Pakistan and the Narratives of Extremism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Pakistan and the Narratives of Extremism UNItED StAtES INStItUtE of Peace www.usip.org SPECIAL REPoRt 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Amil Khan This report, sponsored by the Center for Conflict Management at the U.S. Institute of Peace, focuses on the inroads extremist narratives have made in Pakistani society. As Pakistani reactions to the attack on schoolgirl Malala Yousufzai illustrated, Islamist extremists of various types Pakistan and the have largely succeeded in painting their worldview as being analogous to Pakistan’s self-image. Their success in framing the narrative makes extremism in Pakistan a unique challenge and countering it of importance to global counterextremism Narratives of Extremism efforts. Reversing this success and preventing extremists from destabilizing Pakistan and threatening the international community requires engagement with the narratives that shape Summary Pakistanis’ views of their country and their country’s place on the world stage. • People process events around narratives that resonate on an emotional level. Effective strategic communications efforts understand this and ground messages within existing, ABOUT THE AUTHOR accepted narratives. Amil Khan is a director of Breakthrough Communications Ltd. • Violent extremist Islamist organizations in Pakistan have effectively drawn on powerful Before working in strategic communications, he was a foreign existing narratives in presenting and promoting their particular worldview. correspondent for Reuters and later worked for the BBC. He speaks fluent Arabic and Urdu and has lived and worked in the • Specifically, the circumstances and arguments surrounding Pakistan’s birth gave rise to nar- Middle East, South Asia, and Africa. From 2009 to 2012, Khan ratives that violent extremist organizations, including al-Qaeda, have exploited to promote was based in Pakistan consulting on strategic communication themselves and to gain sympathy. projects for nongovernmental organizations, governments, and • For example, extremist strategic communications efforts build on Pakistan’s existing nar- private organizations. ratives to portray events related to Pakistan as proof that there is an ongoing war against Islam. • As a result, narratives promoted by extremists are making strong headway among the Pakistani people, who are increasingly seeing extremist narratives as an attractive way of © 2013 by the United States Institute of Peace. explaining the world around them. All rights reserved. • Unlike extremist communications efforts, strategic communications efforts to counter extremism in Pakistan typically do not deploy messages built on Pakistan’s narratives. SPECIAL REPORT 327 MarCH 2013 • An effective counterextremism communications strategy needs to engage Pakistan’s narra- CONTENTS tives and work with those elements of society who are—through their cultural output— Introduction 2 challenging extremist visualizations of the world. Al-Qaeda’s Master Narratives 3 • Any strategy toward counterextremism communications in Pakistan should draw on Paki- Pakistan’s Fragile Narrative 4 stan’s existing narratives and its sense of itself. Indeed, these narratives provide significant Al-Qaeda’s Pakistan Narratives 5 opportunities for counterextremists to attack the vision and worldview of groups like al- The Role of Pakistan’s External Patrons Qaeda. in the Narratives 7 A Plan for Working with Existing Narratives • Strategic communications efforts against extremism need to move away from crafting the and Promoting New Ones 9 “right” message from the practitioners’ point of view and move toward focusing on emo- Key Recommendations and Conclusions 11 tionally engaging the audience. ABOUT THE INSTITUTE • All such efforts should be long-term and Pakistani-led, with the capacity to involve state The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, and private entities. nonpartisan institution established and funded by Congress. Its goals are to help prevent and resolve violent conflicts, promote postconflict peacebuilding, and increase conflict Introduction management tools, capacity, and intellectual capital world- According to scholar Steven Corman, narratives help provide “an alternative way of thinking wide. The Institute does this by empowering others with 1 knowledge, skills, and resources, as well as by its direct about the world.” Whereas rationality is seen as dependent on facts and logic, narrative involvement in conflict zones around the globe. rationality depends on an audiences’ desire to align their own values to a depiction of an event. In essence, Corman is saying people often believe a version of events because BOarD OF DIRECTOrs they want to. Counterextremists often overlook this reality and operate on the hope that J. Robinson West (Chair), Chairman, PFC Energy, Washington, DC • George E. Moose (Vice Chair), Adjunct Professor of Prac- they will be able to present audiences with the “right” information capable of convincing