MIGRANT SCOTS IN A BRITISH CITY: TORONTO'S SCOTTISH COMMUNITY, 1881-1911
A Thesis
Presented to
The Faculty of Graduate Studies
Of
The University of Guelph
by
ANDREW HINSON
In partial fulfilment of requirements
for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
August, 2010
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1+1 Canada ABSTRACT
MIGRANT SCOTS IN A BRITISH CITY: TORONTO'S SCOTTISH COMMUNITY, 1881-1911
Andrew Hinson Advisor: University of Guelph, 2010 Graeme Morton
This thesis is an investigation Toronto's Scottish community in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Often recognised as one of Canada's most British cities, little consideration has been given to the 'sub' ethnicities of Toronto's British population. Focussing on the city's
Scots, this research challenges the perception that a strong British identity equated to ethnic homogeneity. Using the 1881 Canadian census to provide an overview of the city's Scottish community, distinctions can be made between them and the city's other British residents. While often thought to have occupied positions of power and influence, it is shown that Scots could be found in a wide variety of occupational positions, existing across all social groups. Looking at those immigrants who arrived subsequent to this, the 1911 census has been used to build a database of Scottish immigrants who are analysed as to why they specifically chose Toronto as an immigrant destination. That there existed such a strong migration channel between Scotland and Toronto is concluded to have been a consequence of the former's diverse workforce and that latter's diverse economy, facilitated by earlier waves of immigrants who enabled communication between Toronto and Scotland but also established an extensive associational culture to help meet the needs of the city's Scottish community. Examination of several Scottish clubs and societies show that they fulfilled a wide variety of functions, while also giving insight into the highly stratified nature of the Scottish population. Although they were able to come together when the needs of the Scottish community arose, more so than any organization it was however the Presbyterian Church which was most central to the community. Presbyterianism as identified through the census more than any other factor distinguished the Scots from any other ethnic group living in the city, and it was through this transplanted institution that Scots were able to retain a distinct sense of identity in their new Canadian home. Acknowledgements:
I am very grateful to the many people who have assisted me in my completion of this thesis. In particular I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Graeme Morton, whose guidance from start to finish has been invaluable, and whose ability to read draft after draft while performing his many other duties is highly appreciated. I have also greatly benefitted from the thorough critique offered by Professor Douglas McCalla and appreciate the input from Dr. Robert
Kristofferson. Beyond my advisory committee I have also received considerable support. Stuart
Macdonald has been very attentive in responding to my e-mails and I appreciate him taking time out of his schedule to discuss certain aspects of this project. The staff at the Archives of Ontario, the United Church Archives, and particularly Kim Arnold and Bob Anger from the Presbyterian
Church in Canada Archives have also all been very helpful. Much of my research has involved working with large data sets which I could not have done nearly as effectively without the assistance of the University of Guelph Data Resource Centre staff. Michelle Edwards and Lucia
Constanzo have guided me through the "challenges" of SPSS, while Jennifer Marvin, Dianna
Hewitt, Teresa Lewitzky, and Quin Shirk-Luckett have all spent considerable time assisting me with the complexities of GIS. Finally I would like to thank my family. The demands of focussing on a single project for several years are considerable and I could not have done this without their support. Without knowing it, Meghan, Aaron and Colette have allowed me to retain a much needed sense of perspective and at times a welcome distraction from this project.
However, for her sacrifices and unwavering support, it is to Clare that this thesis is dedicated.
i Table of Contents
List of Tables iii
List of Illustrations and Maps v
Introduction 1
1. Toronto Scots in the 1881 Census 39
2. Immigration 1881-1911 89
3. Toronto's Scottish Associational Matrix 156
4. The Development of Scottish Associational Culture in Toronto 194
5. The Presbyterian Church in Toronto 227
Conclusion 253
Appendix 1: Variables in the NAPP 1881 Canadian census database 262
Appendix 2: Occupational Classification 263
Appendix 3: Detailed cost of living enquiry breakdown of wages 267
Appendix 4: Detailed cost of living enquiry breakdown of working hours 270
Appendix 5. Meetings of Scottish Societies in Toronto, November 1908 - January 1909 273
Bibliography 275
n List of Tables
Page 1.1 Breakdown of Scots in Toronto by Age, 1881 56 1.2 Occupational Breakdown of Scots in Toronto, 1881 and Montreal, 1861 61 1.3 Males Scots in Toronto by occupational classification, 1881 64 1.4 Sectoral breakdown of male workforce in Scotland, 1881 65 1.5 Top twenty occupations among Scots in Toronto, 1881 69 1.6 Scottish female workers in Toronto by age and marital status, 1881 73 1.7 Breakdown of Scottish female workforce in Toronto by occupational classification, 1881 74 1.8 Sectoral breakdown of female workforce in Scotland, 1881 75 1.9 Leading occupations of female Scots in Toronto, 1881 76 1.10 Comparison of religious adherence of Scots and non-Scots in Toronto, 1881 83 1.11 Religious adherence of Scots in Toronto, 1881 84 2.1 Comparison of figures for Scottish immigration to Canada, 1897-1902 93 2.2 County of origin of Scottish immigrants to Canada in 1902 96 2.3 Comparison of ages of Scottish emigration, 1861-1911 with Scottish immigrants in Toronto, 1881-1911 102 2.4 Country of birth of spouses of married Scots in Toronto in 1911, excluding those who immigrated in the same year 104 2.5 Ethnic origin of Canadians married to Scottish immigrants in Toronto, 1911 104 2.6 Extended family dynamics of Scottish immigrants living in Toronto, 1911 105 2.7 Religious breakdown of Scottish immigrants living in Toronto, 1911 111 2.8 Comparison of occupational levels among Scottish male immigrants in Toronto in 1881 and 1911 115 2.9 Breakdown of occupational levels among male immigrants in Toronto by decade of immigration, 1881-1901 116 2.10 Breakdown of occupational levels among Scottish male immigrants in Toronto by age range, 1911 118 2.11 Occupations in which twenty or more Scottish male immigrants were employed in Toronto, 1911 120 2.12 Comparison of occupational levels among Scottish female immigrants in Toronto in 1881 and 1911 121 2.13 Breakdown of occupational levels among female immigrants in Toronto in 1911 by decade of immigration 123 2.14 Breakdown of occupational levels among Scottish female immigrants in Toronto by age range, 1911 124 2.15 Marital status of Scottish female immigrants by occupational status in Toronto, 1911 125 2.16 Occupations in which ten or more Scottish female immigrants living in Toronto in 1911 were employed 126 2.17 Index numbers of rate of wages, Canada, 1900-1913 135 2.18 Average incomes by occupational classification of Scottish immigrants living in Toronto in 1911 139 2.19 Income data for all occupations in which Twenty or more Scottish male immigrants were employed in Toronto, 1911 141
in 2.20 Hourly rate data of occupations with Five or more valid entries among Scottish immigrants in Toronto, 1911 145 2.21 Comparison of UK and Canadian week budget at retail prices in 1912 148 2.22 Comparison of predominant weekly wages in UK, US and Toronto in early twentieth century 150 3.1 Comparison of insurance rates offered by Order of Scottish Clans and Sons of Scotland Benevolent Association, 1890 164 3.2 Membership of individual Sons of Scotland camps in Toronto, selected years 185 5.1 Ethnic origin of church sessions and boards of management of Toronto Presbyterian churches in 1900 237 5.2 Occupational profile of Toronto Scots compared to members of St. James and Knox churches 242
IV List of Figures and Maps
Page 0.1 Toronto's British population broken down by Country of Birth, 1851-1911 12 0.2 Toronto's British population broken down by origin, 1871-1911 12 1.1 Map showing population density of Scots in Toronto in 1881 49 1.2 Map showing population density by ward of all Toronto residents in 1881 50 1.3 Scan of sample page from 1881 Canadian census 54 1.4 Comparison of age groups among Scots and non-Scots in Toronto, 1881 55 1.5 Countries of birth of Toronto Scottish immigrants' marital partners, 1881 58 1.6 SOCPO levels of Toronto's largest ethnic groups in 1881 68 1.7 Ratio of the proportion of male Scots to male non-Scots in selected occupations in 71 Toronto, 1881 1.8 Ratio of the proportion of female Scots to female non-Scots in selected 79 occupations in Toronto, 1881 2.1 Canadian immigrant arrival figures plotted against Canadian census figures showing number of foreign born 92 2.2 UK Government, Scottish emigration figures to Canada plotted against Canadian immigration figures for all nationalities 94 2.3 Immigration trends of Scots in Toronto, 1881-1911, recorded in 1911 census database plotted against UK Government Scottish emigration figures 100 2.4 Age of arrival in Canada of Scottish immigrants living in Toronto in 1911 101 2.5 Address points for Scottish immigrants living in Toronto in 1911, who immigrated between 1881-1911 108 2.6 Magnified view of address points for Scottish immigrants living in Toronto in 1911, who immigrated between 1881-1911 109 2.7 Magnified view of Charles Street, Toronto, showing last names of Scottish immigrants living here in 1911 110 2.8 Comparison of food retail price trends for Britain and Canada, 1900-1911 147 3.1 Comparison of St. Andrew's Society and Sons of Scotland memberships in Toronto, 1890-1914 186 4.1 Age range of Sons of Scotland members, 1914 222 5.1 Dispersal of Knox Church members in relation to Knox and other Presbyterian 239 churches in Toronto 5.2 Dispersal of St. James Presbyterian Church members in relation to St. James and other Presbyterian churches in Toronto 240
v Introduction
A report by the City of Toronto Planning Board on the ethnic origins of the population of
Toronto, published in 1961, makes a number of conclusions about the changing ethnic composition of the city's population. The most important of these were the declining proportion of people of British origin throughout the city, the rise to prominence of several ethnic groups
(in particular the Italian and German), and the variety of ethnic origins in the population as a whole.1 Indeed by 1966, although the British were still the largest single origin group in the city, they were a minority compared with all the other origin groups combined.2 With a similarly dramatic change in religious affiliation, the once emphatically Anglo Protestant city was undergoing a radical transformation. That it now stands as one of the most multicultural cities in the world, confirms the extent to which Toronto's demographic make-up has changed over the past several decades.
Chosen by Lieutenant Governor John Graves Simcoe in 1793 as the capital of the newly organized province of Upper Canada, the town of York (as Toronto was then known) from its inception had a predominantly British presence. Originally populated by United Empire Loyalists, the town's main source of immigrants continued to come from America until hostilities broke out again between Britain and America in the War of 1812. From here on it was mostly immigrants direct from the United Kingdom who added to the natural growth of the town. With a population of less than 10,000 in 1834, the town was incorporated as the City of Toronto. The first surviving census data is from 1848 revealing that of a population of 23,503, there were
14,528 immigrants from the British Isles, accounting for 94 per cent of the non-Canadian born
City of Toronto Planning Board, Ethnic Origins of the Population of Toronto (Toronto: City of Toronto, 1961), p. 9. Anthony Richmond, Ethnic Research Programme: Immigrants and Ethnic Groups in Metropolitan Toronto (Toronto: York University, 1967), p. 23.
1 population.3 Twenty three years later, when ethnic origin was recorded in the census for the first time, 95 per cent of the city's 56,000 inhabitants were of British descent. Although
Canadian immigration stagnated in the latter decades of the nineteenth century, Toronto's population continued to grow, which, coupled with a resurgence of overseas incomers from the turn of the century, saw its numbers by 1911 exceed 350,000, 86 per cent of whom were of
British stock. Even in 1951, the percentage of the city claiming British origin stood at 69 per cent.4
Toronto of old has been described by several historians as "a British town on American soil,"5 which in terms of the origins of its people, it certainly was. But to be likened as such would suggest as well as numerical dominance, an underlying British character. That this was the case is alluded to in many contemporary accounts from Toronto's past, such as a letter appearing in the Hull, Rockingham and Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Gazette in April 1831 which said of the town, "This place resembles England the most of any place I have seen. As for the manners and customs of the people, I find no difference between them and the people of the old country ..."6 Around the same period, Toronto's first mayor, William Lyon Mackenzie also wrote of its British character stating, "We was born a British subject... we would wish to die one."7 Then, more than half a century later, writing in Toronto, Old and New, G. Mercer Adam had this to say:
1848 Census of Upper Canada data reprinted in 1871 Canadian Census, volume 4. Population data extracted from Canadian census. This description was given by Edith G. Firth in the introduction of The Town of York, 1815-1834: A Further Collection of Documents of Early Toronto, ed. Edith G. Firth (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1966), p. Ixxxvii. It has subsequently been used by Peter G. Goheen in Victorian Toronto, 1850-1900: Pattern and Process of Growth (Chicago, The University of Chicago, 1970) as a chapter heading, and most recently quoted by Richard Harris in Unplanned Suburbs: Toronto's American Tragedy, 1900-1950 (Baltimore and London: John Hopkins University Press, 1996), p. 25. 6 Letter from Francis Jackson to Hull, Rockingham, and Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Gazette, April 2,1831 reprinted in The Town of York, 1815-1834, p. 332. 7 Quoted in The Town of York, 1815-1834, p. Ixxxiii.
2 ... Toronto is a British and, in the main, a Protestant city. 'How English is Toronto!' is
the common remark of the visitor, whether he comes from the Motherland itself or
from the Republic to the south of us. English speech and English ways are
characteristics of our people. In face and figure too, our population confess kinship
with the Motherland across the sea, and betray customs, habits, and institutions here
faithfully reproduced.8
The true extent of this kinship was demonstrated during the World Wars. By the end of the First approximately three out of every four Toronto men had offered to serve,9 and again during the
Second World War they were quick to show their loyalty to Britain by joining up to fight in large numbers.10
Toronto is today a centre of multiculturalism, therefore it is not surprising that much is written about its modern ethnic diversity. More unexpected is the emphasis which has been placed on Toronto's polyglot past. As early as 1897 two articles appeared in the Daily Mail and
Empire titled "Foreigners who live in Toronto," authored by future Prime Minister William Lyon
Mackenzie King.11 Writing with considerable insight, he questioned what impact the presence of
"foreign" groups was having on the city, discussing a range of issues including immigration history, economic circumstance, residential distribution, housing conditions and property ownership. Much has been written since, with many specific groups being the subject of full length studies such as John Zucchi's Italians in Toronto: Development of a National Identity,
G. Mercer Adam, Toronto Old and New: A Memorial Volume (Toronto: The Mail Printing Company, 1891), p. 42. 9 Ian Hugh MacLean Miller, Our Glory and Our Grief: Torontonians and the Great War (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2002), p. 196. 10 James Lemon, Toronto Since 1918: An Illustrated History (Toronto: James Lorimer and National Museum of Man, National Museums of Canada, 1985), p. 84. 11 The Daily Mail and Empire, September 25,1897 and October 2,1897.
3 1875-1935; Franca lacovetta's Such Hardworking People: Italian Immigrants in Postwar Toronto;
Lillian Petroffs Sojourners and Settlers: The Macedonian Community in Toronto to 1940;
Stephen Speisman's The Jews of Toronto: A History to 1937; and Ruth Frager's Sweatshop Strife:
Class, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Jewish Labour Movement of Toronto 1900-1939. Many of these authors are featured in Gathering Place: Peoples and Neighbourhoods of Toronto, 1834-
1945, edited by Robert Harney, which although published in 1985 remains unsurpassed in terms
of providing a synthesis of the work on Toronto's ethnic past.
Of its eleven essays, nine would have fit the model of what King meant by "foreign."
Germans, Jews, French, Italians, "Coloured," Chinese and Syrians were all discussed in King's
articles, to which could have been added Finns, Poles, Greeks and Ukrainians who were
additionally included in Gathering Place. While Mackenzie King does not specifically define what
a foreigner was, it is implied from who he was not talking about. Referring to the Irish, Scots,
English, Americans and Newfoundlanders he wrote:
These people are, however, so nearly akin in thought, customs, and manners to the
Canadians themselves, in fact so indistinguishable from them in most respects, that in
speaking of a foreign population, they have generally been disregarded altogether. For
with the exception of maintaining a few national societies, their foreign connection is
in no way distinctively marked in the civic life.12
In other words, with the exception of a relatively small "foreign" presence, Toronto was a
predominantly homogenous society. A view accepted by many historians, that this was not the
case is suggested by Robert Harney in the introduction to Gathering Place. With regard to
12 The Daily Mail and Empire, September 25,1897.
4 associational life, religion, culture and settlement patterns, the English, Scots, Irish Catholics,
Irish Protestants and Welsh he states, did display separate ethnic identities, an assertion which
could be tested by asking any Irish Catholic who tried to join the Orange Lodge.13 The perception
that immigrants from the British Isles were homogenous, Harney argues, is a false dichotomy
"that remains a problem in migration studies." Yet it was a problem not sufficiently resolved by
the collection's two "British" essays. In "The Emergence of Cabbagetown in Victorian Toronto,"
J. M. S. Careless states that the community was "all but homogenously English-speaking, pre
eminently Protestant (though with a sizeable Catholic Irish minority), and highly British, and
Orange, in feeling and tradition."14 Although he does give a religious and ethnic breakdown of
the neighbourhood, the evidence of ethnic disparity is scarce. Meanwhile those who did not
form part of the Anglo-Protestant majority were the subject of Murray W. Nicolson's essay,
"Peasants in an Urban Society: the Irish Catholics in Victorian Toronto." While Careless
downplays the religious tensions between Catholics and Protestants who lived as neighbours in
Cabbagetown, Nicolson suggests otherwise based on the large number of Irish Catholics who
entered Toronto after the Irish Famine of 1846-47. Disease-ridden, uneducated and untrained,
they quickly formed a section of the lower-class labouring population and consequently, the
urban poor. For generations, according to Nicolson, Irish Catholics retained a peasant lifestyle in
Toronto in which they were despised as "human vermin" by the host society. Segregated by
class, ethnicity and religion, they were able to survive and develop a new urban culture with the
aid of the Catholic Church.15
Robert Harney, "Ethnicity and Neighbourhoods," in Gathering Place: Peoples and Neighbourhoods of Toronto, 1834-1945, ed. Robert Harney (Toronto: Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1985), p. 2. J. M. S. Careless, "The Emergence of Cabbagetown in Victorian Toronto," in Gathering Place, ed. Harney, p. 25. Murray Nicolson, "Peasants in an Urban Society: the Irish Catholics in Victorian Toronto," in Gathering Place, ed. Harney, p. 47.
5 The story of Irish Catholics in Toronto has been the topic of further work by historians.
Although the role of the Archdiocese of Toronto has been accepted and subsequently developed
in Catholics at the "Gathering Place/' edited by Mark McGowan and Brian Clarke, other aspects
of Nicolson's account have been challenged.16 In Creating Canadian Historical Memory: The Case
of the Famine Migration of 1847, for example, McGowan argues that recent research on Irish
migration has "rescued Irish Catholics from the simplifications and stereotypes of an
underclass," which were largely based on the "collective memory" of the Famine.17 McGowan
actually pinpoints Nicolson as providing one of the "traditional nationalist interpretations" of
the Famine.18 Similarly in their overview of Irish settlement in Canada, Cecil Houston and
William Smyth state that Irish Catholics were fairly widely dispersed across the city, and while
they could be found in pockets of poverty, this represented only part of the Irish pattern in
Toronto.19 Mark McGowan is also author of The Waning of the Green which considers the
development of Toronto's English-speaking Catholic community, most of whom were Irish in
origin, in which he argues that from 1887 to 1922 Irish Catholics in Toronto participated fully in
the economic upswing of the period, moving into white collar occupations and increasing
prosperity. Submerging their overt ties to Ireland, they embraced many of the values of
Canadian society, and allowed their faith life to make some needed adjustments to the North
American environment.20 That Irish Catholics had become full and equal citizens of Canada was
according to McGowan demonstrated with the loud demonstrations of patriotism when Canada
Mark McGowan and Brian Clarke (eds.), Catholics at the "Gathering Place": Historical Essays on the Archdiocese of Toronto, 1841-1991 (Toronto: The Canadian Catholic Historical Association, 1993). Mark McGowan, Creating Canadian Historical Memory: The Case of the Famine Migration of 1847 (Ottawa: The Canadian Historical Association, 2006), pp. 1,15. McGowan, Creating Canadian Historical Memory, p. 18. Cecil Houston and William Smyth, Irish Emigration and Canadian Settlement: Patterns, Links and Letters (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990). Mark McGowan, The Waning of the Green: Catholics, the Irish, and Identity in Toronto 1887-1922 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999), p. 7.
6 went to war in 1914 and with the large number of Catholics who paid the ultimate price during the conflict.21
With the exception of Irish-Catholics however, none of the British groups living in
Toronto have been singled out for study. Religious tensions between Protestants and Irish
Catholics have been highlighted in work looking at Orange parades and St. Patrick Day processions, and the role of the Orange Order in Toronto has received considerable attention from scholars.22 Brought over by Protestant immigrants from Ireland in the early nineteenth century, the Orange Order came to transcend most aspects of civic society in the city becoming an organization not only for Irish Protestants but all Protestants of British origin. Orange- controlled jobs included the post-office, water works, and police and fire departments. The
Orange Order's role in Ontario's political life was especially important in Toronto, where a series of politicians built their careers in relation to the lodges.23 In the 1850s and early 1860s there were approximately 1,100-1,200 full members of the Orange Order in Toronto, accounting for fifteen per cent of the non-Catholic adult population, and with many of the non-members probably passing through the lodges at some point in their lives, the Order was clearly a major part of the city's predominantly British and Protestant identity.
