the scale of Taiwan zelkova. The Forestry Bureau aims to associated natural disasters (such as landslides restore a ‘nature’ of the past, a mountain land- in mountain areas) which seemed to intensify, scape that pre-existed the establishment of farm- allegedly due to global climate change. The ing around Lishan. To do so, according to one deadly floods and landslides caused by the Lishan apple farmer, the Bureau offers ‘compen- typhoons Mindulle in 2004 and Morakot in sation’ of up to NT$200 000 for each jia (about 2009 resulted in increasing public criticism of 0.96992 ha) of land. However, most of the mountain agriculture, including that conducted farmers in Lihan have not accepted this offer. in the Lishan area. Public opposition to the Instead, many have resisted land acquisitions development of mountain agriculture grew due and protested against the policy. to media representations of such natural disas- Some of these farmers have also endeavoured ters. For example, the award-winning 2013 to produce apples using ‘environment-friendly’

Figure 8. Honey apples (revamped photo from a calendar in one interviewee’s house). [Colour ﬁgure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]

© 2018 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd 363 P.-Y. Hung and H.-T. Hsiao methods to counter popular images and dis- disappearing honey apples of Taiwan. Accord- courses increasingly critical of mountain agri- ing to the article (Shi, 2013): culture. In contrast to negative representations of mountain agriculture and attempts by the … the farmers whose land is going to be government to return such farms to their previ- reclaimed by the Forest Bureau can only await ous state, agricultural products such as apples their final harvest. The Forest Bureau has taken have more recently come to symbolise a the orchards back and planted small native revived interest in local agriculture on the part trees in their place. I cannot help but wonder if of Taiwanese consumers. Here, being ‘local’ those small trees will survive the cold winter (zaidi) has emerged as a sign of new, positive and if they can truly achieve the promised models for production and consumption. In Tai- water and soil conservation. This policy not wan as elsewhere, ‘local’ has come to be seen only risks further soil erosion on bare land where fruit trees have been cleared, but also by some consumers as a way of resisting nega- deprives farmers of their hopes, after so many tive impacts of the global food system. In Tai- years spent working in these mountains … wan public alarm over issues of food safety and food security in the globalised food production The article explicitly questions the Forest chain has been particularly acute. Accordingly, ’ local production and consumption have Bureau s policy of clearing fruit trees, including emerged as core values for alternative food sys- apple trees, and replanting the area with native tems in Taiwan (Tsai, 2016). In other words, trees. Instead it argues, echoing the view of ‘local’ food production and consumption in Tai- many farmers in Lishan, that fruit orchards have wan signifies supporting local farmers and actually protected mountain lands from land- environment-friendly farming methods. As a slides and other forms of degradation. In other result, farmers in Lishan and elsewhere have words, fruit plantations such as honey apples highlighted their ‘local’ status in the branding not only represent local agricultural production for agricultural products grown in Taiwan’s in Taiwan, but also symbolise environment- mountain areas. friendly modes of land use, in contrast to wide- An emblematic case study of such ‘local’ spread negative representations of mountain mountain agriculture is the ‘Honey apple’ (mi agriculture. pingguo) grown in Lishan. Honey apples are not, in fact, a distinct variety of apple. Rather, they are apples harvested in deep winter, when Conclusion apple trees reserve their energy in their fruits. This energy is converted to sugar that concen- We have argued that the process of turning for- trates around the seeds of apples, resulting in ests into farms and soldiers into apple farmers their flesh having a distinctly darker colour than has been closely linked to territorialisation. In regular apples (Fig. 8). doing so, we have argued that if territory is both Because of their darker flesh, in earlier times political and economic, it is also about the these apples were considered rotten. More gradual transformation of identities. Apple recently though, the dark flesh has become a growing, and mountain agriculture in general, signifier of ‘authentic’ local production. represents one important way that territorialisa- In Taiwan, the ‘local’ label also implies ‘envi- tion has been realised. We regard apples as ronment-friendly’, and producers of honey agents in this territorialisation process, rendering apples in Lishan have been keen to encourage the murky border landscape into a ‘legible’ ter- counter negative representations of upland fruit rain and landscape. Our case study highlights production by encouraging alternative narratives two intertwined dimensions of the production of of environment-friendly local fruit. For example, territory: apples as agents of political territoriali- the well-known Homemakers Union Consumers sation and apples as agents of market de- and Co-operative, a major force promoting local and re-territorialisation. In the former, apples are environment-friendly agriculture in Taiwan, has linked to political actions designed to bring actively promoted honey apples. In 2013, it about territorialisation that serves state sover- published an article on its website lamenting the eignty. It transforms the murky ‘natural’