tice, The George Washington University, Washington, DC • them that extremist arguments are false. Meanwhile, extremists skillfully exploit existing Judy Ansley¸ Former Assistant to the President and Deputy narratives to provide messages that the intended audiences will want to believe. This is National Security Advisor under George W. Bush, Washington, especially true in Pakistan, where extremists have been able to exploit, to great effect, DC • Eric Edelman, Hertog Distinguished Practitioner in Resi- narratives related to the political, social, and historical conditions of Pakistan’s birth. As dence, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Stud- a result, extremist arguments in Pakistan are increasingly seen as aligned with its people’s ies, Washington, DC • Joseph Eldridge, University Chaplain and Senior Adjunct Professorial Lecturer, School of Interna- fears, desires, and hopes. At the same time, extremists point to the country in their global tional Service, American University • Kerry Kennedy, Presi- messaging as an affirmation of their worldview. In short, Pakistan’s narratives have become dent, Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights, for extremists an asset as valuable as bombs, bullets, and recruits. Washington, DC • Ikram U. Khan, President, Quality Care According to Corman’s framework, audiences relate to stories, which form narratives Consultants, LLC., Las Vegas, NV • Stephen D. Krasner, Gra- and then master narratives, which in turn feed into a rhetorical vision. People buy into ham H. Stuart Professor of International Relations at Stanford this vision because they have an emotional interest in doing so. An approach to counterex- University, Palo Alto, CA • John A. Lancaster, Former Execu- tive Director, International Council on Independent Living, tremism in Pakistan built on this understanding provides an opportunity for a much more Potsdam, NY • Jeremy A. Rabkin, Professor of Law, George fundamental way of tackling extremism there. Mason University, Fairfax, VA • Judy Van Rest, Executive Vice The emotional resonance that extremists manage to generate in their Pakistani audi- President, International Republican Institute, Washington, DC • ences has roots in the narratives that were developed and deployed in the establishment Nancy Zirkin, Executive Vice President, Leadership Confer- of Pakistan and in subsequent historical events. In Pakistan, globally oriented Islamist ence on Civil and Human Rights, Washington, DC extremists have a population of 180 million that has been exposed to the main elements of MEMBERS EX OFFICIO extremist narratives for over six decades. Various extremist actors have exploited this situ- Michael H. Posner, Assistant Secretary of State for Democ- ation to present an extremist rhetorical vision that is perceived as being analogous to the racy, Human Rights, and Labor • Kathleen Hicks, Principal country’s self-image. Al-Qaeda, as the world’s most ambitious and arguably most successful Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Policy • Gregg f. Islamist extremist organization, has subsumed Pakistan’s narratives into its own. In doing Martin, Major General, U.S. Army; President, National Defense University • Jim Marshall, President, United States so, it is has succeeded in making the country seem like an international poster child for the Institute of Peace (nonvoting) extremist cause. Meanwhile, al-Qaeda’s narratives have begun to form Pakistanis’ views of the wider world. An exploration of al-Qaeda’s narratives around Pakistan shows that the organization— and its ideological allies—have succeeded in popularizing their rhetorical vision because they understand Pakistani narratives and have developed stories that their intended audi- ence will want to believe. Meanwhile, counterextremism efforts by Pakistan and its external patrons focus on generating messages they believe to be “right” from their own viewpoints. A successful counterextremism strategic communications policy for Pakistan needs to better understand Pakistani narratives and generate stories that people will want to believe and that will feed into a more attractive rhetorical vision for the country. The government in Islamabad and its supporters should trust that the lives and views of ordinary Pakistanis can be called upon to provide the building blocks for an alternative vision for the country. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily This report looks at why extremist strategic communications in Pakistan have been so reflect the views of the United States Institute
Recommended publications
  • Husain Haqqani 154 Bay State Road Department of International Relations Email: [email protected] CAS IR 586 Islam in South Asian P