It would be wrong however to suggest that Orangeism was the only defining aspect of that identity. One of the exceptions to the neglect shown to the study of British immigrants in
Toronto is Richard Harris's work relating to the city's suburbs. Attracted by the prospect of being able to own and build their own house, many working-class British immigrants were, according
21 McGowan, The Waning of the Green, p. 14. Rosalyn Trigger, "Irish Politics on Parade: The Clergy, National Societies and St. Patrick's Day Processions in Nineteenth-Century Montreal and Toronto," Histoire Sociale/Social History XXXVII, 74 (November 2004), pp. 159-200. 23 Gregory Kealey, "The Orange Order in Toronto: Religious Riot and the Working Class," in Essays in Canadian Working Class History, eds. Gregory Kealey and Peter Warrian (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1976), p. 24. Another article by Kealey on this topic is "Orangemen and the Corporation: The politics of class during the Union of the Canadas," in Forging a Consensus: Historical Essays on Toronto, ed. Victor Russell (Toronto: City of Toronto Sesquicentennial Board, 1984), pp. 41-86.
7 to Harris, drawn to Toronto's suburbs shortly before the First World War. Indeed, the
concentration of immigrants in the Earlscourt and Fairbank districts of the city was such that
they became known collectively as Little Britain.24 Demonstrating the sense of community,
Harris shows how neighbourhoods would help with individual house building, as well as the
making of community facilities. According to Harris, the Earlscourt Methodist Church was very
active in the community and for many years the centre of community life. During the earliest years of settlement in the area, the pastor would set apart group nights for people from their
respective part of the old country to get together.25 Harris makes no mention of the Orange
Lodge, yet the importance of the church to community life testifies to their Protestant tendencies, while their rush to sign up for the war effort in 1914 gives evidence of their
continuing loyalty to Britain. According to Harris many returned to their homeland to sign up for the British army.26
With the exception of this work and that which has been carried out on the Irish, the question arises as to why when minority ethnic groups in Toronto have received considerable
attention from historians, have the dominant population been so neglected? To address this it is
necessary to consider Canadian historiography more widely. In 1954 J. M. S. Careless referred to
English Canadian historians of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century as the "blood is thicker than water" school, a reference to their belief that Canada was essentially a "British"
nation. Shaken by the First and Second World Wars, English Canadian historians increasingly
placed greater emphasis on the role of North American factors in the creation of Canadian
history, to the extent that by the 1960s Imperial history was relegated to that of a specialised
24 Richard Harris, "A working-class suburb for immigrants, Toronto 1909-1913," Geographical Review 81, 3 (July 1991), p. 6. 25 Harris, "A working-class suburb for immigrants," p. 7. 26 Richard Harris, '"Canada's Ale Right': The lives and loyalties of immigrant families in a Toronto suburb, 1900-1945," Canadian Geographer 36 (1992), p. 26.
8 field. While this was a reflection of the Empire-Commonwealth moving to the margins of
Canadian life, Doug Owram notes in the Oxford History of the British Empire that there were secondary reasons for the decline of interest in imperial issues as well.28 As with other countries, historians in the 1960s were switching from political and diplomatic history to social history. This was compounded in Canada with the growth of the "limited identities" school of history where instead of a single Canadian history, history in Canada was seen as being better explained through shared identities such as class, region, ethnicity and gender. The de-emphasis of Britain was most evident among the work of ethnic historians who have undoubtedly made great strides in heightening understanding of Canada's many minority peoples, but have largely ignored those who were part of the majority.29 Where one of the nations of the British Isles has been subject to study, there is a tendency to portray them as victims, which could explain why
Irish-Catholics stand out as being the only British group in Toronto to receive specific attention.
While Canada, Australia and New Zealand were concerned with de-emphasizing the
British connection to their colonial history, imperial historians were too focussed on the non- white empire and its subsequent decolonization to take much notice. In 1974 J. G. A. Pocock did appeal for a less England-centric British history, which integrated the rest of the peoples of the home islands as well as those overseas, but his appeals were met with a very limited response.30
Two subsequent developments have, however, brought about a gradual change in such perspectives. The first was a debate among British historians over what it was to be British, from which has emerged an acknowledgement that most people in the United Kingdom have multiple
Phillip Buckner and R. Douglas Francis, "Introduction," in Canada and the British World: Culture, Migration and Identity, eds. Phillip Buckner and R. Douglas Francis (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2006), p. 1. 28 D. R. Owram, "Canada and the Empire," in The Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 5, Historiography, ed. Robin W. Winks (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 157. 29 Phillip Buckner, "Introduction: Canada and the British Empire," in The Oxford History of the British Empire, Companion Series: Canada and the British Empire, ed. Phillip Buckner (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 19. 30 Buckner and Francis, "Introduction," p. 4.
9 national identities. It was subsequently reasoned among national historians in Australia,
Canada, South Africa and New Zealand that if it was possible to be both Scottish and British for example, it was also possible to be Australian and British or Canadia n and British as well. The second development came with the emergence of younger scholars who were less nationalistic than the previous generation and believed they must confront their own imperial past.
Gradually what has emerged is a renewed interest in what has been called the "British World," in which a fresh look is being taken at the British exodus.32 For Canada this mantle has been taken up most vigorously by Phillip Buckner, co-editor of Rediscovering the British World and
Canada and the British World, and most recently editor of the Oxford History of the British
Empire Companion Series volume, Canada and the British Empire. In their introduction to
Canada and the British World, Buckner and co-editor R. Douglas Francis acknowledge that
Canada and the other former dominions no longer see themselves as predominantly British, but while they celebrate and promote their own distinct national identity, it is argued that their imperial past cannot be relegated to the dustbin of history. Yet it must also be acknowledged that Canada was not a replica of the "mother country." Buckner and Francis state "Canadians wished to be 'British' but in their own terms and in their own way."33 This new history of the
British world is an attempt at re-examining the complexity of the British Empire and understanding its relationship with Canada and how it shaped the world in which Canadians lived.
Toronto in many ways can therefore be seen as a microcosm for ethnic studies in
Canada, where with the exception of the Irish (who were often perceived as victims), the British have largely been ignored. That historians are beginning to embrace the challenge of
31 Linda Colley, "British and Otherness: An Argument," The Journal of British Studies 31,4 (October 1992), pp. 309-329. 32 Buckner and Francis, "Introduction," p. 5. 33 Buckner and Francis, "Introduction," p. 7.
10 understanding the complexity of "the British world" can be seen most notably through the work of Mark McGowan. However even though Irish Catholics may have too often been subject to stereotyping, they were never a full part of Toronto's supposedly dominant British culture. Only by examining one of the Anglo Protestant nations will it be possible to ascertain the extent to which there was a singular identity among these people.
In determining which nation to focus on it is worth considering how Toronto's British population was broken down. Figures 0.1 and 0.2 show that with the exception of the early period, the English have consistently been Toronto's largest immigrant and ethnic group. Indeed from its early years, it was the English who dominated and only because of the Irish influx during the Famine, were they displaced from the top position.
11 Figure 0.1 Toronto's British population broken down by Country of Birth, 1851-191134
80000
70000
60000
50000 England 40000 — Ireland 30000 — Scotland 20000
10000 ^s^P-
0 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911
Source: 1851 Census of Upper Canada; 1861,1871,1881,1891,1901 and 1911 Census of Canada.
Figure 0.2 Toronto's British population broken down by origin, 1871-191135
200000 180000 160000 140000 120000 100000 English 80000 Irish 60000 " Scottish 40000 20000 0 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911
Source: 1871,1881,1901 and 1911 Census of Canada.
Note that for the census groups the English and Welsh were combined, but judging by the small number of Torontonians of Welsh origin, the number born in Wales was negligible. Note that this information was not collected for the 1891 census. The lines which cover over this year are simply a straight projection between 1881 and 1901. The Welsh have been excluded from this graph because of their small numbers in 1871 and 1881 (85 and 211 respectively), after which they were grouped with "other" British people, making it impossible to determine how many there actually were.
12 As the largest group the English are perhaps most deserving of study, but for the same reason,
there are difficulties in distinguishing their culture from the wider population, it being evident
from the earlier quoted observations that "English" and "British" were often used
synonymously. Similarly there are problems in distinguishing the Welsh who in the Canadian
census were mostly grouped with the English or "other British." Where they do appear in the
records, it is evident that they had small numbers in the city, and with no apparent associational
presence, a detailed study of the Welsh would be impossible. For the Irish, the difficulties lie
elsewhere. Separated from the British mainland and with Ireland as a whole only being part of
the United Kingdom between 1800 and 1920, the extent to which they were seen as or saw
themselves as being British has been questioned. Linda Colley writes that "we should recognize
that, mainly for religious reasons, the bulk of its population was never swept into a British
identity to the degree that proved possible among the Welsh, the Scots, and the English."36
Undoubtedly this view would be disputed by members of Toronto's Irish Protestant Benevolent
Association, along with the rest of the city's significant Irish Protestant population. The size of
the Irish Protestant population is most evident in the 1848 and 1851 censuses when the number
of Irish were 9,000 and 11,000 respectively, but the number of Catholics were only 6,000 and
8,000. Although Irish Protestants continued to have a presence in the city, later censuses, when the number of Irish and Catholics were closer, make it difficult to differentiate Irish Catholics
from Protestants. The group which remain are the Scots. Being part of the British mainland and
predominantly Protestant in religion, there is no question that when a homogenous British
culture was being talked of, the Scots were considered a part. Furthermore, in contrast to the
English they were never a dominant presence, but unlike the Welsh they formed a substantial
minority.
36 Colley, "British and Otherness," p. 314.
13 In other respects too, the Scots are ideal for study. Their reputation as empire-builders was well earned, the Scots imperial partnership with England being recognised through "the
British Empire" always being referred to as just that, rather than "the English Empire."37 Yet there are questions as to the price at which this came. For the pessimists, it has been suggested that "Scotland, in cultural and intellectual terms, was sucked dry. She became an empty shell, painted tartan, drained to make a foreign and largely imperial omelette. Empire Scots were lost
Scots."38 On the other hand John Mackenzie argues that Empire was a means through which
Scotland asserted her distinctiveness, that rather than diluting a sense of Scottishness, being part of the British Empire heightened it.39 While this may have been the case in Scotland, was the same true overseas? Among the dominions, Scottish identity was most visibly represented through Caledonian Games, St. Andrew's Day celebrations and Burns Suppers. Toronto as much as any large imperial city played host to such annual displays of Scottishness. But was this the extent of Scottish identity? That Toronto was perceived as being of singular ethnicity would certainly suggest that its Scottish community was in fact little more than an empty tartan painted shell, and therefore provides the perfect setting to determine the extent to which this was the case. In doing so, the assertion that Toronto was ethnically homogenous will at last be comprehensively tested.
37 T. M. Devine, Scotland's Empire and the Shaping of the Americas, 1600-1815 (Washington: Smithsonian Books, 2003), p. 353. 38 This is John M. Mackenzie's summation of this view, rather than his own perspective. "Essay and Reflection: On Scotland and the Empire," International History Review 15, 4 (1993), pp. 714-739. 39 John M. Mackenzie, "Empire and National Identities: The Case of Scotland," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 8 (1998), pp. 215-231.
14 The Scots in Canada
The inaugural publication of the Canadian Historical Association's Canada's Ethnic Groups series,
J. M. Bumsted's The Scots in Canada, remains one of the few attempts at synthesising immigration and settlement for one of the most popular destinations among Scottish migrants.40 Published in 1982 it provides a useful short account in which to review the state of research in this field as it stood at that time. Dividing the movement from Scotland to Canada into three phases, Bumsted briefly examines each phase, identifying unique characteristics such as where in Scotland migrants came from, why they left, where they settled and how they adjusted to life in Canada. Beginning with the period from 1763-1815 he only touches on the
Scots' contributions to both the Hudson Bay Company and North West Company, focussing instead on the commencement of large-scale movement which began in earnest with the landing of the Hector and its 189 passengers in 1773. By 1815 as many as 15,000 Scots were living in settlements mostly located in Prince Edward Island, Upper Canada and Nova Scotia, most of whom had immigrated directly from the Scottish Highlands to British North America.41
Weighing in on the highly debated topic of the Highland Clearances, Bumsted challenges the popular perception offered by the likes of John Prebble that there was a conscious effort to remove Highlanders and Islanders from Scotland.42 Academics have long had issue with this view, one of the first serious correctives coming from Margaret Adam in a series of articles appearing in the Scottish Historical Review between 1919 and 1922.43 She wrote:
J. M. Bumsted, The Scots in Canada (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1982). In addition to these were several thousand Scots who came via America having fought for or been loyal to Britain during the American Revolution and been forced to relocate upon the signing of the Treaty of Paris which ended hostilities in 1783. John Prebble, The Highland Clearances (London: Seeker & Warburg, 1963). 43 Margaret I. Adam, "The Highland Emigration of 1770," Scottish Historical Review 16 (1919), pp. 280- 293; "The Causes of the Highland Emigrations of 1783-1803," Scottish Historical Review 17 (1920), pp. 73- 89; "Eighteenth Century Landlords and the Poverty Problem," Scottish Historical Review 19 (1922), pp. 1- 20.
15 The most common view then of the general causes producing this phase of emigration
tends to resolve itself into these three propositions - that emigration was chiefly the
result of the creation of sheep runs; that the introduction of sheep was due solely to
the greed of the landowner, and his callous indifference to the interests of his original
tenants; that the landlord, therefore, is to be held primarily responsible for the great
exodus of population from the Highlands westwards.44
Countering each of these points, Adam argued that emigration was rather the consequence of a rapidly growing population which could not be sustained by a conspicuously limited Highland economy. Subsequent to Adam, these arguments were most forcibly made by Michael Flinn in
Scottish Population History (1977) and Eric Richards, whose A History of the Highland Clearances was published in the same year as The Scots in Canada.^ Although not the first Canadian focussed work to replicate this version of events, Bumsted does controversially take the argument a step further by claiming that the early arrivals were part of a voluntary movement from the Highlands by clansmen trying to avoid agricultural change and preserve their traditional way of life, who in an effort to negate themselves of the guilt they felt about leaving, created the myth that they were forced to do so.46 Only touched on in The Scots in Canada, these arguments are developed in his monograph, The People's Clearance: Highland Emigration to British North America 1770-1815, published in the same year.47
Adam, "The Causes of the Highland Emigrations," p. 80. 45 Michael Flinn, "Malthus, Emigration and Potatoes in the Scottish North-west, 1770-1870," in Comparative Aspects of Scottish and Irish Economic and Social History, 1600-1900, eds. L. M. Cullen and T. C. Smout (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1977), pp. 47-64; Eric Richards, A History of the Highland Clearances (London: Croom Helm, 1982). 46 An example of this argument being cited in a previous work focussing on Scottish emigration to Canada is Douglas Hill, The Scots to Canada (London: Gentry Books, 1972). 47 J. M. Bumsted, The People's Clearance: Highland Emigration to British North America (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1982).
16 The second wave, according to Bumsted occurred between 1815 and 1870 during which 170,000 immigrants arrived in British North America from Scotland. Unlike the first wave when the British government made attempts to deter large scale emigration, concerns about overpopulation encouraged a policy of siphoning off surplus population which in turn could populate underdeveloped colonies. Although not a dedicated work on Scottish emigration,
Helen Cowan's British Emigration to British North America: The First Hundred Years (1961) and
British Immigration Before Confederation (1968) both incorporate the Scots.48 Such a policy was most blatantly demonstrated in government assisted emigration schemes which helped thousands of Scots settle across British North America. The publicity from such schemes encouraged so many independent emigrants to follow that further support was considered unnecessary beyond 1825. While government and non government schemes alike were most numerous in the Highlands where famine further exacerbated the problems of the region,
Bumsted acknowledges that the Lowlands were now also a major contributor to Scottish emigration. Helen Cowan highlights the example of 3,000 unemployed weavers from in and around Paisley who in 1820 and 1821 were given assistance to relocate to the Rideau and
Lanark settlements in Ontario,49 although it was Malcolm Gray who in 1973, was the first historian to seriously address the more general issue of Lowland migration.50 Pointing out that by the latter half of the eighteenth century, the population of the Lowlands had long surpassed that of the Highlands, he argues that Lowlanders were greatly in the majority of internal migrants and likely so among emigrants as well. The difficulty in establishing the certainty of this was due to their tendency to move as individuals or in small family groups, a characteristic
48 Helen I. Cowan, British Emigration to British North America: The First Hundred Years (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1961) and British Immigration Before Confederation (Ottawa: The Canadian Historical Association, 1968). 49 Cowan, British Immigration Before Confederation, p. 5. 50 Malcolm Gray, "Scottish Emigration: The Social Impact of Agrarian Change in the Rural Lowlands, 1775- 1875," Perspectives in American History VII (1973), pp. 95-176.
17 which distinguished them from their Highland countrymen, meaning that the Lowland
movement often went unrecorded. What Highlanders and Lowlanders did share in common was the influence of developments in the rural community which was the main determinant to
migration, with, according to Gray, only the choice of destination settled by the forces of
attraction.51 Compared to Highlanders who continued to cluster in the Maritimes and the
Eastern districts of what is now Ontario, Lowland farmers preferred the broad arable lands of western Ontario, with urban artisans and the middle classes gravitating toward the cities.
The third wave, Bumsted determines, was since 1870, by which time Lowlanders had all
but displaced Highlanders as the Scots most prone to migration. In spite of Scottish emigration
reaching its peak during this phase, it is the period which has received least attention from
historians on either side of the Atlantic. Until 1901 the flow of Scots remained consistent with the previous wave of immigration, totalling 80,000 over the three decades; then between 1901 and 1914, some 240,000 arrived, followed after the First World War by a further 200,000
between 1919 and 1930. Although evident in the government statistics compiled and published in N. H. Carrier and J. R. Jeffrey's External Migration: A Study of the Available Statistics 1815-
1950, such large numbers attracted little attention from historians.52 Gordon Donaldson's The
Scots Overseas (1966), for example gives the Scottish presence in Canada in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries little more than a cursory mention.
What his and many other studies of overseas Scots have instead focused on is individual
Scots who stood out as making a notable contribution to Canadian society. Wilfred Campbell's
The Scotsman in Canada (1911) is for example a virtual Who's Who of Scots who made their
51 Gray, "Scottish Emigration," p. 174. 52 N. H. Carrier and J. R. Jeffrey, External Migration: A Study of the Available Statistics, 1815-1950 (London: Her Majesty's Stationary Office, 1953).
18 name in the country.53 Most explicitly demonstrated in Donaldson's chapter titled "Scotland's
Greatest Export - Men" in which he quotes Sir Charles Dilke who wrote: "In British settlements, from Canada to Ceylon, from Dunedin to Bombay, for every Englishman that you meet who has worked himself up to wealth from small beginnings without external aid, you find ten
Scotchmen," a sentiment which Donaldson claims is no exaggeration.54
Taking a less conceited tone, when referring to Scottish immigration over the whole period, Bumsted states:
The typical enterprising Scot brought an intensive work ethic to the Canadian business
world ... Though such an ethic was scarcely the monopoly of the Scots, in the
nineteenth century they often best exemplified it. In the process, the Scots made a
major contribution to Canadian economic development.55
Bumsted references T. W. Acheson's work on the social origin of the Canadian industrial elite, which shows that 20 per cent of Canada's industrial leaders in the 1880s had been born in
Scotland and another 28 per cent had Scottish-born fathers.56 According to Acheson:
53 Wilfred Campbell, The Scotsman in Canada, Volume 1 (Toronto: The Musson Book Company, 1911). 54 Gordon Donaldson, The Scots Overseas (London: Hale, 1966), p. 206. 55 It should be noted that such arguments have been made regarding the Scots contribution to economic development in other countries. Tom Brooking for example highlights the Scots role in the development of New Zealand's economy in "Sharing Out the Haggis: The Special Scottish Contribution to New Zealand History," in The Heather and the Fern: Scottish Migration and New Zealand Settlement, eds. Tom Brooking and Jennie Coleman (Dunedin: The University of Otago Press, 2003), pp. 49-66. 56 T. W. Acheson, "Changing social origins of the Canadian industrial elite, 1880-1910," in Enterprise and National Development: Essays in Canadian Business and Economic History, eds. Glenn Porter and Robert D. Cuff (Toronto, Hakkert, 1973), pp. 55, 57. Note that Acheson is also quoted extensively in David S. Macmillan's "Scottish Enterprise and Influences in Canada, 1620-1900," in The Scots Abroad, ed. R. A. Cage (Beckenham, Kent: Croom Helm, 1985), pp. 46-80.
19 It was the transfer of technology from the more sophisticated Scottish industrial
economy to the more primitive Canadian, coupled with the traditional practise of
providing some form of training for those sons who would not inherit that gave Scots
their advantage ... They came from an industrializing society in the mid nineteenth
century and came prepared ... to function in and to give leadership to the fledgling
Canadian industries.57
Beyond such contributions, Bumsted notes that of this third phase, few general studies have been made for the post 1870 period.