364 © 2018 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd Apples in action landscape into ‘natural resources’, a territory served as agents to mobilise both state and mar- legible to the sovereign state. The purpose is for ket forces that render territoriality a form of the maintenance of political order. As agents of becoming. Specifically, through apples, the terri- market de- and re-territorialisation, apples tory of Lishan is not just a passive geographical served as intermediaries connecting mountain space, but engaged in a process of becoming, a area economies with the wider world. This dis- process which re-makes the mountain areas of rupts, in specific ways, the rigid political terri- Taiwan into ‘apple zones’ both spatially and torialisation and changes the legible mountain socially. The spatial dimension centres on pro- landscape into a resource frontier, integrating cesses of political territorialisation, economic the mountain area in accordance with rules and deterritorialisation and combined reterritorialisa- practices of the market economy. tions whereby apple plantations have trans- It is worth noting that here we do not take formed the landscape from one focused on the political-strategic and the political- strategic politics to one embedded within devel- economic processes as mutually exclusive opment and market frameworks which entail forces. Instead, political-strategic and political- their own particular forms of politics. The social economic forces have co-existed in realising dimensions are centred on the politics of forging the territoriality of the Lishan area. A related connections among different elements circulat- argument that rethinks territory as both a ing through the mountain areas of Taiwan, political-strategic and political-economic pro- including apples, soldiers, transport infrastruc- cess is presented by Kim Dovey (2010), who tures and agricultural policies. Therefore, territo- has used assemblage to reconsider the relation- riality in the mountain area of Taiwan becomes ship between place and its territory. Dovey a creative force in integrating the spatial and (2010: 21) argues that territories are situated in social dimensions of Lishan and constituting it two different ‘socio-spatial segmentarities’: the as an ‘apple zone’. To see Lishan as an ‘apple state and the market. The state attempts to zone’ in this sense aligns our argument with structure a place into rigid segmentarities by, Dovey’s sense of ‘becoming’: Lishan exemplifies for example, imposing fixed meanings with a form of becoming produced by creative forces grand statements about a place. The market, in of territoriality that have materialised via the pro- turn, functions as a supple segmentarity, con- cesses of turning soldiers into farmers and forests necting different places through flows of capi- into orchards. tal, information and people. Territories are thus generated and regenerated by the intertwining of both rigid and supple segmentarities. This argument intersects with debates between Acknowledgements those who have different views of territory. On the one hand, the rigid segmentarities of state This paper is part of the research projects sup- power align with the view of territory as a ter- ported by the Ministry of Science and Education, rain, a political-strategic technology operating Taiwan (grant no. 102-2410-H-002-228, to maintain political order. On the other hand, 03-2410-H-002-159-MY2 and 105-2410-H- the supple segmentarities of market forces echo 002-171). This work was also financially sup- the conception of territory as land, a political- ported by the NTU Research Center for Future economic question regarding distribution and Earth (NTU-107L9010) from The Featured Area allocation (Elden, 2013). Whether seen from Research Center Program within the framework of the perspective of rigid and supple segmentari- the Higher Education Sprout Project by the Minis- ties, or as an interplay between terrain and try of Education (MOE) in Taiwan. The authors land, ‘territoriality is creative rather than defen- thank Kuang-Chi Hung, Yu-Ju Chien and Shun- sive, a form of becoming’ (Dovey, 2010: 17). Ling Chen who commented on the earlier draft. This is a critical point for re-theorising the We also thank Scott Writer for English editing. concept of territory based on the relation We particularly thank those who participated in between apples, soldiers and territoriality in Tai- our research and provided us their insights and wan’s mountain regions. If territoriality, as in experiences concerning mountain agriculture in Dovey’s usage, is creative, then apples have Taiwan. All errors remain ours.

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