    Husain Haqqani 154 Bay State Road Department of International Relations Email: [email protected] CAS IR 586 Islam in South Asian Politics Fall 2013 Tuesday 12:30- 3:30 pm Course Guide This course will examine the relations between the State, Politics, and Islam in South Asia and their impact on international relations. Islam became the defining element of a Pakistani identity after the partition of British India in 1947. It continues to have a strong influence on South Asian politics, especially in relation to unresolved regional conflicts over Kashmir and to some extent in Afghanistan. Pakistanis consider the dispute concerning Kashmir an unsolved question of the partition of British India in 1947 and lay claim to the territory because the vast majority of the population is Muslim. India, a secular state, views the Kashmir question as legally settled, and it too claims the whole territory, which is at present divided along a cease fire line. Pakistan has backed Islamist insurgents in Indian-controlled Kashmir in an effort to force India’s hand. India and Pakistan both have nuclear weapons, which make war and peace between them a global concern. In Afghanistan, U.S. backed Mujahideen fought the Soviet forces in Afghanistan during the 1980s, fell into civil war once the Soviets left and were replaced by the Taliban, who claimed they were uniting the country under the banner of Islam’s prophet. The Taliban were ousted from power through U.S. military force after 9/11 and the U.S. is playing a critical role with the intention of rebuilding Afghanistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorism Opinion Piece
    THE EVOLVING NATURE OF TERRORISM--------NINE YEARS AFTER THE 9/11 ATTACKS Committee on Homeland Security U.S. House of Representatives 15 September 2010 Written Testimony Submitted by Professor Bruce Hoffman School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University - 2 - Several disquieting trends converged in New York City’s fabled Times Square entertainment district on Saturday evening, May 1st, 2010.1 First, a foreign terrorist group, with a hitherto local agenda and otherwise parochial aims, once more stretched its wings and sought to operate on a broader, more ambitious global canvas. Second, the conventional wisdom, which has long held that the threat to the U.S. was primarily external; involving foreigners coming from overseas to kill Americans in this country as had occurred on September 11th 2001, was once again shattered. Third, the belief that the American ‘‘ melting pot’’ --------our historical capacity to readily absorb new immigrants--------would provide a ‘‘ fire-wall’’ against radicalization and recruitment has fallen by the wayside. Finally, al- Qaeda and its allies have embraced a strategy of attrition that is deliberately designed to overwhelm, distract and exhaust its adversaries. Thus, the Times Square incident, despite initial claims to the contrary, was not a ‘‘ one off’’ event perpetrated by an individual variously described as ‘‘ isolated’’ or a ‘‘ lone wolf’’ but rather is part of an emerging pattern of terrorism that directly threatens the U.S. and presents new and even more formidable challenges to our national security.2 LOCAL GROUPS WITH NEW GLOBAL AMBITIONS IN ALLIANCE WITH OLD ENEMIES This was precisely the message that Faisal Shahzad sought to convey when he appeared before a New York Federal District Court in June 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Hezbollah's Syrian Quagmire
    Hezbollah’s Syrian Quagmire BY MATTHEW LEVITT ezbollah – Lebanon’s Party of God – is many things. It is one of the dominant political parties in Lebanon, as well as a social and religious movement catering first and fore- Hmost (though not exclusively) to Lebanon’s Shi’a community. Hezbollah is also Lebanon’s largest militia, the only one to maintain its weapons and rebrand its armed elements as an “Islamic resistance” in response to the terms of the Taif Accord, which ended Lebanon’s civil war and called for all militias to disarm.1 While the various wings of the group are intended to complement one another, the reality is often messier. In part, that has to do with compartmen- talization of the group’s covert activities. But it is also a factor of the group’s multiple identities – Lebanese, pan-Shi’a, pro-Iranian – and the group’s multiple and sometimes competing goals tied to these different identities. Hezbollah insists that it is Lebanese first, but in fact, it is an organization that always acts out of its self-interests above its purported Lebanese interests. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Hezbollah also has an “expansive global network” that “is sending money and operatives to carry out terrorist attacks around the world.”2 Over the past few years, a series of events has exposed some of Hezbollah’s covert and militant enterprises in the region and around the world, challenging the group’s standing at home and abroad. Hezbollah operatives have been indicted for the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri by the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) in The Hague,3 arrested on charges of plotting attacks in Nigeria,4 and convicted on similar charges in Thailand and Cyprus.5 Hezbollah’s criminal enterprises, including drug running and money laundering from South America to Africa to the Middle East, have been targeted by law enforcement and regulatory agen- cies.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr. Aafia Siddiqui