Perhaps because of their perceived contribution to Canada's development or simply because of the large number of Scots who have settled in Canada, Bumsted comments in his opening remarks of The Scots in Canada that the Scots have never quite received the attention they deserve.58 Other than the previously referenced works, most of which do not pertain specifically to Canada, this assessment is reflected in the "suggestions for further reading" provided at the end of the CHA booklet. The best book available for an overview of the Scot in
Canada was, according to Bumsted, Stanford Reid's edited volume, The Scottish Tradition in
Canada. Published in 1976 as part of the Canadian government sponsored series, Generations: A
History of Canada's Peoples, the volume on the Scots (along with the series as a whole) was heavily criticised. Roberto Perin described it as an "unmitigated failure," criticising the lack of context and "serious methodological pitfalls," in which findings were based on anecdotal rather
T. W. Acheson, "The Social Origins of the Canadian Industrial Elite, 1880-1885," in Canadian Business History: Selected Studies, 1497-1971, ed. David S. Macmillan (Toronto, McClelland and Stewart 1972), p. 154. Bumsted, The Scots in Canada, p. 3.
20 than scientific technique.59 Without the benefit of extensive research in what was a relatively new field of history, the project was ultimately regarded as being too ambitious. While only scratching the surface of complex topics, that Bumsted's Scots in Canada remained the best synopsis of Scottish immigration and settlement in Canada for more than quarter of a century demonstrates that a brief overview was more appropriate for the state of research at the time.
Although there remains no definitive account of the Scots in Canada, the extent to which research in the field has moved on is reflected in the Scots entry in the Encyclopedia of
Canada's Peoples (1999), itself an extraordinary compendium on Canadian ethnicity.60 That it was also authored by J. M. Bumsted enables a straight forward examination of what detailed research has subsequently been incorporated into the wider narrative. Still at the forefront of discussion is the Highland Clearances, one of the most noted works being Marriane McLean's
The People of Glengarry (1991). While acknowledging that the Highlanders of western Inverness were not compelled to leave, McLean challenges the central thesis of Bumsted's The People's
Clearance that this was an entirely voluntary movement. As well as being faced with financial crisis, the decision of Highlanders to leave was based on a desire to live in a community of kin and friends, which was increasingly not possible in the rapidly transforming Scottish Highlands.61
Rosemary Ommer similarly argues that migration was not voluntary in the real sense of the word. Tracing a migration stream she provides evidence that the old clan system, which was
Roberto Perin, "Clio as an Ethnic: The Third Force in Canadian Historiography," Canadian Historical Review 64, 4 (1983), pp.446, 447. 60 J. M. Bumsted, "Scots," in Encyclopedia of Canada's Peoples, ed. Paul Robert Magocsi (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), pp. 1115-1142. 61 Marianne McLean, The People of Glengarry: Highlanders in Transition, 1745-1820 (Montreal: McGill- Queen's University Press, 1991).
21 being dismantled in Scotland, was transferred to the New World where it was able to survive as a structurally complex and functionally sophisticated network of kin links.62
Also highlighting the community nature of Highland migration, Stephen Hornsby's
"Patterns of Scottish emigration to Canada, 1750-1870" (1992) examines the existence of migration channels among a sample of 7,478 Scottish immigrants in Canada. Whereas Highland emigration comprised of a few major channels of emigration to different parts of Canada,
Lowland emigration was relatively diffuse, which Hornsby concludes was due to the community nature of Highland emigration, as compared to the more individualistic Lowland movement.63
That Lowlanders did not simply assimilate into Canadian society however is suggested by James
Cameron in his study of Scottish settlements in Southern Ontario in which he uses place names to assert that early Lowland settlements stand out as much as the Highland settlements.64
Taking such research a step further, E. J. Cowan traces an emigrant movement from the Scottish
Borders to Southern Ontario, while Michael Vance, also focussing on the movement from the
Scottish Lowlands, examines the Government's role in assisted emigration to Upper Canada between 1815 and 1826.65 Notably these latter two articles appeared in Scottish Emigration and
Scottish Society (1992), a volume which demonstrates the more general development of the field of Scottish emigration.
Partly because of its focus away from the Highlands, this volume is one of the most important in the field of Scottish emigration. In his chapter "The Course of Scottish Emigration,
62 Rosemary E. Ommer, "Primitive accumulation and the Scottish clan in the Old World and the New," Journal of Historical Geography 12, 2 (April 1986), pp. 121-141. 63 Stephen Hornsby, "Patterns of Scottish emigration to Canada, 1750-1870," Journal of Historical Geography 18, 4 (October 1992), pp. 397-416. 64 James Cameron, "An introduction to the study of Scottish settlement of Southern Ontario: A Comparison of Place Names," Ontario History 65 (1969), pp. 167-172. 65 E. J. Cowan, "From the Southern Uplands to Southern Ontario: Nineteenth-Century Emigration from the Scottish Borders," pp. 61-83, and Michael E. Vance, "The Politics of Emigration: Scotland and Assisted Emigration to Upper Canada, 1815-26," pp. 37-60, both in Scottish Emigration and Scottish Society: Proceeding of the Scottish Historical Studies Seminar University of Strathclyde 1990-91, ed. T. M. Devine (Edinburgh: John Donald 1992).
22 1750-1914," Malcolm Gray highlights the complexity of Scottish emigration, which he suggests is not a simple case of pressure on a rural population against the pull of cheap land in the
Americas. While there are examples which do conform to this model, the bulk of migrants from the rural Lowlands and western Highlands moved not overseas but to nearby towns. Gray comments that "the student of emigration must take good note of the pull to alternative, and in some ways easier destinations than overseas."66 Describing the "typical emigrant" as a "person of some means, independent in thought and action, or the member of the family of such a person," he argues that such individuals were also constricted by social forces operating in
Scotland as well as the receiving country, which gave some uniformity to the thousands of individual decisions.67 Growing population, land at the limits of cultivation, industries subject to fluctuations in the economy with reflective demands in labour were all factors within Scotland, while in America and Australia, the two most popular destinations among Scots, although they had an abundance of land, it was contained within a system equally tied to the ups and downs of the economy. Although not specifically listed as one of these forces, the clearances are by no means ignored in this volume. In his chapter titled "Landlordism and Highland Emigration," T. M.
Devine reconsiders the role of the landlord in the movement overseas. While he takes the view offered by the likes of Eric Richards that demographic and economic forces were the root cause of the Highland movement, Devine does acknowledge that not all landlords were blameless.68
His most cited contribution however comes in the introduction, where he outlines the "paradox of Scottish emigration." Adopting the phrase first coined by R. A. Cage in The Scots Abroad,
Devine addresses the issue of why Scotland, as a leading industrial nation, was one of Europe's
66 Malcolm Gray, "The Course of Scottish Emigration, 1750-1914," in Scottish Emigration and Scottish Society, ed. Devine, p. 24. 67 Gray, "The Course of Scottish Emigration," p. 34. 68 T. M. Devine, "Landlordism and Highland Emigration," in Scottish Emigration and Scottish Society, ed. Devine, p. 84.
23 top exporters of its people, when those countries which usually experienced heavy losses, were those with backward agricultural economies. Pointing out the tradition of mobility which stemmed back to the seventeenth century, he also considers some of the specific causes which affected different regions of the country. In the Highlands there were particular social problems not experienced elsewhere in Scotland, although emigration before the clearances had created networks abroad which were able to provide potential immigrants with information from which resulted clear streams of chain migration. Although the rural Lowlands did undergo a similar transformation in agriculture, emigration from these parts of Scotland was less induced by destitution and deprivation than by the lure of opportunity in North America and Australia where land was plentiful and farmers not dependant on landlords. Regarding urban areas, a combination of push and pull factors worked together to increase emigration, with economic insecurity being the primary factor of the former and higher wages and demand for skills that of the latter.69 These findings are largely backed up by Jeanette Brock, whose research provides a statistical analysis of Scottish population movement between 1861 and 1911.70
Although Devine's "paradox" remains the greatest theoretical contribution to Scottish emigration, the historian who has contributed most to the field more generally is Marjory
Harper. Likening Scottish emigration to that of a dripping tap, Harper's earlier work focuses on emigration from North-East Scotland which may have been less dramatic than that of the
Highlands but did drain the region of some of its most enterprising people.71 More recently she has focussed on twentieth-century emigration, a hitherto neglected area in spite of it
69 T. M. Devine, "The Paradox of Scottish Emigration," in Scottish Emigration and Society, ed. Devine, pp. 1-15. 70 Jeanette M. Brock, "The Importance of Emigration in Scottish Regional Population Movement, 1861- 1911," in Scottish Emigration and Scottish Society, ed. Devine, pp. 104-134. This work was later expanded upon in The Mobile Scot: A Study of Emigration and Migration, 1861-1911 (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1999). 71 Marjory Harper, Emigration From North-East Scotland, Volume 1: Willing Exiles, Volume 2: Beyond the Broad Atlantic (Aberdeen: University of Aberdeen Press, 1988).
24 encompassing the greatest waves of Scottish emigration. In Emigration Between the Wars
(1998), Harper points out that Scotland's population in the period 1921-30 experienced an actual decline, with emigration exceeding natural increase and immigration.72 In 2003 Harper published, Adventurers and Exiles, the first full length overview of Scottish emigration, providing new insight on the recruitment of immigrants, the role of organizations such as Quarrier's
Orphan Homes in child migration, and the previously underexplored issue of return migrants.
It is evident that in writing the encyclopaedic entry for the Scots, Bumsted has taken on board the work of both Canadian and Scottish historians whose work has done much to enhance our knowledge of Scottish migration and settlement, while at the same time tackling some of the enduring myths which continue to dominate popular perceptions of the Scottish exodus.
Specifically addressing this issue, some of the most recent publications have sought to explain how they were created in the first place. In Myth, Migration and the Making of Memory, edited by Marjory Harper and Michael Vance, Eric Richards points out that most movement from the
Highlands was a barely perceptible flow year after year, both unspectacular and unpublicized, being registered more in the statistical aggregates of the census than in the contemporary literary record.73 In another chapter Michael Kennedy examines Gaelic songs in the Maritimes, which he concludes were more likely to celebrate rather than lament emigration from Scotland.
Accounting for the failure of the more favourable Gaelic memory of emigration to have an impact on the dominant narrative, Kennedy argues that this was because of the highly selective reading of the folklore by authors external to the community.74 Another enduring perception of
Marjory Harper, Emigration From Scotland Between the Wars: Opportunity or Exile? (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998). 73 Eric Richards, "Leaving the Highlands: Colonial Destinations in Canada and Australia," in Myth Migration and the Making of Memory: Scotia and Nova Scotia c.1700-1990, eds. Marjory Harper and Michael Vance (Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing, 1999), pp. 105-126. 74 Michael Kennedy, '"Lochaber no more': A Critical Examination of Highland Emigration Mythology," in Myth, Migration and the Making of Memory, eds. Harper and Vance, pp. 267-297.
25 Scottish migration which has recently been challenged concerns the previously discussed
success of overseas Scots. In spite of the many examples of successful businessmen, Douglas
McCalla has pointed out in an analysis of the Scots in business in nineteenth-century Canada, that nowhere were they more than a minority.75 Indeed, Heather McNabb writing about the
Scottish immigrant community in Montreal claims that the average Scot was more likely to be in
a skilled manual or non-manual occupation rather than the top occupational grouping.76 Both studies were recently published in A Kingdom of the Mind: How the Scots Helped Make Canada, which examines a number of specific dimensions to the Scottish influence in Canada.
Demonstrating the progress which has been made over the past decade this work sits alongside
Transatlantic Scots edited by Celeste Ray which takes an anthropological approach to examining
how popular perceptions of Scottish heritage diverge from history in both the United States and
Canada, A Global Clan, edited by Angela McCarthy which uses personal testimonies to reveal the various forms of social networks among Scottish migrants over time and space, and Ties ofBluid
Kin and Countrie, edited by Tanja Bueltmann, Andrew Hinson and Graeme Morton examining
Scottish associational culture in the diaspora.
Evidence that the Scots part in the British World is under fresh scrutiny, these recent works demonstrate that historians are applying new methods to better understand the Scots overseas. Specifically focussed on Canada, A Kingdom of the Mind goes furthest in addressing the lack of work on Scots in Canada, although there are many gaps which remain to be filled. It
has already been pointed out that before 1982 few general studies had been done on the post
1870 period. Twenty-five years later in the Encyclopaedia of Canada's Peoples Bumsted asserts
Douglas McCalla, "Sojourners in the Snow? The Scots in Business in Nineteenth-Century Canada," in A Kingdom of the Mind: How the Scots Helped Make Canada, eds. Peter E. Rider and Heather McNabb (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's, 2006), p. 80. 76 Heather McNabb, "Butcher, Baker, Cabinetmaker? A View of Montreal's Scottish Immigrant Community from 1835 to 1865," in A Kingdom of the Mind, eds. Rider and McNabb, p. 257.
26 that from 1900 "Scottish immigrants to Canada included larger numbers of industrial workers, particularly those involved in iron and steel as well as heavy machinery," but other than acknowledging their prominence among labour unions, this is about as much attention as they receive.77 A reflection of the state of research on this topic, the story of Scots in an industrialized or urban setting has only begun to receive attention in the past few years. That this is changing is demonstrated by the recent studies which have been carried out on the Scots in Montreal, which include work by Heather McNabb on the Scottish immigrant community, Gillian Leitch on
Scottish and British identity, and Catherine Bourbeau on the St. Andrew's Society of Montreal.78
Although all make an important contribution to one of the most neglected aspects of
Scottish overseas settlement, they are but a start to achieving a full understanding of urban
Scots, not only in Canada but all over the world. This study aims to further address this gap in our knowledge by examining the Scots in a different urban setting. It is not coincidental that
Montreal has been the location for these initial studies. Long Canada's largest city, it possessed a significant Scottish population in what could be considered a unique environment. With regard to the creation of the city's most prominent Scottish association, the St. Andrew's Society of
Montreal, Catherine Bourbeau writes:
The St. Andrew's Society was in fact founded in the stream of loyalist organizations
created to unify the Anglo-Saxon community of the British Party in Lower Canada. The
foundation of such organizations - among which the Montreal Constitutional
Association and the English, Irish and German national societies - came in response to
77 Bumsted, "Scots," p. 1128. 78 McNabb, "Butcher, Baker, Cabinetmaker?," pp. 242-260; Gillian Leitch, "Scottish Identity and British Loyalty in Early-Nineteenth-Century Montreal" \r\A Kingdom of the Mind, eds. Rider and McNabb, pp. 211-226; Catherine Bourbeau, "The St. Andrew's Society of Montreal: Philanthropy and Power," in Ties of Bluid, Kin and Countrie: Scottish Associational Culture in the Diaspora, eds. Tanja Bueltmann, Andrew Hinson and Graeme Morton (Guelph: Centre for Scottish Studies, 2009), pp. 69-82.
27 the increasing discontent expressed by the dominant French Canadian majority
towards the social and political structure established by the Constitutional Act of
1791.79
While there existed St. Andrew's Societies throughout Canada, few could claim to have been created in such circumstances, and although the experience of Scots in Montreal was by no means dictated by the city's strong francophone presence, it is evident from the above example, that the city's dual ethnicity had some bearing on their lives. It therefore follows that Scots living in non-French Canadian parts of the country would have been subject to different influences and perhaps part of communities very unlike that of Montreal. If this was the case, nowhere should that contrast be more apparent than in Toronto with its overwhelming Anglo-Protestant population and underlying British character. Rather than competing with a large French
Canadian population, in Toronto, Scots had the challenge of asserting their individual ethnic identity among an almost exclusively British population.
Both cities were different in other respects too. Established in 1642 by French missionaries, Montreal soon became an important fur trade centre. This receded with the North
West Company's absorption by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821, after which goods were shipped almost exclusively through Hudson Bay. Although the city continued to develop, it was not until the onset of industrialization in the 1850s and 1860s that Montreal experienced extraordinary growth. Enhanced by its transportation networks and expansion of financial institutions, at the time of Confederation, Montreal was not only the dominant metropolis of
Quebec but of Canada as a whole.80 This dominance continued for several succeeding decades,
79 Bourbeau, "The St. Andrew's Society of Montreal," p. 70. 80 Paul-Andre Linteau, Rene Durocher and Jean-Claude Robert, Quebec: A History, 1867-1929, translated by Robert Chodos (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1983), p. 129.
28 illustrated by Montreal's manufacturing output being two and a half times that of Toronto in
1880, and Toronto-based banks amounting to $74.3 million compared to $107.1 million for the
Montreal-based banks in 1890.81 By 1914 Montreal had a modern diversified economy indicative of a national metropolis, although Toronto was catching up, and during the interwar period
Toronto began to challenge Montreal's pre-eminence in retailing, wholesaling and banking.82
This pattern continued after World War Two and by 1960, Toronto had replaced Montreal as
Canada's premier metropolis.83
Throughout the nineteenth century Toronto may have played second fiddle to the older and bigger urban centre, but it did still exercise considerable influence in its own right. The extensive development of its rail network meant that by the 1850s and 1860s Toronto was the railway hub of Upper Canada and consequently also the main regional business hub.84 By 1871
Toronto had attained a significant level of industrialization. Steam powered plants were relatively common and by 1871 Toronto was producing goods such as rerolled rails, stoves, locomotives, car wheels, boilers, foundry items, engines and other machines.85 In total there were 530 manufacturing enterprises with a workforce of 9,400 at this time, which two decades later had risen to 2,401 manufacturers with a total workforce of 26,242.86 By the end of the century there had been significant expansion in clothing, engineering, publishing, furniture, piano making, meatpacking, and most notably agricultural machinery with new additions to the
George A. Nader, Cities of Canada, Volume Two: Profiles of Fifteen Metropolitan Centres (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1976), p. 129. 82 John Dickinson and Brian Young, A Short History of Quebec, 4th Ed. (Montreal & Kingston: McGill- Queen's University Press, 2008), pp. 280, 281. 83 Dickinson and Young, A Short History of Quebec, p. 312. 84 J. M. S. Careless, Toronto To 1918: An Illustrated History (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company and National Museum of Man, National Museums of Canada, 1983), p. 83. 85 Gregory Kealey, Toronto Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism, 1867-1892 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), p. 25. 86 Careless, Toronto To 1918, p. 109.
29 items being produced in factories including furnaces, rubber, paper goods, carriages, chemicals, corsets, barbwire, brass fittings and track bolts.87
Industrialization was accompanied by commercial growth. Both wholesalers and retailers made significant advancements, the latter being exemplified by Timothy Eaton and
Robert Simpson's continual one-upmanship from which evolved the modern department store.
The city's financial sector also kept apace. Founded in 1867, the Canadian Bank of Commerce soon became the country's second largest bank, by 1890 having assets of $22.8 million.
Toronto's other banks also fared well, The Dominion, Toronto, and Imperial Banks all enjoying a considerable growth in assets over the previous decade.88 Aside from banks there was considerable growth among Toronto's insurance and investment services, while the city's stock exchange enjoyed an increasingly active and diverse role.
Toronto's growing economy was accompanied by a significant rise in population, which more than doubled between 1881 and 1891 and then again by 1911. Although the class diversity of this population was acknowledged by earlier historians, not until Gregory Kealey's studies on the working-class of the 1980s, were all strata given proper consideration. Writing in 1947, D. C.
Masters commented on the difficulty in obtaining information about Toronto's "less wealthy classes," focussing instead on the upper ranks of society, which in the mid to late nineteenth century consisted of the "older aristocracy," and the new middle classes.89 Made up of all the city's white collar workers, according to Masters, the wealthiest and most prominent of this group gradually fused with the older families to form a social elite, while "it was the rank and file of this [middle] class which provided the backbone of religious, political, and in fact all civic
Careless, Toronto To 1918, p. 112. 88 Careless, Toronto To 1918, p. 117. 89 Donald C. Masters, The Rise of Toronto, 1850-1890 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1947), pp. 25, 78.
30 movement of importance in the city." More recently, J. M. S. Careless has confirmed that by the late nineteenth century, the city's urban elite were made up of British immigrants from the
1840s and their children, as well as those who had worked their way up from the middle classes.
The middle classes, for their part, were made up of brokers, professionals, real estate dealers, lesser merchants and small factory owners, for the upper tier, with the lower middle classes consisting of small storekeepers, minor contractors, craftsmen, office clerks and lower rank teachers.91 Although the middle- and upper-class elements often combined in church and philanthropic activities, their distinction was most evident in the membership of gentlemen's clubs such as the Toronto Club and the Royal Canadian Yacht Club, which were there to serve the social elite and upper-middle class aspirants.92
Making up the masses were Toronto's working classes. At the top of this social group were skilled workers, below which sat factory and store workers, domestics and day labourers.
Exacerbated by Toronto's rapid industrialization and urbanization, at the bottom of the class structure was an underclass, who with their association with drinking, vice and crime, were of growing concern to the more respected sectors of society.93 It was in fact out of these concerns that Mackenzie King was prompted to write his articles on Toronto's foreign population whom he wanted to determine if were "an evil for this city" or "a strength to the community."94
That Toronto had an immigrant population that was growing enough to warrant such an investigation contrasts with most of the rest of the country, which was experiencing a rapid net loss through migration. Between 1880 and 1891 the country saw more than one million of its population (one fifth of the total) move south of the border, in the prospect of better
90 Masters, The Rise of Toronto, pp. 26, 124. 91 Careless, Toronto To 1918, p. 128. 92 Ibid. 93 Careless, Toronto To 1918, p. 172. 94 King, The Daily Mail and Empire, September 25, 1897.