    Dr. Aafia Siddiqui Compiled by The Peace Thru Justice Foundation and Families United for Justice in America Foreword by Dr. Tarek Mehanna © Copyright 1433 AH / 2012 AC 2012—All Rights Reserved for all original material contained in this publication. Contact Information: The Peace Thru Justice Foundation 11006 Veirs Mill Road STE L-15, PMB 298 Silver Spring, MD. 20902 Tel: (301) 220-0133 or (202) 246-9608 E-mail: [email protected] website: www.peacethrujustice.org Official Website: www.FreeAafia.org DEDICATION For the Oppressed BEFORE AFTER TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................7 Foreword: The Aafia Siddiqui I Saw by Dr. Tarek Mehanna ...................................................................17 Family & Friends - Who was Dr. Aafia Siddiqui? An Eyewitness Account by Andy Purcell .........................................................................26 - My Memories of Aafia in Boston by Bashir Hanif .........................................................................32 - Aafia Siddiqui – Memories of MIT to Carswell Prison by Hena Zuberi .........................................................................36 - A Tale of Two Prisoners by Dr. Fowzia Siddiqui ..............................................................42 Other Voices - The Sentencing of Dr. Aafia Siddiqui by Mauri’ Saalakhan .................................................................48 - WikiLeaks Renews Dr. Afia Siddiqui Mystery by John Floyd and Billy Sinclair ..............................................60
    [Show full text]
  • Across the Universe? a Comparative Analysis of Violent Behavior And
    The author(s) shown below used Federal funds provided by the U.S. Department of Justice and prepared the following final report: Document Title: Across the Universe? A Comparative Analysis of Violent Behavior and Radicalization Across Three Offender Types with Implications for Criminal Justice Training and Education Author(s): John G. Horgan, Ph.D., Paul Gill, Ph.D., Noemie Bouhana, Ph.D., James Silver, J.D., Ph.D., Emily Corner, MSc. Document No.: 249937 Date Received: June 2016 Award Number: 2013-ZA-BX-0002 This report has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice. To provide better customer service, NCJRS has made this federally funded grant report available electronically. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Across the Universe? A Comparative Analysis of Violent Behavior and Radicalization Across Three Offender Types with Implications for Criminal Justice Training and Education Final Report John G. Horgan, PhD Georgia State University Paul Gill, PhD University College, London Noemie Bouhana, PhD University College, London James Silver, JD, PhD Worcester State University Emily Corner, MSc University College, London This project was supported by Award No. 2013-ZA-BX-0002, awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Department of Justice 1 ABOUT THE REPORT ABOUT THE PROJECT The content of this report was produced by John Horgan (Principal Investigator (PI)), Paul Gill (Co-PI), James Silver (Project Manager), Noemie Bouhana (Co- Investigator), and Emily Corner (Research Assistant).
    [Show full text]
  • Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Confrontationist Power Politics in Pakistan : JRSP, Vol
    Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Confrontationist Power Politics in Pakistan : JRSP, Vol. 58, No 2 (April-June 2021) Ulfat Zahra Javed Iqbal Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and the Beginning of Confrontationist Power Politics in Pakistan 1971-1977 Abstract: This paper mainly explores the genesis of power politics in Pakistan during 1971-1977. The era witnessed political disorders that the country had experienced after the tragic event of the separation of East Pakistan. Bhutto’s desire for absolute power and his efforts to introduce a system that would make him the main force in power alienated both, the opposition and his colleagues and supporters. Instead of a democratic stance on competitive policies, he adopted an authoritarian style and confronted the National People's Party, leading to an era characterized by power politics and personality clashes between the stalwarts of the time. This mutual distrust between Bhutto and the opposition - led to a coalition of diverse political groups in the opposition, forming alliances such as the United Democratic Front and the Pakistan National Alliance to counter Bhutto's attempts of establishing a sort of civilian dictatorship. This study attempts to highlight the main theoretical and political implications of power politics between the ruling PPP and the opposition parties which left behind deep imprints on the history of Pakistan leading to the imposition of martial law in 1977. If the political parties tackle the situation with harmony, a firm democracy can establish in Pakistan. Keywords: Pakhtun Students Federation, Dehi Mohafiz, Shahbaz (Newspaper), Federal Security Force. Introduction The loss of East Pakistan had caused great demoralization in the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances
    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber (Eds.) Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances RP 5 June 2015 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2015 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the authors. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 7/2015) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 7 Jihadism in Africa: An Introduction Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 13 Al-Shabaab: Youth without God Annette Weber 31 Libya: A Jihadist Growth Market Wolfram Lacher 51 Going “Glocal”: Jihadism in Algeria and Tunisia Isabelle Werenfels 69 Spreading Local Roots: AQIM and Its Offshoots in the Sahara Wolfram Lacher and Guido Steinberg 85 Boko Haram: Threat to Nigeria and Its Northern Neighbours Moritz Hütte, Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 99 Conclusions and Recommendations Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 103 Appendix 103 Abbreviations 104 The Authors Problems and Recommendations Jihadism in Africa: Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances The transnational terrorism of the twenty-first century feeds on local and regional conflicts, without which most terrorist groups would never have appeared in the first place. That is the case in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, as well as in North and West Africa and the Horn of Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India / 93
    Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India / 93 Tariq Rahman* Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India Résumé. Langue, religion et politique : l’ourdou au Pakistan et dans le nord de l’Inde. L’ourdou, langue nationale du Pakistan et symbole identitaire des Indiens musulmans est associée à l’islam en Asie du sud. Cette association a été forgée pendant la période coloniale britannique. Les Britanniques ont remplacé le persan - langue du pouvoir moghol - par l’our- dou (aux échelons inférieurs) et l’anglais (aux échelons supérieurs) dans plusieurs régions du nord de l’Inde et de l’actuel Pakistan. L’ourdou s’est diffusé par le biais des réseaux scolaires et de communication dans l’Inde coloniale. Il devint le principal médium d’instruction dans les séminaires musulmans (madrasa-s) et la principale langue des écrits religieux. L’ourdou est également devenu un symbole important de l’identité musulmane et a contribué, juste après l’islam, à mobiliser la communauté musulmane pour demander la création du Pakistan en 1947. Au Pakistan, l’ourdou et l’islam sont des composantes symboliques importantes de l’identité nationale et s’opposent à l’expression des langues autochtones. Cette identité est principalement défendue par les partis politiques de droite et se positionne comme opposée non seulement aux identifications ethniques mais également à une identité occidentale plus globalisée et libérale qui serait symbolisée par l’anglais. En Inde cependant, l’ourdou soutient la minorité musulmane contre la domination hindoue nationaliste. De fait, l’ourdou, dans sa relation avec l’islam, joue un rôle complexe et parfois contradictoire au Pakistan et au nord de l’Inde.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sight of Blood and the Apocalypse: the Motivations of Daesh’S Recruits
    The Sight of Blood and the Apocalypse: the Motivations of Daesh’s Recruits Jean-Paul Azam Toulouse School of Economics, UT1-Capitole Silvaplana Workshop in Political Economy, Pontresina (Switzerland): July 24, 2017. Road Map • This is mainly an extended literature review that traces to Saint Augustine the analysis of the impact of the sight of blood on human behavior. • It shows that this “loyalty filter” was used already for recruiting crusaders to send to the Middle East in the Middle Ages. • But the main focus is on the rise of Daesh in recent times, which relied both on the display of brutal blood spilling and on the Apocalyptic mythology. • A simple model is then used to provide a synthesis and derive some policy-relevant comparative statics. 2 Saint Augustine on the Sight of Blood • I first met an analysis of the impact of the sight of blood on people’s behavior in Saint Augustine, as the Dominican monks were having us read crazy things when I was locked up at Sorèze boarding school (I was 14 or 15). • Augustine was one of the doctors of the Church, writing in about 400 CE. • Born in Hippo Regius, in what is eastern Algeria now, close to the current Tunisian border, he studied in Carthage (north of Tunis). • His mother tongue was Punic, suggesting Phoenician descent, i.e., from what is Lebanon nowadays. • He was voted as a bishop even before he had converted to Christianity. 3 Hippo Carthage Oujda, where I was born 4 Alypius and the Gladiators • One of Augustine’s friends, Alypius, had been reluctantly dragged by his pals to watch gladiators fighting at the circus.