31 opportunities. More were to follow, it not being until the turn of the century that the trend began to reverse. With immigration reaching a thirty year low in 1896 when only 16,835 immigrants were recorded, the extent to which this turned around can be seen in 1905 when the number of immigrants had risen to 141,465, with further increases occurring in the years which followed.96 Toronto's population on the other hand went from 86,000 in 1881 to 181,000 a decade later. Although growth did slow over the following decade, rising by only 30,000, between 1901 and 1911 it accelerated again, reaching 377,000 by the end of the decade.
Late nineteenth and early twentieth century Toronto therefore provides an ideal setting for examining the urban Scottish diaspora. A city which was able to grow while the country as a whole experienced a net loss in migration meant that even during Canada's leanest years of immigration, Scots continued to arrive. They were of course not alone, being considerably outnumbered by immigrants from other parts of Britain. That Toronto was a predominately
British city provides a contrasting setting to the few recent studies on overseas urban Scots which to date have been focussed on Montreal. That there exists little other work to provide comparison, in itself speaks to the need for this gap in Scottish migration history to be filled. The tendency of Lowland Scots (who made up the majority of Scottish emigrants at this time) to migrate as individuals or in small family groups has led to the perception that they assimilated more readily than Highland Scots to their new society, leaving little trace of their presence. That
Toronto was often seen as ethnically homogenous would seem to support this assertion, but without thorough study this cannot be known. Who were the Scots that came and what happened to them after they had arrived? Where did they live? What jobs did they do? What religion did they practise? Where ethnic differences between Toronto's British population were
95 Valerie Knowles, Strangers at Our Gates: Canadian Immigration and Immigration Policy, 1540-1990 (Toronto & Oxford: Dundurn Press, 1992), p. 55. 96 Canadian immigration statistics are taken from Reg Whitaker, Canadian Immigration Policy Since Confederation (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1991), p. 2.
32 acknowledged, this tended to be in the context of national societies, which in the case of the
Scots meant the St. Andrew's Society. Was this however, the extent of Scottish associationalism? What about other Scottish clubs and societies and what about the role of
Church and religion? Only by addressing these issues, utilizing sources which can represent all
Scots and their institutions can a better understanding of the urban Scottish diaspora in Toronto be gained.
Approaching Toronto's Scottish community
While studies of Scots living in Montreal may have led the way in the pursuit of urban Scots, no attempt has been made here to simply replicate for Toronto what has been done there. Where relevant, comparisons between the two cities have been made, but as with Montreal's Scottish community, Toronto's displayed aspects which were unique, and as such this study has been tailored to the specific dynamics of the community. By employing sources such as the Canadian census, this study aims to build a profile representative of all Scots living in the city at this time, inclusive of both immigrants and those with a Scottish ancestral background. In chapter 1, the
1881 census is used to create a spatial, demographic, occupational and religious profile of all
Scots living in the city. Spatial analysis utilizing GIS (Geographic Information Service) software reveals that Scots were not bound in ethnic neighbourhoods, while comparisons with the city's other large ethnic groups show that they were in many respects similar. However there is evidence among Scottish immigrants and those of later generations to suggest that there did exist a Scottish community and that Toronto was not simply an ethnically homogenous society.
Focussing specifically on Scottish immigrants, chapter 2 considers the period between
1881 and 1911, when Canada experienced contrasting trends in immigration. Although Toronto bucked the trend by showing growth when most other places were losing population, upon the
33 resumption of large scale immigration, the city also experienced a rapid increase in population.
In total between 1881 and 1911 Toronto's population grew from 181,000 to 377,000, a significant proportion of which can be attributed to immigration. Using the 1911 census to
create a database of Scottish immigrants, the Scottish component of this movement can be analysed. The 1911 census is particularly useful for this because it includes the year of
immigration, which has been used to record those who arrived between 1881 and 1911. Unlike the 1881 census, the later census provides a relationship to head of household variable, enabling more detailed analysis of the dynamics of Scottish immigrant families within an urban
British setting.
While this database shows that the immigrant patterns of Scots arriving in Toronto were similar to Canadian immigration patterns as a whole, the specific factors which enticed Scots to choose Toronto over other Canadian destinations are considered. With regards to the Scottish
Highlands, several historians have weighed up the push and pull factors of what prompted emigrants to leave in the first place, against why they were enticed to particular destinations.
Away from this region however, little detailed consideration has been given.97 Furthermore it is questionable the extent to which pull versus push factors take into consideration the full complexities of this phenomenon.98 Beyond this basic theoretical model, few have attempted to conceptualize Scottish emigration. Admittedly some of Ravenstein's "Laws of Migration" have been incorporated into the work of scholars looking at internal migration.99 Malcolm Gray's warning that students of emigration should not forget more localised movements reflects
The very title of Harper's overview of the Scottish exodus, Adventurers & Exiles divides Scottish emigrants into these two categories. The debate over Highland migration has previously been discussed, the most notable contributors being Eric Richards, T. M. Devine, J. M. Bumsted and Marianne McLean. Robin Cohen, "Introduction," in Theories of Migration, ed. Robin Cohen (Cheltenham, UK and Brookfield, US: Edward Elgar Publisher, 1996), p. xv. 99 E. G. Ravenstein, "The Laws of Migration," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 49 (June 1885), pp. 167-227; E. G. Ravenstein, "The Laws of Migration," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 52 (June 1889), pp. 242-301.
34 Ravenstein's first law, that the majority of migrants only go a short distance, while Charles
Withers' analysis of Highland-Lowland migration confirms Law 2, that migration generally proceeds in steps.100 T.M. Devine's "paradox of Scottish emigration" remains the most notable attempt at theorizing Scottish emigration, although his specific focus is on explaining the unusual occurrence of Scotland being a dual immigrant and emigrant nation. Although plenty of theories have been produced subsequent to Ravenstein's "laws," more than one hundred years later, according to Douglas S. Massey et al, there is at present no single, coherent theory of international migration, "only a fragmented set of theories that have developed largely in isolation from one another, sometimes but not always segmented by disciplinary boundaries."101 While attempts are being taken to address this latter point, it is unlikely that any one theory will ever satisfactorily explain every international migration scenario. But while there will always be exceptions to the rule, if theory can assist in explaining patterns of movement, it has inherent value. Published in 1966, Everett S. Lee's, "Theory of Migration" was intended to build directly on Ravenstein's work.102 By his own admission his conceptualization that migration involves "a set of factors at origin and destination, a set of intervening obstacles, and a series of personal factors" may seem self-evident, but it is this simplistic framework which makes Lee's series of hypotheses as relevant today as when they were published more than four decades ago. In essence he suggests that diversity both at the receiving destination and of the emigrant population were the primary determinants to the volume of migration. Using data on Scottish immigrants' occupations and incomes, this will be compared with equivalent data for the rest of
Canada and Scotland to determine if Lee's theoretical model can be applied to Scottish
100 Malcolm Gray, "The Course of Scottish Emigration," p. 24; Charles Withers, Urban Highlanders: Highland-Lowland Migration and Urban Gaelic Culture, 1700-1900 (East Lothian: Tuckwell Press, 1998), p. 61. Douglas S. Massey et al, "An Evaluation of International Migration Theory: The North American Case," Population and Development Review 20, 4 (December 1994), p. 432. 102 Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3,1 (1966), p. 48.
35 immigration in Toronto and if it adds anything to our understanding of Scottish overseas movement.
Lee also makes the important connection between earlier migrants easing the process for later arrivals. As well as being a means through which information could be communicated between Scots living in Toronto and potential migrants in Scotland, earlier migrants were responsible for establishing institutions to cater for the needs of the Scottish community. In his
"Foreigners Who Live in Toronto" Mackenzie King wrote that there was nothing to distinguish the city's British people except the maintenance of "a few national societies."103 That these offered little more than an occasional wallowing in Scottish culture has been suggested by E. J.
Cowan who argues that they actually masked the decline in Scottish identity.104 Such a view however, has been recently challenged, most notably in the articles featured in Ties ofBluid, Kin and Countrie. Specifically addressing Cowan's assertion, Catherine Bourbeau argues that in the case of Montreal, this is a misinterpretation; the St. Andrew's Society there, she claims, acted to encourage and reinforce Scottish identity.105 Graeme Morton suggests that because Scottish clubs and societies surrounded themselves with tartan and heather, "their significance to the conceptual understanding of identity formation has not been fully appreciated," adding that
"these groups and their events must be analysed for what, fundamentally, they were: part of
Scotland's associational culture."106 As with associational culture in Scotland, Toronto's Scottish associations had a wide variety of aims and objectives, which stretched considerably beyond the scope of the St. Andrew's Society. Chapter 3 outlines the growth of Scottish associationalism in
Toronto, examining the range of clubs and societies, all of which contributed to a phase in the
103 The Daily Mail and Empire, September 25, 1897. E. J. Cowan, "The Myth of Scotch Canada," in Myth, Migration and the Making of Memory, eds. Harper and Vance, pp. 62, 64. 105 Bourbeau, "The St. Andrew's Society of Montreal," p. 76. Morton, "Ethnic Identity in the Civic World," in Ties ofBluid, Kin and Countrie, eds. Bueltmann, Hinson and Morton, p. 36.
36 late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when Scottish culture in the city reached its
greatest heights. That this was not limited to an active associational culture is supported through an examination of the city's other Scottish cultural and sporting pursuits, which also
enjoyed new levels of popularity in this period. As well as utilising club and society records, this
and the following chapter make extensive use of the city's two Scottish based newspapers,
which in themselves are further indicators of Toronto's flourishing Scottish community,
providing a unique insight into how it saw and portrayed itself.
Whereas most studies of the diaspora which have considered Scottish associationalism
have focussed on St. Andrew's Societies and their exclusive place within society, the extent of
Toronto's Scottish associational matrix would appear to be at odds with Toronto's apparent
overwhelming Britishness. Addressing this issue, chapter 4 examines identity, and considers how the Scots were able to preserve their own culture and traditions within their British and
Canadian surroundings. This analysis leads on to a more detailed examination of who belonged to Toronto's Scottish clubs and societies, and what their wider purposes were beyond their
stated constitutional remit. What emerges from analysis of club memberships and constitutions
is a picture of a socially stratified Scottish community, both in terms of the clubs and societies themselves, and also the memberships within.
Yet in spite of their differences in remits and memberships, all were united in fostering a common sense of identity among the Scottish community. But while they may have been most vocal in this task, they were by no means alone. Robert Harney has suggested that many of the
city's ethnic neighbourhoods in Toronto could be reconstructed outward from the church.107
With regards to both Irish and Italian Catholics this has been convincingly shown, but less so
Harney, "Ethnicity and Neighbourhoods," p. 13.
37 among the Protestant churches. The number of church buildings and church attendance in
Toronto have been acknowledged, and John Moir has highlighted the continuing Scottish connection with Presbyterianism in Canada, but no one has addressed its relationship to an ethnic community.109 Chapter 5 aims to do just that. Using the largely untapped communion lists of Toronto's Presbyterian churches, the members contained within these are linked to the
Canadian census. The data from the census is then used to create an ethnic and occupational profile of these churches which can be used to determine differences between individual churches and the previously analysed census data as a whole. GIS is utilized to determine the geographic boundaries of the congregation and how these related to other Presbyterian churches in the city. Church minute books, annual reports and other records, are then used to demonstrate the churches' activities beyond Sunday worship, revealing its role within the immediate community and wider parish.
There are of course other sources and areas of civic life which could potentially shed further light on the Scots in Toronto which will not be covered in this study. As the first work to look in detail at this specific subject, the aim has been to provide a broad analysis, which will provide a basis on which further research can be built. Where possible it has been intended to explore the world of Scots beyond those who have been singled out for their notable contribution to Toronto and Canadian society. This study creates a profile of ordinary Scots living in the city, examining the institutions which helped preserve their ethnic identity, enabling them to thrive in the wider British community around them.
McGowan and Clark (eds.), Catholics at the "Gathering Place"; John Zuchhi, Italians in Toronto: Development of a National Identity, 1875-1935 (Montreal & Kingston, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988). 109 John Webster Grant, A Profusion of Spires: Religion in Nineteenth-Century Ontario (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1988), p. 197.
38 1. Toronto Scots in the 1881 Census
James Michie and James Salmond were both Scottish immigrants living in Toronto at the time of the 1881 Canadian census. Recorded as being fifty years old, neither had married and both men were adherents to the Presbyterian faith. The only notable difference between the two men was their occupations, which were documented as merchant and teamster, respectively.1 As a merchant, James Michie plied his trade with Fulton, Michie and Co., a wholesale and retail company in which his uncle had held a partnership up until his death in 1866. In addition to his primary occupation of managing the retail side of the business, Michie had other business interests, which along with his extensive philanthropic activities, led to him being described in the History of Toronto and County of York, as "prominent among those names which have been associated with the progress and development of Toronto."2 The same biographical sketch also states that "as one of Scotia's sons, he was ever true to the memory of his native land, and was always a steadfast friend to his countrymen,"3 an impression which was exemplified by his acceptance of the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto presidency in the same year as the census.
Yet, while James Michie in many respects epitomizes one of the popular images of Scots in
Canada, of his Scottish immigrant counterpart, James Salmond, little else is known.
The impression of illustrious Scots leading the way in business, politics and education is reinforced in both contemporary and academic accounts. An article appearing in The Scottish
Canadian in 1890 uses an analogy in which the Scotsman is compared to a piece of cork, which regardless of where it is sunk, always rises to the surface. According to the article "it is so with a
11881 Canadian census data in this chapter has been compiled using data made available by the North Atlantic Population Project and Minnesota Population Center, http://www.nappdata.org, and unless otherwise stated was obtained from this source. Charles Pelham Mulvany, Graeme Mercer Adam, and Christopher Blackett Robinson, History of Toronto and County of York (Toronto: C. Blackett Robinson, 1885), p. 112. 3 Ibid. 39 Scot. Plant him where you may, leave him only liberty of action, and he will make his presence
felt; he will work his way to the surface of society."4 The views of historians have been no less
charitable. In The National Dream: The Great Railway 1871-1881, Pierre Berton states, the "Irish
outnumbered them, as they did the English, but the Scots ran the country. Though they formed
only one-fifteenth of the population they controlled the fur trade, the great banking and financial houses, the major educational institutions, and, to a considerable degree, the
government."5 Likewise, in The Scottish Tradition in Canada, David MacMillan writes, "There are few more striking examples ... than the way in which the Scottish society, in increasing flux from the early eighteenth century onwards, provided a class of men of enterprise that played a role,
entirely out of proportion to its small number, in the promotion of mercantile and industrial
concerns not only in Scotland, but also in North America, the West Indies, and the East."6 More
recently, Douglas McCalla has summed up these perceptions, writing that, "Notwithstanding various criticisms, the story of enterprising Scots remains one of the absolutely central
narratives of Canadian history: self-made men from humble beginnings led in making a transcontinental nation, with the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) and its close ally, the Bank of
Montreal, replacing the old fur trade links."7
Indeed, the literature portraying the success of Scots overseas, particularly in Canada is vast, but there is a danger in applying such generalisations. As McCalla goes on to point out, this greatly simplifies the actual process by which Canadian business and Canadian society developed. While a substantial number of Scots were involved in business circles, of the
4 The Scottish Canadian, December 4,1890. 5 Pierre Berton, The National Dream: The Great Railway, 1871-1881 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1970), p. 319. 6 David S. MacMillan, "The Scot as Businessman," in A History of Canada's Peoples: The Scottish Tradition in Canada, ed. W. Stanford Reid (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), p. 179. Douglas McCalla, "Sojourners in the Snow? The Scots in Business in Nineteenth-Century Canada," in A Kingdom of the Mind: How the Scots Helped Make Canada, eds. Peter E. Rider and Heather McNabb (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2006), p. 77.
40 business community as a whole, their total numbers were fairly modest. McCalla states "that
'Scot' and 'businessman' were not synonyms, and most Scots, like most other people in Canada, were not members of the leading business circles."8 Furthermore, in her study of the Scots in
Montreal, Heather McNabb acknowledges that the Scottish community was more complex than is often recognised, being composed of people from various occupations and social levels. She states that "relatively few members of the Scottish community were able to build a commercial empire and maintain a huge house in the Square Mile. The average Scottish immigrant in
Montreal was much more likely to be a clerk than a merchant, or a carpenter than a manufacturer."9
It is perhaps not surprising that "ordinary" Scots have featured little in the popular story of the Scots overseas. The Dictionary of Canadian Biography is replete with Scots who were influential in an array of spectrums throughout Canada, making it easy to draw conclusions which oversimplify the dynamics of the Scottish population as a whole. Amongst these are some notable Torontonians of either Scottish birth or background, making Toronto no less exempt than Montreal from sweeping generalisations about its Scottish population.10 Robert Simpson, who was born in 1835 emigrated to the town of Newmarket in Upper Canada at the age of 21 upon which he took a job working for his uncle in a dry goods store. Soon after he started his own store, before moving to Toronto where he opened a pioneer department store which would go on to become a major chain across Canada. Another Scot who arrived in Canada with little more than an apprenticeship was William Christie who having completed his training as a baker and biscuit manufacturer came directly to Toronto in 1848 at the age of 19. First
8 McCalla, "Sojourners in the Snow?," p. 82. 9 Heather McNabb, "Butcher, Baker, Cabinetmaker? A View of Montreal's Scottish Immigrant Community from 1835 to 1865," in A Kingdom of the Mind, eds. Rider and McNabb, p. 257. 10 Discussions of individuals, except where otherwise noted, are drawn from their biographies in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography (hereafter DCB), vols. 4-14. 41 becoming a partner in a bakery in 1853, Christie's reputation soon spread and by the 1880s his enterprise was recognized as being the largest of its kind in Canada. Robert Hay was another manufacturer whose business outperformed all its competitors. Having began work as an apprentice cabinet maker, Hay came to Canada in 1831 at the age of 23 where he build up a company producing cabinetware. By the 1870s, Robert Hay and Company was the largest employer in the Canadian furniture industry, with nearly 500 employees on its payroll. In pursuit of his business interests, Hay also became involved in politics being elected for Toronto Centre in the 1878 federal election. Whereas Hay was a somewhat reticent member of the House of
Commons, the same could not be said for his fellow Scottish Torontonian George Brown. Born in
1818, he emigrated to New York in 1837, where he completed an apprenticeship in journalism, before moving to Toronto six years later. Brown of course went on to found and edit The Globe, one of the most influential newspapers in English-speaking Canada. With the backing of his newspaper, Brown became a powerful political force, leading the Clear Grit Liberal Party and being a moulder of Confederation. Perhaps the only man to rival his influence was Oliver
Mowat, who although not born in Scotland was the son of Scottish parents. Born in 1820,
Mowat qualified as a lawyer and practised law for about ten years before moving into politics, first as a Toronto alderman and then as a member of the Assembly of the Province of Canada. As an active participant in the Quebec Conference, Mowat was also a Father of Confederation. In
1864 he was appointed vice chancellor of Upper Canada, a position he retained until 1872 when he succeeded Edward Blake as Ontario Premier. Mowat went on to hold this office for almost a quarter of a century.
More could be added to this list of men whose success in business and politics may have began in Toronto but whose influence stretched considerably further afield. Writing of the
Scottish business community in Montreal, Donald MacKay comments that, "Generation after
42 generation, Scots were the single most powerful group in the Montreal business community, which meant they were the most powerful in Canada. [...] Tradition and motivation undoubtedly had something to do with their success, for most were Protestants, with a Calvinist appetite for hard work."11 That those mentioned here were all from modest Presbyterian backgrounds, could easily have led to something similar being written about Scots living in Toronto.
Although there has been a shift among historians away from the story of great men and high politics to the everyday lives of ordinary people, popular perceptions are difficult to revise.
In The People of Hamilton, Canada West, Michael Katz demonstrates the extent to which sources such as books, pamphlets, newspapers, diaries and letters are not representative of a wider population. Katz suggests that by using such sources for a city like Hamilton with a population of 14,000 in 1851, historians would encounter little over seven hundred of them. To gain an account of the remaining ninety-five per cent, he argues, we must turn to quantitative sources.12 Although he utilizes an array of such sources in this highly acclaimed social history, the most valuable of these was the manuscript census, a source which has become invaluable to subsequent social historians. Twenty years after Katz's study, Steven Ruggles and Russell
Menard write that "the census is our fundamental source of information about American social structure in the past. No other source can compete with respect to population coverage and reliability. For the period before the mid-twentieth century, the census provides the only data on population characteristics that are not profoundly distorted with respect to class, race,
Donald MacKay, The Square Mile: Merchant Princes of Montreal (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre Ltd., 1987), p. 28. Michael B. Katz, The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Class in a Mid-Nineteenth-Century City (Cambridge, MA and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 16. 43 gender or education. Moreover, the census is the only historical source that provides comprehensive geographic coverage and broad chronological scope."13
This may be somewhat too optimistic a view of the value of the census as a historical tool, but without question it offers a means of gathering information about hitherto overlooked
Scots. In the context of the Canadian census Bruce Curtis points out the conceptual difficulties in translating the social and economic characteristics of a population into the cells of a census schedule.14 Specifically he demonstrates the relationship between state formation and the making of nineteenth-century Canadian censuses, in particular highlighting how particular political influences shaped their design and administration.15 While these issues are not necessarily a major shortcoming, they do illustrate the necessity of treating census manuscripts like any other historical document in terms of analysis and interpretation. As the Canadian
Century Research Infrastructure (CCRI) has recognized, it is important to "adopt a general approach that seeks to reconcile the value of census manuscripts as a source of information on a large variety of social and cultural phenomena with an approach that understands that the organization and construction of censuses is a complex administrative undertaking influenced by numerous political stakes arising in the relationship between and among various state authorities and different groups and individuals within civil society."16 For the purposes of this research, the Canadian census provides a means to analyze all Scots, not simply the likes of those contained within the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, but "ordinary" Scots as well.
Steven Ruggles and Russell R. Menard, "The Minnesota Historical Census Projects," Historical Methods 28, 1 (Winter 1995), p. 6. Bruce Curtis, The Politics of Population: State Formation, Statistics, and the Census of Canada, 1840- 1875 (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2001), p. 32. Curtis, The Politics of Population, p. 315. Claude Bellavance, France Normand and Evelyn S. Ruppert, "Census in Context: Documenting and Understanding the Making of Early-Twentieth-Century Canadian Censuses," Historical Methods 40, 2 (Spring 2007), p. 93.
44 The North Atlantic Population Project (NAPP) brings together late-nineteenth-century complete count census microdata from Canada (1881), Great Britain (1881), Iceland (1870,
1880,1901), Norway (1865,1900), and the United States (1880) into a single harmonized database. These data have only recently become available for social science research, made possible by the availability of complete machine-readable transcriptions of nineteenth-century census enumerators' manuscripts. In the case of the 1881 Canadian census, the laborious transcriptions were carried about by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, in collaboration with local genealogical societies.
The data files available for the 1881 census are reproduced in appendix 1, which as can be seen are vast. As the data were transcribed from the original source material, forming long alphabetic character strings, to make the data more useable for statistical analysis, NAPP developed numeric codes for each variable. Although straight forward for variables such as age, sex, marital status, and religion, other variables such as occupation and birthplace were more problematic, with three million unique strings among them. Data dictionaries were constructed to translate character strings into numeric codes, in which a numeric code was assigned to each alphabetic variation that occurred in the data. Considering the multiple countries involved, the scale of this challenge was unprecedented, particularly with regard to coding occupations.17 In doing so, NAPP took the principle of retaining detail while providing harmonized codes suitable for comparative research. Furthermore, if a researcher does wish to see the original transcriptions, it is also possible to download the raw material.
NAPP data are disseminated through a data extraction system which allows users to carry out substantial manipulation of the data, which can be accessed through the NAPP
Evan Roberts et al, "The North Atlantic Population Project: An Overview," Historical Methods 36, 2 (Spring 2003), p. 84. 45 website.18 It is therefore possible to extract data for a particular district, selecting a limited or complete list of variables. The extracted data is then available for downloading into a SPSS or
SAS database. In the case of this research project, all available data was extracted into an SPSS database encompassing the entire population of Toronto. Using the ethnicity and country of birth variables it is possible to carry out specific analysis of the Scots, including their demographic, occupational and religious characteristics, where individuals such as James Michie and James Salmond are given equal representation.
http://www.nappdata.org. 46 Identifying the Scots in Toronto
One challenge in the pursuit of overseas urban Scots, and perhaps another reason why historians have paid them so little attention, is the difficulty in identifying specifically Scottish neighbourhoods. Whereas Little Italies and Chinatowns were among the most readily identifiable ethnic enclaves in major Canadian cities, there was no such common equivalent among Scottish immigrants. Other known ethnic neighbourhoods in Toronto were composed of
Finns, Jews, and to some extent Irish,19 but while ethnic trappings such as cafes, grocery stores and restaurants, travel agencies and other services, would have been all too apparent in these enclaves, the same does not appear to have existed in any one particular area for the Scots.20
That there were localities with a predominance of Scottish street names however may still suggest areas of Scottish settlement to which a Scottish community was bound thus providing a geographical focus for more detailed research.
By using the geographical data from the 1881 census it is to some extent possible to create a spatial profile of Scots living in Toronto. Although street level data was not recorded at this time, the population density of Scots living in each census ward can be calculated and displayed using GIS.21 The results are shown in figure 1.1, where the level of shade represents the density of Scots per square kilometre. The map indicates that the greatest concentration of
Scots were in the St. John's, St. James' and St. Thomas' wards, suggesting that there may have been ethnic enclaves within. In isolation however such data can be misleading. When compared with an equivalent map (figure 1.2) showing population density for all the city's residents, it can be seen that proportionately there was very little difference between the Scots and the wider
19 Robert Harney (ed.) Gathering Place: Peoples and Neighbourhoods of Toronto, 1834-1945 (Toronto: Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1985). 20JohnZucchi, A History of Ethnic Enclaves in Canada (Ottawa: The Canadian Historical Association, 2007), p. 2. 21 Population density is calculated by dividing the number of Scots in each ward by its area. 47 population. The aforementioned wards were simply in the most heavily populated area of the city. While Scottish enclaves could still have existed within these wards, that only one ward (St.
Thomas') falls into a different density grouping would make this seem unlikely.
These findings essentially confirm what historians have previously thought. Whereas
Highlanders tended to emigrate in large family or community groups, Lowlanders, who by this period comprised the majority of Scottish immigrants, were more likely to emigrate as individuals or only with their nuclear family.22 That they did not come as part of an extended group would increase their likelihood and ability to disperse across the city. Furthermore there was less need to congregate among their fellow countrymen than other ethnic groups. The formation of an ethnic neighbourhood, John Zucchi has recently argued, "would have involved a critical mass of an ethnic group deemed to be somehow outside the pale - a minority, socially, economically, ethnically or religiously perceived as 'less,' in a weaker position of power with respect to the 'host' group or groups - taking up residence in an urban neighbourhood, with shops and institutions to serve its ethnic neighbourhood."23 Because of their British Protestant background, the Scots did not fit into this category, being more readily able to integrate into the host society, consequently making them difficult to locate, and in fact leaving little evidence of
Toronto having a distinctly Scottish community.
22 Malcolm Gray, "The Course of Scottish Emigration, 1750-1914: Enduring Influences and Changing Circumstances," in Scottish Emigration and Scottish Society: proceedings of the Scottish Historical Studies Seminar, University of Strathclyde, 1990-91, ed. T. M. Devine (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1992), p. 19. Zucchi, A History of Ethnic Enclaves, p. 3.
48 Figure 1.1: Map showing population density by ward of Scots in Toronto in 1881. Figure 1.2: Map showing population density by ward of all Toronto residents in 1881 Communities are not however restricted to those living in close proximity. Anthony P.
Cohen argues that "the reality of community lies in its members' perception of the vitality of its culture. People construct community symbolically, making it a resource and repository of meaning, and a referent of their identity."24 Members of a community have something in common with each other, which distinguishes them in a significant way from the members of other possible groups, although as Cohen points out this need not imply uniformity. The triumph of community is maintaining variety but ensuring that members do not feel that they have more in common with other groups.25 Using this premise therefore, that the Scots were not bound to a particular geographic location does not mean that there was not a Scottish community, just as important being any shared commonalities which differentiated them from other ethnic groups.
In total there were 13,699 Torontonians who in 1881 claimed to be of Scottish origin. As
"Canadian" was not on the enumerators' standard answers, in practice origin was attributed on the basis of the paternal line, even in households headed by women. For the 1871 census Bruce
Curtis cites the example of Lewis Geraldi and his wife and children, all of whom had been born in
Ontario. "The children were named 'John', 'Minnie', 'Cecilia', 'Abertha' and so on. Mr Geraldi became a census 'Italian;' his wife, a census Scot; and his children, all census Italians."26 In such a case only Mrs Geraldi would be included in the Scottish origin count, in spite of her children being as Scottish as they were Italian. Therefore although one might be listed as being of a particular ethnicity, this does not necessarily reflect a true association with that group. Further to this, Raymond Breton has pointed out that many members of non-immigrant generations do
Anthony P. Cohen, The Symbolic Construction of Community (New York: Tavistock Publications and Ellis Horwood Limited, 1985), p. 118. 25 Cohen, The Symbolic Structure of Community, p. 109. 26 Curtis, The Politics of Population, p. 285. 51 not maintain relations with their ethnic community, and those who do tend to use the institutions of the larger society for their needs more so than immigrants.27
Of more specificity is the category of place of birth, in which those born inside Canada were listed by province, while those outside Canada were recorded by country. But even this category is not without problems. Of the 4,418 Torontonians who were born in Scotland, four per cent claimed not to be of Scottish origin, being of either English or Irish background. One example is Jean and Maria Ellwood, aged 28 and 30 respectively, who were both born in
Scotland but recorded as being of English origin. A look at the rest of their family shows that there was also a George (26) and a second Jean (58), both of whom were born in England and also of English origin. The 58 year old Jean's marital status is "widowed." Presumably, Maria and
George and the younger Jean are her children who all took their ethnic origin from their late father, which we can assume was English.
While these issues are an important reminder of the limitations of this type of data, this chapter presents analysis based on the 1881 figures using three base groups. The first is the previously mentioned 13,500, who recorded their ethnic origin as being Scottish. This group is used to represent all Scots living in the city. The second group is comprised of those who were born in Scotland, and is used as a means of identifying Scottish immigrants. Unfortunately the
1881 census provides no date of immigration, making it in most cases impossible to determine how long they had been in Canada. Clearly there are differences between recent arrivals and those who arrived in the country twenty or more years before, many of whom could have been children at the time. In some respects they may have been more akin to the third group which I have termed "generational Scots," which is made up of those claiming Scottish origin but who were not born in Scotland. Of this latter group there were 9,483, more than double the number
27 Raymond Breton in, "Community Organization," in Encyclopedia of Canada's Peoples, ed. Paul Robert Magocsi (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), p. 373. 52 of Scottish immigrants.28 Bearing in mind that the distinctions between generational Scots and those born in Scotland will be somewhat blurred by those who had been in the country for a considerable length of time, it is still worth comparing Scottish immigrants to those of Scottish descent, testing Breton's hypothesis about the loosening of ethnic ties among second and later generations. Figure 1.3 is a scan of a page from the 1881 census which can be used to clearly demonstrate how individuals were categorized. James Bruce who is first on the page, along with the four entries immediately below him are all generational Scots having been born in Ontario
(0) but being of Scottish (Scotch) origin. Christine Henderson and Alexandria Sylvestor, 6th and
8th respectively were both Scottish immigrants as can be seen from their country of birth.
Because of their Scottish origin, all six form part of that base group.
28 That the number of generational Scots and Scottish immigrants does not precisely add up to the previously used figure of 13,699 representing the Scottish community as a whole, is a result of those who were born in Scotland but not of Scottish origin. 53 Figure 1.3: Scan of sample page from 1881 Canadian census.
JSEMIENT. • V , /,- vin'cej ;of _ I. District jSTp,/^ \ik^U^^ A :6t WH4
mm Demographics
How these different base groups can be used to provide insight into Scots living on Toronto can
be seen through an examination of their most fundamental characteristics. While the 1881
census presents certain challenges in comparing demographics, one of the most straightforward
comparisons which can be carried out is with age. Figure 1.4 compares the ages of those
claiming Scottish origin against the rest of Toronto's population. What is striking is how closely
they mirror each other, the extent to age clearly offers no means in which to distinguish Scots
from the rest of the population. The largest group being the 18-30 category, on the whole it was
a young population, a reflection of the city's recent growth. Although this was caused mostly by
migration, both from the countryside and overseas, that fertility also played its part in Toronto's
expansion is also suggested by the large proportion of children who were living in the city at this
time.
Figure 1.4 Comparison of age groups among Scots and non-Scots in Toronto, 1881
30.0% -j
0-5 6-17 18-30 31-40 41-50 51-65 over 65
Age Range
Source: 1881 Canadian census
55 Of greater contrast are Scottish immigrants and generational Scots (table 1.1).
Although the 18-30 category remains the largest adult group, among Scottish immigrants are considerably higher proportions aged 31 and over. Indeed almost 60 per cent are between 31 and 65, compared to 16 per cent among generational Scots.
Table 1.1 Breakdown of Scots in Toronto by Age, 1881
Scottish Immigrants Generational Scots Age Range No. % No. % 0-5 54 1.2 2,089 22.0 6-17 420 9.5 3,033 32.0 18-30 1,086 24.6 2,818 29.7 31-40 1,044 23.6 911 9.6 41-50 854 19.3 370 3.9 51-65 689 15.6 215 2.3 over 65 271 6.1 46 0.5 unknown 0 0.0 1 0.0 Total 4,418 100.0 9,483 100.0
Source: 1881 Canadian census.
The most obvious explanation for this is that generational Scots living in the city at this time were mainly the children of these immigrants. This being the case, combined with the greater immigrant age average per se, would suggest that for many, if not most Scottish immigrants, immigration was a permanent move. Whether this was their intent when they set out is another question, there having been some tradition of sojourning among earlier emigrant Scots. Alan
Karras has shown that Scots migrating to Jamaica and Virginia in the eighteenth century did so to "earn a fortune as quickly as possible and return home with it,"29 while Douglas McCalla has argued that it is possible that young businessmen bound for Canada in the nineteenth century
Alan L. Karras, Sojourners in the Sun: Scottish Migrants in Jamaica and the Chesapeake, 1740-1800 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1992), p. 3. 56 had the same purpose in mind.30 In Toronto there were certainly ethnic groups who came with the intention of it only being a temporary stay. Macedonians for example, who arrived before the First World War saw Toronto as a lucrative migratory stop, where they would live frugally, earn good money as industrial labourers before returning to their families and villages in the old country.31 While this could also have been the purpose of Toronto's Scottish immigrants, one characteristic which they did not share with these sojourners was their relatively even sex ratios.
Whereas sojourning was most common among males, in Toronto Scottish men outnumbered
Scottish women by only four per cent. Further to this, if we return to table 1.1, it can be seen that children (those aged 17 and under) made up 10 per cent of Scottish immigrants. Although considerably smaller than the equivalent figure among generational Scots, the presence of children demonstrates that there was a family component to Scottish movement. The inclusion of families, the even sex ratios, and the fact that many immigrants did stay permanently would suggest that for most Scots in Toronto at this time, immigration to Canada was considered permanent.
The sex variable also provides another means to compare those of Scottish ethnicity with the rest of the city's population. Yet as with age, this offers no means of distinction, both
Scots and non-Scots alike being 49 per cent male and 51 per female. More revealing is the marriage variable. Although the proportion of Scots married differs little from non-Scots (32 per cent of Scots were married compared to 33 per cent of non-Scots), examination of where marital partners came from does offer the first glimpse of there being a Scottish community in
Toronto. Figure 1.5 is a chart showing a breakdown of the countries of birth of Scottish
McCalla, "Sojourners in the Snow?," p. 85. 31 Lillian Petroff, "Sojourner and Settler: the Macedonian Presence in the City, 1903-1940," in Gathering Place, ed. Harney, p. 178.
57 immigrants' marital partners. For those born in Canada, the chart to the right shows a further breakdown of their stated ethnic origin.
Figure 1.5 Countries of birth of Toronto Scottish immigrants' marital partners, 1881
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
Madeline A. Kolbach has noted that marital assimilation has historically been an important aspect of immigrant adaptation and acculturation and that a relatively higher degree of assimilation is attributed to an immigrant who marries a spouse of a different ethnic or cultural origin to one who remains ethnically connected through marriage to his/her group.32 In total there were 1,264 Scottish immigrants married to other Scottish immigrants, representing 61 per cent of Scottish immigrant marriages. A further 16 per cent were married to English immigrants,
8 per cent to Irish and 12.5 per cent to native born Canadians. Of the 130 latter, 48 were of
Scottish origin, 40 English and 37 Irish. Although it is impossible to determine whether most marriages took place pre or post-immigration, the proportion of Scots married to other Scots is relatively high and would suggest a resistance to assimilation. This is reinforced by generational
32 Madeline A. Kolbach, "Ethnic Intermarriage in Canada," Canadian Ethnic Studies 34, 2 (2002), pp. 25-39.
58 Scots who also showed a tendency to marry those of Scottish origin, accounting for 46 per cent of marriages. A further 29 per cent were married to those of English origin and 21 per cent to
Irish. That Scots were more likely to marry someone of the same ethnicity would suggest that assimilation had not taken place, and while giving no indication of its nature, would indicate that a Scottish community in Toronto did exist.
More challenging is deciphering other relationships within a family. As there was no category beyond marital status which looks at family relationships, it is necessary to be somewhat speculative when addressing this issue. By selecting only children (those who were aged 17 and under) of Scottish origin it is possible to create tabulations based on the children in each indexed household. However an obvious weakness of this methodology is that households were not necessarily composed of a single family. One household for example, in which there were ten children, contained two different surnames, Matheson and Gemmel, suggesting that two families were present. In another case there were 17 children listed, most with different surnames. A look at the original census page shows that the first person listed in the household is a Marjory Munro, whose occupation is described as "matron - boys home." The inclusion of those who were clearly not part of a family unit or were the amalgamation of multiple family units into one does clearly distort the figures and therefore the following should be regarded as approximations. In total there were 5,533 children of Scottish origin belonging to 1,994 families.
The average number of children per family with offspring was therefore 2.7, most of whom, as previously stated, were generational Scots. The 474 immigrants belonged to 213 families, making an average of 1.9 children per family. Of these families, 118 went on to have subsequent children in Canada. In terms of fertility more generally, the Scots did have a slightly higher average than non-Scots. Based on child-woman ratios, obtained by calculating the number of
59 children under five for each married woman aged between 18 and 50, the number of children per Scot was 0.86, compared to 0.77 for non-Scots.33
That a small distinction can be found using fertility rates between Scots and non-Scots living in Toronto, is the exception to the other measurable demographics using the 1881 census.
Even so, it provides little evidence of the Scots standing out among Toronto's other residents, which together with the spatial information give the impression that Scots were largely invisible among Toronto's wider population. More detailed analysis of the data however suggests that this was not necessarily the case. Examination of marital patterns demonstrates that both
Scottish immigrants and generational Scots were more likely to marry other Scots. That Scots were not prone to marrying outside their own ethnic groups would suggest that a Scottish community did exist within Toronto's boundaries.
Occupational Profile
In her study of Montreal's Scottish immigrant community, Heather McNabb challenges the popular notion of the Scots being predominantly found among the city's most powerful and influential residents, arguing instead that their occupational profile was more varied.34 Based on the 1861 census and using the occupational classification system developed by Michael Katz and used in his detailed study of census and tax assessment records of people living in nineteenth- century Hamilton, Ontario, she finds 18 per cent of Scottish male immigrants were in the highest category (merchants, doctors and clergymen), 32 per cent in the second (clerks, bookkeepers, and grocers), 36 per cent in the third (artisans, tradesmen such as bakers, blacksmiths, and tailors), 10 per cent in the fourth (carters and gardeners) and a mere 4 per cent in the fifth
33 This method is based on that used by Peter Gossage and Danielle Gauvreau in "Canadian Fertility in 1901: A Bird's Eye View," in Household Counts: Canadian Households and Families in 1901, eds. Eric W. Sager and Peter Baskerville (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007), pp. 59-109. 34 McNabb, "Butcher, Baker, Cabinetmaker?," p. 257. 60 (labourers). Using the 1881 census, a similar analysis can be carried out on male Scottish immigrants in Toronto. The results concur with McNabb's primary finding that the Scots were not over represented in the top occupational category, although as table 1.2 demonstrates, there are some notable differences between the findings.36 While the middle three categories are within a few per cent of each other, the figures in the highest and lowest categories are further apart. Even although the number in the top category for Montreal is considerably smaller than the two immediately below it, at 18 per cent is still 7 per cent greater than Toronto.
Table 1.2 Occupational Breakdown of Scots in Toronto, 1881 and Montreal, 1861
Toronto 1881 Montreal 1861 Respective classification category No. % No. %
Large-scale businessmen, property owners and highly skilled professionals (SOCPO 5, Katz 1) 205 11 103 18 Mainly skilled non-manual workers (SOCPO 4, Katz 2) 715 38 193 32 Skilled manual workers (SOCPO 3, Katz 3) 625 33 219 36 Semi-skilled workers (SOCPO 2, Katz 4) 153 8 60 10 Unskilled workers (SOCPO 1, Katz 5) 190 10 24 4
Source: Toronto data from 1881 Canadian census and Montreal data from Heather McNabb, "Butcher, Baker, Cabinetmaker?" in A Kingdom of the Mind, eds. Rider and McNabb, p. 248.
Conversely, the proportion of Scottish immigrants in the lowest occupational category for
Toronto is higher than that of Montreal. Whereas McNabb concludes that there were relatively few workers at the lower end of the social scale, the same cannot be said for Toronto, meaning that it, to an even greater extent than Montreal, is at odds with one of the popular perceptions of overseas Scots.