    [Show full text]
  • Global War on Terrorism and Prosecution of Terror Suspects: Select Cases and Implications for International Law, Politics, and Security
    GLOBAL WAR ON TERRORISM AND PROSECUTION OF TERROR SUSPECTS: SELECT CASES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL LAW, POLITICS, AND SECURITY Srini Sitaraman Introduction The global war on terrorism has opened up new frontiers of transnational legal challenge for international criminal law and counterterrorism strategies. How do we convict terrorists who transcend multiple national boundaries for committing and plotting mass atrocities; what are the hurdles in extraditing terrorism suspects; what are the consequences of holding detainees in black sites or secret prisons; what interrogation techniques are legal and appropriate when questioning terror suspects? This article seeks to examine some of these questions by focusing on the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT), particularly in the context of counterterrorism strategies that the United States have pursued towards Afghanistan-Pakistan (Af-Pak) since the September 2001 terror attacks on New York and Washington D.C. The focus of this article is on the methods employed to confront terror suspects and terror facilitators and not on the politics of cooperation between the United States and Pakistan on the Global War on Terrorism or on the larger military operation being conducted in Afghanistan and in the border regions of Pakistan. This article is not positioned to offer definitive answers or comprehensive analyses of all pertinent issues associated with counterterrorism strategies and its effectiveness, which would be beyond the scope of this effort. The objective is to raise questions about the policies that the United States have adopted in conducting the war on terrorism and study its implications for international law and security. It is to examine whether the overzealousness in the execution of this war on terror has generated some unintended consequences for international law and complicated the global judicial architecture in ways that are not conducive to the democratic propagation of human rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Character of Political Islam in Pakistan
    Journal of Research in Social Sciences ISSN 2305-6533 (P), 2306-112X (E) Vol. 9, No. 1, Jan 2021 Changing Character of Political Islam in Pakistan Qamar Abbas Cheema1 and Syed Qandil Abbas2 Abstract Pakistan's confessional parties are re-inventing themselves. The Parties that are carrying a legacy from the time before partition are struggling to keep themselves relevant in mainstream political discourse. Pakistan's political landscape is changing because of the rise of Tehreek-i-Insaf, a progressive center-right political party that has altered the electioneering environment in Pakistan. Two main confessional parties Jamaat Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulma e Islam Fazal Ur Rehman (JUI-F) are trying to develop an inclusive and pluralist political agenda. JI is a hierarchical Islamic party whereas JUI-F is a network Islamic party. Political Islam is in the process of shrinking in Pakistan because of the rise of political alternatives and outdatedness of the political and electoral discourse of confessional parties. Political Islam in Pakistan is changing by improving its ideological, political, and organizational structure in relation to its contemporary rivals. Changes in political Islam are not because of intellectual diversity and growth within confessional parties but to manage and compete for the rise of competing domestic political perspectives. Transnational connections with like-minded Islamist groups have scaled-down as the like-minded religio-ideological partners are termed as extremists and terrorists. Keywords: Political Islam, confessional parties, Islamist perspective, identity, social contract Introduction The second half of the twentieth century has been important because activist groups across the Muslim world came up with competing Islamist perspectives that directly collided with existing political narratives erected and sustained by colonial powers.
    [Show full text]
  • Has Adam Gadahn Forsaken the Lawful Jihad for Anti-Americanism? a Case Study of Ideological Contradictions by Paul Kamolnick
    PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 8, Issue 6 Has Adam Gadahn Forsaken the Lawful Jihad for Anti-Americanism? A Case Study of Ideological Contradictions by Paul Kamolnick And if you say that this barbaric style is known in your tribal traditions, or your people’s traditions, or tolerated by your Shaykh or Emir, we would say: It is not allowed in our Islam . A fight that is not guided by the Shari’ah rules is not honored.[1] We denounce any operation carried out by a Jihadi group that does not consider the sanctity of Mus- lims and their blood and money. We refuse to attribute these crimes to Qa’ida al-Jihad Organization. .This position and the judgment is not to be changed if the act is carried out in the name of Jihad or under the banner of establishing Shari’ah and the legal measures, or under the name of promot- ing virtue and preventing vice. As long as it is forbidden in God’s religion, we are disassociated from it.[2] I have no doubt that what is happening to the Jihadi movement in these countries is not misfortune, but punishment by God on us because of our sins and injustices, or because of the sins of some of us and the silence of the rest of us.[3] Abstract Despite his importance as a senior Al-Qaeda spokesman, no detailed examination exists of Adam Yahiye Gadahn’s employment of fiqh al-jihad—that branch of Islamic jurisprudence regulating the lawful waging of jihad—to condemn or condone violence committed in the name of Al-Qaeda.
    [Show full text]