McNabb, "Butcher, Baker, Cabinetmaker?," pp. 248, 249. Details of Katz's scheme can be found in, Michael B Katz, The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Class in a Mid-Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975), pp. 343-348. 35 McNabb's figures are only based on those born in Scotland, which is also what is shown for Toronto.
61 A number of factors could account for these differences. There were twenty years between the censuses on which the results are based. It is possible that results based on the same census would have been closer to each other. Another important factor is the way in which the results have been calculated. As previously noted McNabb makes use of Katz's occupational scheme, while the Toronto results are based on Bart Van de Putte and Andrew
Miles' Social Power (SOCPO) scheme (see appendix 2). While most occupations appear in the equivalent category, there are some differences. While not relevant to this analysis of male occupations, the most notable difference between the schemes is for that of domestic servants which Katz deems unclassifiable but is classified in level 1 or 2 by the SOCPO scheme, depending on place of work. The most obvious explanation of the occupational differences between
Scottish immigrants in Montreal and Toronto is that the cities themselves had different occupational profiles. At the time of the 1861 Canadian census, Montreal was dominant in all economic spheres.37 Although Toronto's manufacturing industry was catching up, even by 1880
Montreal's output was about two and a half times that of the Ontario city. Even more emphatic was its dominance in the field of finance.38 Montreal's position as Canada's foremost city meant a greater number of high category occupations than Toronto, hence it must be assumed, a larger proportion of Scots in such positions.
More difficult to explain is Toronto's higher proportion of those in the lowest occupational level. This finding is particularly interesting considering the general acknowledgement among Scottish historians, that with the exception of a small number of emigrants who were assisted with the cost of passage, the Scottish movement is not considered an exodus of the poor, the cost of passage alone preventing those who would have fallen into
37 George A. Nader, Cities of Canada Vol. Two: Profiles of Fifteen Metropolitan Centres (Toronto, Macmillan of Canada, 1976), p. 128. 38 Nader, Cities of Canada, p. 129. 62 the lowest social category. How then can it be explained that 10 per cent of male Scottish immigrants living in Toronto found themselves in this position? For some this may have been a short term employment solution until something more appropriate arose and for recent immigrants this was probably often the case. It could also be an indication that not everyone succeeded in their overseas ventures. Marjory Harper has pointed out that although immigrants returned home for a variety of reasons, very few did so with their tails between their legs, for the very practical reason that they lacked the financial, physical or psychological resources to do so.39 Inevitably there would also have been some who left Scotland without skills but were able to muster enough money to make the crossing presumably with the aim of bettering themselves overseas. While the data from one census cannot shed light on an individual immigrant's social mobility, a comparison with the corresponding figure for male generational Scots (table 1.3) shows that only 6.6 per cent of non immigrant Scots were in the lowest category, suggesting a degree of upward mobility among future generations. These figures also show that there was a considerable drop in skilled manual workers (level 3), with a slightly greater increase in the proportion of skilled non-manual workers.
Marjory Harper, Adventurers & Exiles: The Great Scottish Exodus (London: Profile Books, 2003), p. 282. 63 Table 1.3 Males Scots in Toronto by occupational classification, 1881
SOCPO Scottish immigrants Generational Scots Level No. % No. % 5 205 10.8 222 11.8 4 715 37.6 937 49.8 3 625 32.8 445 23.6 2 153 8.0 143 7.6 1 190 10.0 125 6.6 N/A 16 0.8 10 0.5 Total 1,904 100.0 1,882 100.0
Source: 1881 Canadian census
The greater proportion of skilled manual workers among migrants than later generations was most likely a reflection of the highly industrialized country from which they came. Scottish industry was among the industrial elite, cotton textiles and the iron industry having helped it achieve international eminence. Table 1.4 provides a structural breakdown of the male Scottish workforce in 1881, which shows that the industrial sector continued to dominate. The same table also provides a breakdown for Scotland's four major cities, enabling a more useful comparison with Toronto's Scottish workforce. Although the figures do highlight occupational diversity between the cities, they also confirm the dominance of the industrial sector for male employment, which even in Edinburgh, the least industrial of the cities, 63 per cent of the male workforce were in that sector. With skills having been aquired through apprenticeships providing "on job" training which could last between four and seven years, even if they were not carrying out exactly the same occupation in Canada, their experience would have been of great value in a country undergoing rapid industrial change.40 This view is
J. H. Treble, "The Occupied Male Workforce," in People and Society in Scotland Volume II, 1830-1914, eds. W. Hamish Fraser and R. J. Morris (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1990), pp. 182-183. 64 supported by T. M. Devine who asserts that Scottish migrants were drawn to North America because of the high value placed on their skilled labour.41
Table 1.4 Sectoral breakdown of male workforce in Scotland, 1881
Sector Scotland (%) Glasgow (%) Edinburgh (%) Dundee (%) Aberdeen (%) Professional 5.9 5.2 14.9 4.2 8.9 Domestic 2.3 1.1 3.9 1.2 2.1 Commercial 11.4 19.7 16.4 14.5 17.2 Agriculture 19.4 0.7 1.6 0.9 3.5 Industrial 61.0 73.2 63.2 79.1 68.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: Census of Scotland, 1881
While this may offer a satisfactory explanation for the large proportion of skilled
Scottish immigrants living in Toronto, more difficult to account for is the even greater number of skilled non-manual workers (SOCPO level 4). Comprised of occupations such as bookkeepers and clerks, it is most equivalent to the commercial sector in table 1.4. Whereas this sector comprised of less than 20 per cent of all the Scottish cities' male workforces, in Toronto, 38 per cent were employed in this area. Such occupations would have required at least a basic level of education including numericy skills and the ability to read and write, which most Scots would have possessed. Although historians such as R. D. Anderson have done much to debunk popular myths regarding the equality of access to education in Scotland, measures of literacy rates show that Scotland did compare well with other countries. Based on the ability to write a signature, in
1855, 89 per cent of Scottish males and 77 per cent of women were literate, compared with 70 and 59 per cent in England.42
T. M. Devine, "The Paradox of Scottish Emigration," in Scottish Emigration and Society, ed. Devine, p. 10. 42 R. D. Anderson, Education and Opportunity in Victorian Scotland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 8. 65 As well as possessing the necessary skills, there would also have been particular attractions in moving into these lines of work. In spite of the advanced industrial state of
Scotland's economy, it was dependent on a small number of large industries which were dependent on economic trade markets. Vulnerable to fluctuations in trade cycles, industrial employment offered little economic security, with unemployment being a common occurance.43
Coupled with large markets for casual and seasonal labour, meant that many workers followed more than one occupation during any one twelve month period.44 In contrast, the professional and commercial sectors offered greater security of employment, with salaried occupations in particular being synonymous with higher income, regular hours, notice of termination, payment in lieu of notice, and censure rather than sacking over minor infringements.45 Certainly not all commerical employees would have enjoyed such benefits, but compared to the industrial sector there would have been much greater security of employment. Yet while both the professional and commercial sectors had experienced growth in Scotland's major cities since 1841, as has been shown, by 1881 the industrial sector continued to dominate. Therefore while many industrial workers were attracted by the prospect of higher wages overseas, many would appear to have used immigration as an opportunity to move out of a vulnerable economic sector to more secure employment, which because of their basic level of education, they were able to do.
The even higher proportion of generational Scots in non-manual skilled jobs could have been a conseuqence of a deliberate push by immigrants to ensure their children move into such sectors, which combined with better local connections would have provided even greater access to opportunities.
T. M. Devine, The Scottish Nation, 1700-2000 (London: Penguin Books, 1999), p. 485. 44 Treble, "The Occupied Male Workforce," p. 189. 45 Richard Rodger, "Employment, Wages and Poverty in the Scottish Cities 1841-1914," in Perspectives of the Scottish City, ed. George Gordon (Aberdeen, Aberdeen University Press, 1985), p. 31. 66 That Toronto did have a large proportion of such jobs is confirmed through analysis of the entire male workforce in 1881 of which 36.5 per cent were in SOCPO levels 4 and 5.
Comparisions with the other major ethnic groups living in Toronto do however show that the
Scots had a greater proportion of their own workforce in non-manual skilled occupations than either the English or Irish (figure 1.6). Although by a lesser degree, they also had more in the top category which could be seen as evidence of the Scots having a slight dominance in Toronto's top economic positions, except when one considers that in terms of actual numbers, they were
heavily outweighed by both the English and Irish. The Irish, who are often considered to have
been in a disadvantaged position within the city, had 523 of their countrymen in SOCPO Level 5 occupations, compared to 426 Scots. At the other end of the scale the English and particularly the Irish had higher proportions of unskilled workers (SOCPO 1) showing that the Scots were
indeed underrepresented in this occupational category. In terms of semi-skilled and skilled workers, the proportion of Scots was similar to the other groups. Therefore while there were some differences in their broad occupational make-up, these were mostly subtle and would have done little to distinguish Toronto's Scots from the wider population.
67 Figure 1.6 SOCPO levels of Toronto's largest ethnic groups in 1881
45.0 40.0 c • Scottish 35.0 • English 30.0 • Irish 25.0 d populati o 20.0 B Toronto 15.0 **-occupie i o 10,0 5.0 0.0 1 Not Clasified
Level
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
The full diversity of the male Scottish workforce is even more evident when individual occupations are considered (table 1.5). Interestingly the four most common occupations are all classified into different SOCPO levels. Clerks fit into level 4; merchants, level 5; carpenters, level
3; and labourers level 1. The list as a whole represents a combination of manual and non- manual occupations, which broken down further, required differing degrees of skill or levels of education.
68 Table 1.5 Top twenty occupations among Scots in Toronto, 1881
Scottish Generational SOCPO All Scots Occupation Immigrants Scots Level No. % No. % No. % Clerk (unspecified) 4 389 10.2 121 6.2 273 14.1
Merchant (Wholesale and retail trade) 5 355 9.3 236 12.0 141 7.3 Carpenter 3 280 7.3 170 8.7 113 5.8 Labourer 1 141 3.7 104 5.3 43 2.2 Lawyer and Barrister 5 118 3.1 26 1.3 93 4.8 Printer 4 111 2.9 50 2.5 62 3.2
Bookeeperand Bookkeeping clerk 4 108 2.8 44 2.2 64 3.3 Commercial traveller 4 104 2.7 56 2.8 48 2.5 Tailor 3 84 2.2 67 3.4 18 0.9 Machinist 2 84 2.2 41 2.1 44 2.3
Salesperson, wholesale or retail trade 4 79 2.1 28 1.4 52 2.7
Boot and shoe maker and repairer 3 63 1.6 41 2.1 25 1.3 Engineer 5 59 1.5 49 2.5 14 0.7 Baker 3 58 1.5 38 1.9 21 1.1 Blacksmith 3 53 1.4 30 1.5 23 1.3 Cabinet maker 3 49 1.3 31 1.6 18 0.9 Agent 4 47 1.2 17 0.9 30 1.6
Medical doctor and physician 5 45 1.2 6 0.3 39 2.0 Teamsters 2 42 1.1 26 1.3 19 1.0 Painter 3 41 1.1 11 0.6 31 1.6 Total 2,310 60.5 1,192 60.6 1,171 60.6
Source: 1881 Canadian census. Note that the All Scots column is based on all those who claimed Scottish origin rather than an addition of the Scottish immigrants and generational Scots columns. For an explanation of why they are not necessarily the same, see footnote 28.
69 Also more apparent are some of the contrasts between Scottish immigrants and generational
Scots. The latter group were for example more than twice as likely to be clerks than those who had emigrated, whereas those born in Scotland were considerably more likely to be merchants.
There was also a greater proportion of immigrant labourers which again suggests a degree of upward social mobility among later generations. Other popular occupations among Scottish immigrants but which do not make it into the top twenty for the combined group were superintendents and managers, construction workers, and farmers, which were 18th, 19th and
20th respectively in the top twenty immigrant occupations. Those which did not make it into the combined top twenty from generational Scots were railway brakemen, tinsmiths, and manufacturers which were 16th, 18th and 19th respectively.
Demonstrating how the Scots as a whole compared with Toronto's non-Scottish population, figure 1.7 shows all occupations in which 0.5 per cent or more of either group were employed. Those occupations above z-axis 1.00 are those in which there was a higher ratio of
Scots to non-Scots. For example salespeople have a ratio of 1.97 meaning that proportionately,
Scots were almost twice as likely to be employed in that occupation than non-Scots living in
Toronto. Conversely, with a ratio of 0.31 Scottish plasterers were considerably underrepresented in the city's workforce.46 As can be seen Scots were more than twice as likely to be lawyers and barristers or superintendents and managers than non-Scots. Both were professional occupations which perfectly support the perception of Scots at the top of the occupational ladder. This is reinforced with the greater proportion of Scottish physicians, commercial travellers and merchants, although it must be recalled that in terms of actual workers the Scots remained heavily outnumbered. There were for example 121 physicians working in Toronto, only 45 of whom were actually Scottish. According to Wilfred Campbell's
Ratios are calculated by dividing the proportion of the Scottish workforce in a particular occupation with the proportion of non-Scots. 70 The Scotsman in Canada, "one only has to read the list of medical professors on any University board to note the great number of Scotsmen, or men of Scottish extraction, who stand high in the ranks of medicine in Canada." He further states that the medical profession in Canada "has had in its ranks a large percentage of Scotsmen, many of whom are, and were, among its ablest representatives."47 Thirty-seven per cent is a substantial proportion, but perhaps not as overwhelming as may previously have been thought.
Figure 1.7 Ratio of the proportion of male Scots to male non-Scots in selected occupations in Toronto, 1881
2.50 . Superintendents and managers
• Lawyers and Barristers
2.00 * Salespeople • Physicians
• Commercial travellers • Bakers Confectioners and pastry • Agents makers
• Cabinet makers Stone carvers or cutters
1.50 • Clerks ~~. \ * Bookkeepers • Manufacturers • Ministers • Merchants • Engineers • Seamen • Carpenters • Tailors • Railway brakemen ' Machinists • Blacksmiths • Construction workers ^ Farmers • Plumbers • Printers • Mail carriers Stationary engine and 1.00 leacners equipment upmdluis
• Tinsmiths • Teamsters • Jewellers
• Metal moulders • Porters • Hotel keepers
• Gardeners • Bookbinders 0.50 • Boot and shoe makers street sellers and • Butchers * pedlars • Painters Labourers • Servants • Plasterers • Drivers (personal, for hire) • Cigar makers Bricklayers • Drivers (general haulage)
0.00
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
Wilfred Campbell, The Scotsman in Canada, Volume 1 (Toronto: The Musson Book Company, 1911), p. 392. 71 This is even more striking when it is considered than only six originally came from Scotland. The other occupations which Scots seem to have been more drawn to than non-Scots were salesperson, agent, baker, confectioner, stone cutter and cabinet maker. By contrast, Scottish men were less likely to be bricklayers, butchers or painters. It should also be noted that in proportionate terms, they were less than half as likely to be labourers. Therefore while labourer may have been the fourth most common occupation among Scots men, they were still proportionately underrepresented.
The work sphere was not of course limited to men. Women represented more than twenty per cent of the Scottish workforce, of whom 405 were immigrants and 673 generational
Scots. As table 1.6 indicates the majority of them were aged between 18 and 30. For most women marriage would appear to have been the major inhibitor to being part of the formal labour force, with no age group among working married women exceeding five per cent. It must be acknowledged however that several historians have argued that working women have been underrepresented in the Canadian censuses of the nineteenth century, with Kris Inwood and
Richard Reid showing for the 1871 census that widows were much more likely than married
48 women to report an occupation.
48 Kris Inwood and Richard Reid, "Gender and Occupational Identity in a Canadian Census," Historical Methods 34, 2 (Spring 2002), p. 67. Note that this article also provides a summary of the other literature on this topic.
72 Table 1.6 Scottish female workers in Toronto by age and marital status, 1881
All workers Married Widowed Age Group No. % No. % No. % 6-17 130 12.3 0 0.0 0 0.0 18-30 638 60.3 22 2.9 8 36.4 31-40 155 14.7 28 4.1 29 46.0 41-50 82 7.8 19 4.8 30 31.3 51-65 48 4.5 5 2.2 24 16.2 over 65 5 0.5 0 0.0 4 3.7 All Ages 2,310 100.0 74 3.5 95 21.7
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
Those married women whose paid employment was recorded were most likely to be merchants
(23 per cent), servants (19 per cent), or dressmakers (14 per cent). No doubt out of economic necessity, the proportion of widows who were working was considerably higher. Widows were less likely to be merchants or servants than married women but were found in greater proportions in washing and laundry services and as dressmakers and tailoresses.
As can be seen in table 1.7, Scottish women more so than men were confined to the lower end of the occupational scale. Almost 60 per cent of immigrants and 47 per cent of generational Scots were in the bottom two levels. Although accounting for almost half of generational Scots, these figures and the higher proportion in levels 3 and 4 would again suggest a degree of social mobility among later generations of Scots.
73 Table 1.7 Breakdown of Scottish female workforce in Toronto by occupational classification, 1881
SOCPO Scottish Immigrants Generational Scots Level No. % No. % 1 184 45.9 270 40.4 2 56 14.0 44 6.6 3 94 23.4 215 32.2 4 63 15.7 131 19.6 5 1 0.2 4 0.6 N/A 3 0.7 4 0.6 Total 401 100.0 668 100.0
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
How this compared with the female workforce in Scotland can be seen in table 1.8. As with the male workforce, industry dominated with more than half of working woman in such occupations. The second largest area of employment was the domestic sector, in which 30 per cent of Scottish women worked. In the cities, the pattern was more varied. This was most notable between Edinburgh and Dundee, the former of which had a domestic sector accounting for almost half its female workforce, exceeding that of industry. Dundee on the other was dominated by industry, accounting for 88 per cent of its female workforce, with the domestic sector employing a mere 8 per cent.
74 Table 1.8 Sectoral breakdown of female workforce in Scotland, 1881
Scotland Glasgow Edinburgh Dundee Aberdeen Sector (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) Professional 6.1 4.6 10.8 2.6 9.9 Domestic 30.4 20.7 49.3 8.4 32.4 Commercial 1.1 2.3 2.7 0.5 2.0 Agriculture 10.9 0.2 0.6 0.1 1.1 Industrial 51.5 72.2 36.6 88.4 54.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: Census of Scotland, 1881
To enable more like for like comparison between the different sets of data, table 1.9 gives the actual occupations of Scots women in Toronto. By some considerable gulf, the most popular occupation is servant accounting for the high proportion of women in SOCPO level one.
Although most were probably domestic servants working in private households, as this is not specified in their census entry they are categorized as general domestic servants.
75 Table 1.9 Leading occupations of female Scots in Toronto, 1881
Scottish immigrants Occupation No. % Servant 170 42.0 Dressmaker 47 11.6 Merchant (Wholesale and retail trade) 19 4.7 Seamstress 18 4.4 Nurses 16 4.0 House servants 15 3.7 Washing and laundry services 15 3.7 Tailoress 12 3.0 Teacher 9 2.2 Housekeeper 8 2.0 Bookbinder and related worker 8 2.0 Total 337 83
Generational Scots Occupation No. % Servant 263 39.1 Dressmaker 101 15.0 Teacher 41 6.1 Milliner 40 5.9 Tailoress 29 4.3 Salesperson 23 3.4 Seamstress 18 2.7 Bookbinder and related worker 16 2.4 Merchant (Wholesale and retail trade) 15 2.2 Other garment maker 11 1.6 Machinist 11 1.6 Total 568 84.3
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
76 This is significant as house servants are classified in SOCPO level 2, therefore it should perhaps be the second level which is greater. While this parallels with the large proportion of Scottish women in the domestic sector in table 1.8, the share of workers in manufacturing or industrial occupations is considerably less in Toronto. Indeed of the female Scottish immigrants, only four of the top eleven occupations fit into these sectors, representing 21 percent of the female workforce. Of these, all but two per cent were in textile related industries. In 1839 Scotland,
40,868 of the 59,314 working in textiles were women.49 It is therefore surprising that Toronto's immigrant workforce was not made up of more women in such industries. Yet as Eleanor
Gordon has pointed out, 43 per cent of female labour in such industries were under 18, the largest category of whom were younger girls not of age to emigrate by their own means. While the equivalent age of domestic servants is unknown, there was a tradition of movement within the sector which may explain their greater numbers among Scottish immigrants in Toronto. In
Urban Highlanders, Charles Withers argues that young women went from the Highland regions to Scottish towns as maid-servants, some of whom made several moves once there.50
Presumably those who were part of an internal migration within Scotland were more likely to take the larger step overseas. Such arguments do however run counter to those of Heather
McNabb who found of the 545 Scottish female immigrants aged eighteen and over living in
Montreal in 1861, that only 55 were listed as servants and seven others as domestics.51 As a way of explanation, McNabb points to Eric Richards' claim that this was a period of Scottish emigration that had become a "migration of rising expectations," which would not be fulfilled by becoming a servant. While this is a fair description of the Scottish exodus in this period, as was previously discussed with regard to male immigrants in Toronto, there were those who fell
Eleanor Gordon, "Women's Spheres," in People and Society Vol. II, eds. Fraser and Gordon, p. 207. 50 Charles Withers, Urban Highlanders: Highland-Lowland Migration and Urban Gaelic Culture, 1700-1900 (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1998), p. 151. 51 McNabb, "Butcher, Baker, Cabinetmaker?," p. 252. 77 through the cracks or simply entered unskilled professions as a short term employment solution.
Undoubtedly the same was true of the female workforce. Furthermore, it is questionable if the alternative to becoming a domestic servant was any better. According to Marilyn Barber,
"British women who chose to immigrate to Canada as domestics expected to better themselves in the new country ..." The most likely explanation to McNabb's finding is that efforts taken by the Ontario provincial government in which bonuses were given to domestics to entice them to work in Ontario, on top of the special low rates already offered by the Canadian government throughout much of the nineteenth century made Toronto a more attractive destination to
Scots than Montreal.52
How successful they were in bettering themselves is, as with the male workforce, difficult to measure. There was certainly some movement up the social ladder among the later generations. For example there was a higher proportion of teachers, tailoresses and salespeople among generational Scots than immigrants, although more than fifty per cent were still employed as servants or dressmakers. Also interesting are the differences between the Scots and non-Scots population. As is indicated in figure 1.8, Scots were twice as likely to be housekeepers and more than three times as likely to be governesses than non-Scots. Indeed of the city's 19 governesses, 7 were Scottish. While housekeeper and governess are contrasting occupations, both are senior position within their respective fields, which could demonstrate that Scots had the skills and drive to succeed over others, although the numbers are too small to make such speculative conclusions. On the other hand they were less likely to be in boot and shoe making occupations or members of religious orders. Among most occupations however, there was little variation in the ratios.
Marilyn Barber, "The Women Ontario Welcomed: Immigrant Domestics for Ontario Homes, 1870- 1930," Ontario History 72 (September 1980), p. 153. 78 Figure 1.8 Ratio of the proportion of female Scots to female non-Scots in selected occupations in Toronto, 1881
3.50 • Governesses 3.00
2.50
Housekeeper 2.00
1.50
• Teachers * Milliners # Boarding and lodging • Nurses • Servants • Merchants* Salespeople ^^ousTservants • Caretakers and janitors —^—"CtHrtcs"™ 1.00 • Dressmakers Washing and laundry services • Cooks Seamstresses • Tailoresses 0.50 -FaGtofy-labeufeFS- • Boot and shoe making Members of religious orders 0.00
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
The Scottish workforce in Toronto, both male and female, therefore displayed few distinctive characteristics when compared with the city's non-Scottish workers. This is particularly surprising regarding Scottish men who have long been portrayed as high flying businessmen and influential politicians. As with many stereotypes, there are some fragments of truth from which such perceptions may have emerged. The Scots did have a slightly higher proportion of their male workforce in the top occupational categories than the other larger ethnic groups, and in certain high level occupations such as lawyers, managers and physicians they were proportionately well represented but still heavily outnumbered. One of the first serious challenges to the overachieving Scots myth came from Heather McNabb, who has shown that in Montreal, rather than the aforementioned occupations, most Scottish immigrants
79 were skilled manual or non-manual workers such as carpenters or clerks. Not only was this the case in Toronto, but even more so than Montreal, Scottish immigrants were represented across all occupational categories, with those in the top grouping being matched by almost the same number in the lowest. In other words, a Scot was just as likely to be in an unskilled position as a professional one. Although generational Scots showed some signs of occupational mobility, they were still most distinctive in their diversity of occupations and occupational class. Such a picture stands in contrast with Scotland's own economy, which was overwhelmingly dominated by industry. That many appear to have switched occupations upon coming to Canada offers one of the clues as to why they wanted to leave in the first place. An economy at the mercy of international trade fluctuations created occupational instability prompting some to ply their trades overseas and others to enter new trades altogether. The same would appear to be the case among women. Industry dominated Scotland's female workforce, yet in Toronto it was the domestic sector which was by some considerable way, the largest. Accounting for Montreal's lack of female domestics, it has been suggested that Scottish emigration in this period had become a migration of rising expectation. The presence of such workers in Toronto does not contradict this view, but rather shows that women were willing to take advantage of the available opportunities which would enable them to start a new life overseas, which they ultimately believed would be better than they had at home. That Scottish men were found across such an array of occupations, would suggest that they were similarly willing to grasp an opportunity when it presented itself.
80 Religion
According to Anthony C. Hepburn, ethnic identity refers to a range of objective factors which distinguish one communal group from another.53 The most common of these factors is language which in the case of most Scots in English speaking Canada is not applicable. Occupational and residential concentration similarly fail to show the Scots as a distinct ethnic community. With the 1881 census being unable to shed any light on a more general cultural and historical distinctiveness, the only remaining measurable factor is religious adherence. In terms of Scottish national identity, religion is recognized as being a key distinguishing feature. Following a drawn out struggle between Presbyterians and Episcopalians to form the dominant faith after the
Scottish Reformation of 1560 wiped out Catholicism from all but small areas of the country, by the end of the seventeenth century the Established Church of Scotland was firmly Presbyterian.
That its status was secured under the terms of the Union between the Scottish and English
Parliaments in 1707 ensured that even within the Union, the Scots had the mechanisms to maintain a separate identity. T. C. Smout writes:
In 1707 legislation enshrined the independence of a separate national church,
which both ensured its focus for national identity, yet allowed a British
protestant sense (allying the anglicans with the English dissenters and Scottish
Presbyterians) to be a central ingredient in the emergent British identity.
Therefore to be a Scottish presbyterian in the eighteenth and nineteenth
Anthony C. Hepburn, "Ethnicity and the City," in Ethnic Identity in Urban Europe: Comparative Studies on Governments and Non-Dominant Ethnic Groups in Europe, 1850-1940, eds. Max Engman, Francis W. Carter, A. C. Hepburn and Colin G. Pooley (New York: New York University Press, 1992), pp. 1-12. 81 centuries ... was to be strongly conscious both of being Scottish and of being
British, and above all to know that the two were not identical.54
The continuing importance of the Church in Scottish society was demonstrated in 1843 when issues over patronage and the government's failure to protect the Church's spiritual independence from the state culminated in 38 per cent of the clergy and between 40 and 50 per cent of adherents leaving the Established Church to form the Free Church of Scotland.55 While church adherence among the Presbyterian churches remained heavily divided into the second half of the nineteenth century, according to the 1851 Religious census of Great Britain, together they represented 91 per cent of Scotland's population.56
A breakdown of the religious figures in Toronto would therefore be expected to show a preponderance towards Presbyterianism among the Scots and indeed to some extent this is borne out. Analysis of these figures (table 1.10) show that almost 64 per cent of Scots were indeed Presbyterians, a figure considerably higher than any other religion, the second and third largest of which were the Anglican and the Methodist Churches with 14 per cent and 9 per cent respectively. That this differed from the non-Scottish population can be seen in the neighbouring column of the same table.
54 T. C. Smout, "Perspectives on the Scottish Identity," Scottish Affairs 6 (Winter 1996), p. 105. S5Callum G Brown, Religion and Society in Scotland Since 1707 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997), p. 21 56 Brown, Religion and Society, p. 46.
82 Table 1.10 Comparison of religious adherence of Scots and non-Scots in Toronto, 1881
All Scots All Non Scots Religion Total % Total % Presbyterian 8,742 63.8 5,804 8.0 Anglican Church 1,863 13.6 29,057 39.9 Baptist 455 3.3 3,193 4.4 Congregationalist 400 2.9 1,619 2.2 Methodist 1,288 9.4 13,574 18.7 Other 558 4.1 4,339 6.0 Roman Catholic 393 2.9 15,186 20.9 Total 13,699 100.0 72,772 100.0
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
Among them the Anglican Church was most dominant with 40 per cent claiming adherence, followed by the Roman Catholic Church (21 per cent) and then Methodists (19 per cent). Some way behind them with only eight per cent, the Presbyterian Church was fourth largest among the city's non-Scots.
That 5,804 non-Scots identified with the Presbyterian Church would suggest that it was not exclusively Scottish. Indeed analysis of the ethnic breakdown of all Presbyterians in Toronto, reveals that 26 per cent were Irish and a further 11 per cent were English. Yet more than 60 per cent were Scottish, making the Scots emphatically the largest ethnic group.
While Toronto's significant Irish Protestant presence was most responsible for the Scots not being even more dominant in the Presbyterian Church, that 36 per cent of Scots in Toronto, compared to 9 per cent in Scotland, did not adhere to the Presbyterian Church is harder to explain. Part of this was due to the declining adherence among generational Scots. As can be seen in table 1.11, 57 per cent identified with the Presbyterian Church, compared to 77 per cent of Scottish immigrants. Here we see that while many generational Scots retained this religious
83 connection with Scotland, the tie was looser than among immigrants, perhaps an indication of the declining influence of their Scottish identity.
Table 1.11 Religious adherence of Scots in Toronto, 1881
Scottish immigrants Generational Scots Religion Total % Total % Presbyterian 3,392 76.8 5,424 57.2 Anglican Church 313 7.1 1,598 16.9 Baptist 112 2.5 350 3.7 Congregationalist 98 2.2 303 3.2 Methodist 225 5.1 1,087 11.5 Other 177 4.0 388 4.1 Roman Catholic 101 2.3 333 3.5 Total 4,418 100.0 9,483 100.0
Source: 1881 Canadian Census
But even among immigrant Scots, there was a 14 per cent difference in those claiming to be
Presbyterian, compared with Scotland. One explanation is that the figures for Scotland were based on a religious census from thirty years previously, the accuracy of which has been subject to question. Another is that it was a consequence of the considerable institutional change which
Presbyterianism in Canada had undergone in the intervening period. In 1848 and 1851 the censuses of Upper Canada provide a breakdown of the three main Presbyterian branches at this time, which were Church of Scotland, Free Church and what was listed as simply "Presbyterian."
In both years the Free Church had the largest following, growing from 1,871 in 1848 to 2,137 in
1851. More dramatic was the growth of Presbyterian which went from third to second, having
576 adherents in 1848 and 1,346 by 1851. The Church of Scotland on the other hand switched back a place, its adherence declining slightly from 1,108 in 1848 to 1,061 in 1851. Over the next quarter of a century, a process of unification took place, culminating in 1875, when
84 Presbyterianism became solely represented by a new church, the Presbyterian Church in
Canada. That this was an evolving process is evident from the 1871 census which no longer contained a column for Free Church, it having united with the Secessionist Church in 1861 to form the Canada Presbyterian Church and the Presbyterian Church. While most accepted these unions, some who were less happy may have made the decision to break with Presbyterianism altogether.
Those who did sever their connection with Presbyterianism were giving up what can be identified through the 1881 census as the most defining feature of being Scottish. While the
Presbyterian Church was not exclusively Scottish, without question the Scots were the largest ethnic group, to the extent that adherence to the Presbyterian Church can be used as a means of distinguishing themselves from the wider Toronto population, particularly those also of
British stock. What cannot be answered through the census is how it was able to retain such a strong Scottish following. That a significant proportion of its adherents were not Scots would suggest that it was not simply the "Scottish" Church but equally the evidence here would suggest that there was a strong connection. Focussing on Presbyterianism in Toronto, Chapter 5 will explore the nuances of ethnicity within its structure and determine what role it played among the Scottish community, but from the census evidence alone, it can seen that this was a significant one.
85 Conclusion
The census more so than any other source provides insight into people who may otherwise
remain invisible to historians. Nowhere is this more evident than in the popular perception of
Scots living in Canada who have commonly been seen as people of influence, exercising power
out of proportion to their actual numbers. Recent work by Heather McNabb has taken steps to
providing a fuller picture, but publications such as Matthew Shaw's Great Scots: How the Scots
Created Canada (2003) and Paul Cowan's How the Scots Created Canada (2006) only serve to
reinforce the traditional tale. Another example of this is Lucille Campey's series of books on
Scots in Canada, which endeavour to challenge the myth of Scottish emigrants as helpless exiles,
but all too easily accept another in its place. In the preface to An Unstoppable Force, Campey
writes, "the exodus of people from Scotland to Canada continues to be enveloped in a great
deal of negative imagery, much of it undeserved. This seems especially strange given the
enormous success that Scots achieved in Canada, not just as pioneer farmers but in every field
of endeavour."57 She later states, "the Scots enjoyed a visibility out of all proportion to their
numbers, dominating much of the county's business, professional and political life."58
Scotland can certainly boast to be the country of birth or ancestral home to many
individuals who impacted on Canada's development, but to generalize that this was the norm
does a disservice to the ordinary Scots who do not fit this model. As with Canada as a whole,
Toronto had its share of successful Scots, but as the census demonstrates these tended to be the exception rather than the rule. More apparent was their diversity, with Scots being found
across all occupational categories, in a range of different occupations, requiring both manual
and non-manual skill.
57 Lucille Campey, An Unstoppable Force: The Scottish Exodus to Canada (Toronto: Natural Heritage Books, 2008), p. xi. 58 Campey, An Unstoppable Force, p. 192. 86 Part of the reason for these popular perceptions to continue, is down to the reticence among historians to study urban Scots. Whereas Highlanders immigrated in large groups and formed clearly defined communities, Lowland Scots were more likely to migrate as individuals or in small family groups, leading to the belief that they more readily assimilated into the society which they joined. That Toronto was populated mostly by Lowlanders could explain why
Toronto's Scottish community has largely been devoid of academic research, the belief being that there was nothing to study. In terms of geographical dispersal this certainly appears to be the case, which along with other census variables such as age, sex and even occupation, the
Scots offer little to distinguish themselves from the rest of Toronto's population. Where there is evidence that Scots did not simply assimilate is in their partners of marriage and religious adherence. Scots were considerably more likely to marry within their own ethnic group, and they were more likely to identify with the Presbyterian Church than any other religion. Such tendencies were certainly strongest among Scottish immigrants, but did continue in later generations.
The evidence from the 1881 census therefore suggests that Scots living in Toronto at this time did form part of an ethnic community. Unlike the ethnic enclaves of Italians, Chinese or even Macedonians, it was not bound to a specific area surrounded by visible identifiers of its existence. But as Anthony Cohen argues, communities are constructed symbolically, their reality lying in its members' sense of its culture, rather than its structural boundaries.59 It has already been suggested that religion formed a continuing part of Scottish identity among those who immigrated to Toronto and subsequent generations. But by what other means was Scottish culture and a sense of identity reinforced. In short how did Scots in Toronto construct their community. These questions will be addressed in due course, but before doing so it is important
59 Cohen, The Symbolic Structure of Community, p. 118. 87 to acknowledge that as valuable a source as the 1881 census is, it does only offer a snapshot of a particular time. The number of Scots in Toronto grew dramatically over the coming decades, therefore to understand the Scottish community over time, it is necessary to know what impact immigration had on the city's Scottish dynamic. By taking a later point in time, it is possible to examine these newcomers, taking advantage of new variables which were added in later censuses, which to an even greater extent allow scrutiny of the invisible and ordinary Scots who are the subject of this study.
88 2. Immigration 1881-1911
In 1892 responsibility for immigration in Canada transferred from the Department of Agriculture to the Department of the Interior. As part of the reorganization the statistician who for twenty- five years had the task of compiling immigration statistics also made the move. A little known figure today, W. F. Boardman, was equally unknown to the House of Commons Select
Committee on Agriculture and Colonization at the outset of its 1903 investigation into immigration. Yet by the conclusion of its report, the statistician had been accused of having his eyes closed, described as "useless" and his method of compiling statistics undermined for being
"very stupid."1 That it was he who had brought the flaws in the country's immigration statistics to the Deputy Minister for the Interior, James A. Smart, in the first place, would suggest that the criticisms were somewhat misdirected. Regardless of who was to blame, close examination of the statistics does raise serious questions over the accuracy of the figures which more than a century later are still being relied upon by historians of Canadian immigration.
This was not the first time the issue of statistical reliability had been brought up before such a committee. Appearing more than three decades earlier in front of the Standing
Committee on Immigration and Colonization, the then Deputy Minister of Agriculture, J. C.
Tache, when asked if statistics were dependable, replied, they "are far from correct. So much so that... the late ... Minister of Agriculture ... withheld this information from the body of the
Department Report for 1865 ..."2 In discussing the problem before the 1903 committee, Smart
1 Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, House of Commons Journal, 1903, Part 2, Appendix 2, p.39. 2 Evidence by J. C. Tache, from the first report of the Standing Committee on Immigration and Colonization, Canada, House of Commons Journals, 1867-68, Vol. 1 app. 8 pp. 7-8 quoted in Kenneth Buckley, "Population and Migration, notes to immigrant arrivals in Canada, 1852-1960," in Historical Statistics of Canada, First Ed., eds. M. C. Urquhart and Kenneth Buckley (Toronto: MacMillan Co. of Canada, 1965), p. 10.
89 explained that there existed considerable duplication among the figures, which he
demonstrated by comparing the official immigration statistics for the period between 1881 and
1891 with census returns showing the number of foreign born living in Canada. Whereas the
census records showed an increase of 41,000, immigration figures placed the number of arrivals
over the same decade at 886,000.
Without question part of this discrepancy can be explained. An obvious issue with the
immigration figures (and a problem which continued up until 1926) was the inclusion of
returning Canadian migrants, which for this period accounted for 195,000. Similarly many non
Canadians who arrived from Europe and the United States also returned to their homelands. For
Britons this amounted to 21 per cent and Americans 32 per cent, the presence of whom would
not be recorded in the census. Taking both these factors into consideration, the number of new
immigrants living in Canada in 1901 could be conservatively estimated at 400,000. Returning to the census figures, even taking into account the 99,000 estimated to have been lost to death over the ten years, this leaves a net increase of 140,000 in the number of foreign born.3
Compared to the 400,000 increase calculated from the immigration figures, the committee's concerns can be understood.
In explaining the large gap in figures, the Deputy Minister read a statement to the committee from Boardman, claiming it was the result of "considerable overlapping between various inland ports of entry and the custom entries," which he was quick to assure had been rectified under the Department of the Interior.4 How it was the statistician who had been responsible for this duplication is unclear and despite the Minister's promises that his work was now being closely scrutinized, it seems unlikely that anything did genuinely change until the
3 The 98,710 figure was part of the evidence by James A. Smart, from the Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, p.78. 4 Evidence by James A. Smart, from the Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, p. 39.
90 1920s when provisions for adequate statistical controls were eventually made. In his notes to
the immigration figures published in Historical Statistics of Canada, Kenneth Buckley argues that
any statistics up until this period must be seriously questioned, pointing not only to the
widespread duplication of inland immigration figures but also the problems in determining how
many overseas migrants had not been truthful in stating their intention to settle in Canada or
had moved on to the United States after a short-term residence in Canada.5
Yet in spite of the considerable differences between the two datasets, as is indicated in
figure 2.1, when plotted next to each other, both sets of figures do replicate similar immigration
trends. While fluctuating somewhat, according to the immigration figures, yearly movement
into the country between 1881 and 1901 was relatively small. This is reflected in the census
figures which show only a small increase in the number of foreign born living in Canada over the
same years.
5 Historical Statistics of Canada, First Ed., eds. Urquhart and Buckley, p. 10.
91 Figure 2.1 Canadian immigrant arrival figures plotted against Canadian census figures showing number of foreign born
350000 1,800,000 « 300000 1,600,000 1,400,000 c § 250000 1,200,000 g 200000 1,000,000 1 800,000
E 150000 ei g 600,000 °. 100000 o o 400,000 U. Z 50000 200,000 0 0 ooooooooooaiaiaicncnooooo<-i ooooooooooooooooooooaiaioicnaia) T-t*Hi-(tH*-H»HT-HiHT-lTHT-lT-HTHT-H*Hi-H Year
•Immigration Figures """"""Censusfigures
Source: Canadian immigrant arrival figures are those reproduced in Reginald Whitaker, Canadian Immigration Policy Since Confederation (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1991), census figures from 1881,1891,1901 and 1911 Canadian censuses.
From 1901 however there was a dramatic increase in immigrants, reaching over a quarter of a
million per annum by 1910, while the number of foreign born more than doubled from 700,000
in 1901 to 1,587,000 a decade later. General trends aside, where statistical inaccuracies are
more likely to have an adverse impact are when broken down into smaller components. This is
demonstrated in table 2.1 which shows figures for Scottish immigrants who came to Canada
between 1897 and 1902. The Canadian figures are those provided by the Canadian Department
of Interior, while the Scottish figures were compiled from British Government statistics. That the
numbers for 1897 are only out by 42 is of no particular concern but by 1899, the discrepancy
had risen to 366, and by 1902 it was almost 1,000. On average there was a difference of around twenty five per cent. The most likely explanation is that the UK figures included higher numbers of those who were intent on settling in the United States rather than Canada, although they may
92 also have recorded visitors to the country who for example were there on business and had no intention of staying.
Table 2.1 Comparison of figures for Scottish immigration to Canada, 1897-1902
Canadian UK Year Figures Figures 1897 1,239 1,281 1898 1,400 1,717 1899 1,337 1,703 1900 1,411 1,733 1901 * 1,476 2,235 1902 * 2,853 3,811
*note that for the Canadian figures, these are for the fiscal year which ended June 30, rather than calendar year.
Source: Canadian government figures extracted from Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization; British government figures extracted from N. H. Carrier and J. R. Jeffrey, External Migration: A Study of the Available Statistics, 1815-1950 (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1953), p. 96.
That is most important is that when plotted against the Canadian immigration figures as a whole over the 1881-1911 period (figure 2.2), the migration patterns are again very similar, suggesting that they should not be dismissed outright. Generally low in the latter two decades of the nineteenth century, the figures dipped below 1,000 in 1894, before rising in the following decade, peaking in 1911 at 41,000.
93 Figure 2.2 UK Government, Scottish emigration figures to Canada plotted against Canadian immigration figures for all nationalities
45000 350000 | 40000 300000 2 35000 I bp 250000 ona l E 30000 200000 2 25000 1 nat i 150000 20000 5. § V S 15000 100000 o 10000 50000 £ 5000 0 o f Immigra r 0 Hfnmsdirimuisoidmi/iNoiri OOOOOOOOOOOICTICTIOICTIOOOOOTH oooooooooooooooooooooioicncncricn i •Scottish Immigrants •All Immigrants
Source: UK Government figures extracted from Carrier and Jeffrey, External Migration, and Canadian figures from Whitaker, Canadian Immigration Policy Since Confederation.
While determining the actual number of Scottish immigrants is problematic enough, even more challenging is finding out from where in Scotland they came. Such information is not contained within census records and was usually not recorded by immigration officials. An exception to this was in 1902 when the Deputy Minister for the Interior instructed immigration agents to ascertain from every person arriving from Britain that year, the county from which they came.6 According to these figures a total of 3,233 Scots entered Canada in this year with the intention of staying. This contrasts with the 2,853 figure previously given in table 2.1, although this was for the fiscal year ending on June 30, rather than calendar year. For the calendar year the figure was 3,401, while the UK number was almost 400 higher than that. Once again highlighting the complexity in determining accurate immigration numbers, the 3,233 figure does at the very least represent a high proportion of Scottish immigrants from that year.
' Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, p. 97.
94 Of this number 885 did not give the county from which they came, there being data for the remaining 2,348. While it is not possible to know if "came from" represented an immigrant's point of departure, last place of residence or where an immigrant was originally from, a breakdown of these figures paints a clear picture. Twenty five per cent came from Lanark; eleven per cent from Aberdeen; seven per cent from Edinburgh, Fife and Renfrewshire; three and a half per cent from Perthshire; two and a half per cent from Inverness-shire and Orkney, with all the rest being considerably smaller. Confirming that the majority of immigrants at this time came from the Scottish Lowlands, the full details are presented in table 2.2, which show that 90 per cent of those for whom there was data, came from this region.
95 Table 2.2 County of origin of Scottish immigrants to Canada in 1902
Highland/ County No. Lowland Lanarkshire 612 L Aberdeenshire 258 L Edinburgh 166 L Renfrewshire 163 L Fife 161 L Ayrshire 140 L Forfarshire 128 L Perthshire 86 L Stirlingshire 79 L Inverness-shire 67 H Orkney Islands 54 - Morayshire 40 L Dumfries-shire 39 L Ross & Cromartyshire 37 H Banffshire 35 L Argyleshire 32 H Dunbartonshire 30 L Wigtownshire 29 L Kincardineshire 27 L Kirkcudbrightshire 24 L Caithness-shire 21 H Linlithgow (West Lothian) 21 L Roxburghshire 21 L Selkirkshire 13 L Shetland Islands 13 - Clackmannanshire 11 L Berwickshire 9 L Haddington (East Lothian) 8 L Sutherlandshire 7 H Kinross-shire 5 L Nairnshire 4 H Peebles-shire 4 L Buteshire 2 L Outside 2 - Not Given 885 - Total 3,233
Source: Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization
96 Unfortunately what is not recorded is where they settled. This was a period when
Canadian immigration policy was focussed on attracting settlers to the Canadian West.
Agriculturalists were targeted, and between 1896 and 1914, 618,000 overseas immigrants settled in the West, more than half of those who arrived in Canada during that period.7 Clifford
Sifton, the Minister responsible for immigration and the architect of Canada's late nineteenth- century policy was quite clear in what he did not want:
It is admitted that addition to the population of our cities and towns by immigration
[is] undesirable from every standpoint and such additions do not in any way whatever
contribute to the object which is constantly kept in view by the Government of Canada
in encouraging immigration for the development of natural resources and the increase
of production of wealth from these resources.8
Yet of the 500,000 who settled in Ontario and Quebec at this time, most were in fact destined for urban centres, with more than half being found in Montreal and Toronto alone.9 Based on census returns giving the number of foreign born living across Canada, the manuscripts further show that it was the latter of these two cities to which Scots were most drawn. Whereas 4,387
Scottish immigrants were living in Montreal by 1911, in Toronto they numbered almost 20,000.
Replicating a similar pattern to Canadian immigration in general, the flow of Scots into the city fluctuated at fairly modest levels between 1881 and 1901 before accelerating rapidly over the first decade of the new century. Specifically, the number of foreign born Scots in 1881 was
7 Donald Kerr and Deryck W. Holdsworth (eds.), Historical Atlas of Canada Vol. Ill: Addressing the Twentieth Century 1891-1961 (Toronto, University of Toronto Press 1990), Plate 27. 8 Extract from memorandum that Sifton wrote to Laurier in 1901 printed in Valerie Knowles, Strangers At Our Gates: Canadian Immigration and Immigration Policy, 1540-1990 (Toronto, Dundurn Press, 1992), p. 59. 9 Historical Atlas of Canada Vol. Ill, Plate 27.
97 4,431, rising to 6,347 in 1891, followed by a decline of more than 1,500 to 4,826 over the next
decade, but which was more than offset in the period 1901 to 1911 when the Scots population
more than quadrupled to 19,990. Having provided in the previous chapter an overview of
Toronto's Scottish population as it was in 1881, the period which followed up until 1911 offers
the opportunity to examine how the city's Scottish community changed over time. This is
particularly valuable in the decades between 1881 and 1911, which saw not only Canadian
immigration transform from stagnation to dramatic growth, but also Scottish immigration in
Toronto which underwent a parallel experience. By focussing on Scottish newcomers to the city
during this period, it is possible to compare them with the community as it was in 1881, but also
to use the turnabout in immigration trends to try and determine what drew Scots to the city,
specifically when the Canadian immigration authorities were focussed on populating the West.
1911 Census
Key to understanding this important phase in Toronto's Scottish community is the 1911 census,
which having only been publicly accessible since 2005, takes advantage of a previously
inaccessible source. As well as allowing comparisons with the 1881 census data discussed in the
previous chapter, the 1911 census returns contain additional categories useful to the study of
Toronto's Scottish community. Most notably "year of immigration" makes it possible to analyze
key aspects of Scottish immigration over time. Although the 1911 Canadian census has been
completely transcribed by Automated Genealogy, that certain fields such as place of birth and
ethnic origin were not included in this process necessitated the creation of a new database.
Making use of the Automated Genealogy website with its indexes for the 1911 census and links to the digitized census forms, the database was created with the objective of recording all
98 Scottish immigrants living in Toronto who arrived in the country between 1881 and 1911.
Along with the individual immigrants, where they were clearly part of a family, those individuals
were also enumerated, even if not born in Scotland. The original goal was to carry this out for the whole of Toronto, but due to time constraints it has only been achieved for three out of the
city's five census districts.11 The database contains almost 10,000 individuals, 6,735 of whom were born in Scotland, representing a third of Scottish immigrants living in the city. Although the
wards which were included (Centre, North and East) cover what was the most populated area of the city in 1881, the omission of the city's two other wards, which together contained almost
half the city's Scottish immigrants clearly raises questions over how representative the three transcribed wards are of all Scottish immigrants living in the city. While it is not possible to
determine this precisely, figure 2.3 plots the year of immigration of those contained within the
database who were born in Scotland, against the British Government's figures for Scottish
movement to Canada. Although plotted against different scales, it is evident that Scottish
immigration to these three wards was more or less proportionate to that of all Scots coming into the country. It is also important to bear in mind that ward comparisons of the 1881 census data showed little disparity, suggesting that analysis of the three wards in 1911 is most likely
representative of the city's Scottish immigrants as a whole.
As with the Scots who lived in Toronto in 1881, those who immigrated to the city
between 1881 and 1911 represented a diverse group of individuals. The immigrants included
men and women of varying occupations and social backgrounds. Some came as single young
men and women, others as older married couples with families to support. Yet among the diversity some patterns exist, with much that can be learned about those who came and their
10 http:www.automategenealogy.com 11 It should be noted that the census ward boundaries for 1911 differed considerably from 1881 when they replicated that of the city's civic wards.
99 experiences as immigrants in a foreign city. A breakdown of the demographics of Scottish immigrants in Toronto shows a continuation of some of the trends which were apparent in
1881.
Figure 2.3 Immigration trends of Scots in Toronto, 1881-1911, recorded in 1911 census database plotted against UK Government Scottish emigration figures
1400 50000 1200 s 40000 ia 1000 S ! Q 800 30000 .E in 600 20000 «-O> 8 400 X 10000 6 ° 200 0
OOOOOOOOOOOlCTiaiOlOlOOOOO'H oooooooocoooooooooooCTiaiaiaicnai
'ScotsImmigrants in Database •Emigrants from Scotland declaring Canada as destination
Source: Toronto figures from 1911 Canadian census database, and UK figures extracted from Carrier and Jeffrey, External Migration.
That Scottish immigration was not limited to a single group is again evident from the almost equal ratio of men and women and the range of ages amongst migrants. While it was possible to show the presence of children among the immigrants in the 1881 data, because year of immigration was not known, this was only evident among recent immigrants. However by subtracting the year of birth from year of immigration for the 1911 data it is possible to calculate for each immigrant the age at which they arrived in Canada. As can be seen in figure
2.4 the presence of children between 1881 and 1911 was significant, the number of immigrants per year under the age of 16 never dropping below 75. Although not as substantial as the number of children, at the opposite end of the age scale the presence of elderly immigrants
100 shows the full range of ages among immigrants, a handful of whom were over 70 years of age.
Most of these were widows or widowers living with family who had arrived several years earlier.
Figure 2.4 Age of arrival in Canada of Scottish immigrants living in Toronto in 1911
^^^^l^^^^l
0 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 27 30 33 36 39 42 45 48 51 54 57 60 63 66 69 73 77
Source: 1911 Canadian census database database
Christina Murray for example was 70 when she immigrated in 1910 and was living with her son who had immigrated five years earlier and had since married and had a child. Similarly Annie
Collins immigrated in 1911 and was now living with her son and his family who had arrived in
1904. Both women had in common that they were widows, and it is possible that it was the death of their husbands which had prompted them to leave Scotland to join family in Canada. As the case of Catherine McGowan demonstrates however, this was not the same for all of the elderly immigrants; at the age of 72 she immigrated in 1911 with her son and two daughters who were in their late twenties and early thirties. In their case there is no evidence of chain migration, although the death of Catherine's husband may well have been the motivating factor.
Another exception is John and Mary Ann Grant, 79 and 67 respectively, who emigrated together in 1908 without any obvious family connections.
101 While it is worth drawing attention to the presence of children, which once again highlight the family component of the Scottish movement, and the elderly who can be used to show the existence of chain migration, it is important not to lose sight of the clearest finding regarding age. As can be seen in figure 2.4 the largest group were young adults, with almost half of Scots who immigrated in this period doing so between the age of 18 and 30.12 Indeed the average age to immigrate was 23. Jeanette Brock has examined the age profile of Scottish emigrants between 1861 and 1911 and her findings are shown alongside the equivalent Toronto figures in table 2.3.13
Table 2.3 Comparison of ages of Scottish emigration, 1861-1911 with Scottish immigrants in Toronto, 1881-1911
Scottish Emigrants, Scottish immigrants in Age range 1861-1911 Toronto, 1881-1911
Male (%) Female (%) Male(%) Female (%) 0-14 28-36 36-45 21 24 15-25 36-46 14-25 38 37 25-44 27-34 36-53 39 36 >45 1-12 20-28 6 5
Source: Scottish emigration figures are from Brock, The Mobile Scot: A Study of Emigration and Migration, 1861-1911, table 5.1, Toronto figures are from 1911 Canadian census.
While the Scottish emigration figures show considerable variation between men and women, the Toronto figures do not. Whereas the respective figures for men are broadly similar, among women the 15-25 age range is the smallest for Scottish emigrants, but largest among Scottish immigrants. More so than other Scottish emigrant destinations therefore, Toronto would appear to have been a particular draw for young adults of both sexes.
Unless otherwise states figures were calculated from data in Toronto Scots immigrant database. It should be noted that Brock's figures are based on net disappearance estimations and are inclusive of emigrants to all destinations including England.
102 One consequence of Toronto's similar sex ratios among Scottish immigrants was the potential for high rates of intermarriage, which was shown to be the case in 1881. Of the
Scottish immigrants over the age of 16 who arrived after this date and were living in Toronto in
1911, 2,709 were married, 300 widowed, with the remaining 2,738 unmarried.14 Of the married immigrants it can be conservatively estimated that 673 couples were married before coming to
Canada. This is based on married couples who immigrated in the same year. Not included are couples who may have been married in Scotland but did not immigrate in the same year, which sometimes happened with families, where the male head would set out in advance to find work and arrange lodgings before sending for the rest of the family. Using an alternative method which included all Scottish immigrants who were married to Scottish immigrants, would conversely not have taken into consideration those immigrants who came over single and married another Scots immigrant. While not being ideal, including only those who immigrated the same year was seen as the more reliable of the two methods. By 1911 there were 1,143 married couples, where at least one of the partners was a Scottish immigrant. Subtracting the
673 pre-immigration married couples, leaves 470 post migration marriages, of which the countries of birth of those to whom Scots were married are shown in table 2.4. As in 1881 most
Scots were wedded to other Scots, although as pointed out earlier, this figure may be artificially high due to the inclusion of some spouses who immigrated in a different year from their partner. Taking this into consideration 58.7 per cent is still considerable and would suggest that
Scots were mostly drawn to other Scots. The second most common country of birth of Scots' marital partners was Canada, which accounted for 21.7 per cent, followed by England with 14.3 per cent.
Of the 5,756 Scottish immigrants, the marital status is unknown for 9 of them.
103 Table 2.4 Country of birth of spouses of married Scots in Toronto in 1911, excluding those who immigrated in the same year
Country No. % Scotland 276 58.7 England 67 14.3 Ireland 12 2.6 Canada 102 21.7 Other 13 2.8
Source: 1911 Canadian census database
A breakdown of the ethnic origins of the 102 Canadian born marital partners, for whom being
"Canadian" was not an option in the census (Table 2.5), shows that Scottish immigrants were more likely to marry Canadians of Scottish background. While these numbers are not overwhelming, it should be borne in mind that the English and Irish in Toronto highly outnumbered the Scots, reaffirming the presence of a Scottish community.
Table 2.5 Ethnic origin of Canadians married to Scottish immigrants in Toronto, 1911
Origin No. % English 29 28.4 Irish 25 24.5 Scottish 38 37.3 Other 10 9.8 Total 102 100.0
Source: 1911 Canadian census database
More than just immigrating as individuals or married couples, many Scots living in
Toronto came as part of a wider family. Of the 1,693 families within the database,15 a total of
1,258 had children, with an average of 2.7 per family. 642 families emigrated with 2.5 children and there were 805 families in which children were born subsequent to immigration at a rate of
15 This figure excludes those not related to the head of family such as domestics and lodgers.
104 2.2. There were 189 families who immigrated with children, who had subsequent children upon being in Canada. That so many were willing to make the arduous Atlantic crossing with children is testament to their commitment to making a new life.
In some cases the immigrant family stretched beyond the nuclear family to include siblings, parents, aunts, uncles, nieces and nephews. Table 2.6 gives a breakdown of extended families showing a tabulation of these family members as recorded in the relationship to head variable, from which has been counted the number of different families from which they came.
This does not indicate if they were all or indeed if any were actually immigrants.
Table 2.6 Extended family dynamics of Scottish immigrants living in Toronto, 1911
Relationship to Total No. No. Families head or spouse Parents 91 87 Aunts and Uncles 7 7 Siblings 264 185 Cousins 17 12 Grandchildren 34 24
Source: 1911 Canadian census database
In total there were 89 families which contained three generations, one such family being
James Westwater's which included his father, daughter, daughter in law and granddaughter, all who immigrated around the same time, a relatively unusual occurrence among Lowland Scots.
Another family was Robert Penney's. Having immigrated in 1904, Robert was five years later joined by his mother and sister, followed a year later by his brother, another sister and her three children. Here the movement of an individual was followed in future years by his wider family, providing an excellent example of chain migration. Yet these were the exceptions. Most families were nuclear and of the 89 three generation families most contained one generation which had been born in Canada.
105 It is also important to acknowledge that many Scottish immigrants living in Toronto were not part of a family unit at all. In total there were 1,740 individuals whose relationship to head was described as "lodger" and although some were accompanied by other lodgers with the same surname, and therefore presumably part of a family, most had no obvious family connection to other members of the household. Further to this were an additional 720 Scottish immigrants who were described as being an employee to the head of family, most frequently domestics, but also included were gardeners, coachmen and other types of workers. Therefore while there are examples among immigrant Scots in Toronto of extended families residing with each other, these were the exceptions, it being far more common to live only as part of a nuclear family or independently of any other family members at all.
Of course such analysis is based on individual households, making it possible to miss larger kinship networks in which they may have been bound.16 If this was the case it would most likely be apparent in clustering of Scottish households, which although not evident in 1881, may have developed since. Furthermore, the inclusion of household addresses in the 1911 census means that any such patterns would be more evident than in the earlier census. Figure 2.5 shows an address point for every Scottish immigrant household which could be matched to an existing Toronto address. That over half of the 1911 database addresses could be georeferenced, provides a significant number on which to base a spatial analysis. Although the census boundaries had changed since 1881, for comparative purposes the old boundaries have been indicated. What is seen is a wide distribution of Scottish immigrants, although from this projection there do appear to be areas which could indicate clustering. However figure 2. 6 provides a magnified view of the northern ends of St. John's, St. James' and St. Thomas' wards
16 Stacie D. A. Burke, "Transitions in Household and Family Structure: Canada in 1901 and 1991," in Household Counts: Canadian Households and Families in 1901, eds. Eric W. Sager and Peter Baskerville (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007), p. 25.
106 where there appeared to be a high density of Scots demonstrating that while there are streets with lots of Scots, this did not constitute a Scottish enclave. Where there are numerous Scots
particularly close together could of course represent a kinship network, but again a close up
analysis shows that this was not necessarily the case.
107 Figure 2.5: Address points for Scottish immigrants living in Toronto in 1911, who immigrated between 1881-1911
, '.Ait «•"-*%
•"' , » • \ *« & t- ^t j *•>*>
N
0 O.S 1 2Kitometers A I ! I I I I I 1 I Figure 2.6: Magnified view of address points for Scottish immigrants living in Toronto in 1911, who immigrated between 1881-1911
1 ** -W V* ',•£ \-.IU %' \-~-- SI M*& sgX f,*|k5 \*7*» BffS %&\* i <"» W ;H*.-;^t»>-T * > **> '-%. ^* **'" «a» *!'•f^-^ V A. !***§ *'> &** m SHE •^r«W» S >*$&* ,..„,.> *~ w* •» ,»». ^ s5& .*^y i^P'V i- :« k$\. 0 0 0501 .CK2" Kifeme-Ws ;v5\-; • ^ v**" •=38? • _^#t <,%\ Figure 2.7: Magnified view of Charles Street, Toronto, showing last name of Scottish immigrants living here in 1911 Figure 2.7 is a magnified view of the highlighted area in figure 2.6 showing the surnames of inhabitants. As can be seen even in a location like Charles Street with twelve households in which Scots lived, none of the last names are the same. It is of course possible that family ties could be through the maternal side and therefore would not share the same last name, but if there were multiple Scottish families living in close proximity there would likely be some repetition of names. Although not concentrated in a particular area of the city, that the Scots of 1881 had not simply blended into the surrounding society was evident from their distinct attachment to the Presbyterian Church. Analysis of post-1881 immigrants living in Toronto in 1911 demonstrates a similar pattern. As is indicated in table 2.7, almost 80 per cent of immigrants were Presbyterian, a slightly higher proportion than in 1881 but still less than Scotland itself. Table 2.7 Religious breakdown of Scottish immigrants living in Toronto, 1911 Religion No. % Presbyterian 5,291 79.5 Anglican 417 6.3 Methodist 228 3.4 Baptist 233 3.5 Roman Catholic 180 2.7 Other 278 4.2 None or unknown 28 0.4 Total 6,655 100.0 Source: 1911 Canadian census database More so than with the 1881 census, the 1911 data enable examination of those who were not Presbyterian. What is found is that most Scottish non Presbyterians were married to someone outside of the Scottish community and who was also of a different religion. Examination of marital partners reveals that most spouses shared the same religion. For example, of the 308 111 married Anglicans in the database only 24 were not married to other Anglicans and similarly only 10 of the 150 married Methodists were not married to someone of the same religion. There were in total 406 married individuals who were born in Scotland but not of Presbyterian adherence.17138 of these were married to other Scots also of a different religion, the explanation for which we must return to those offered in the previous chapter. However the remaining 268 non-Presbyterians were not married to Scottish immigrants. 87 of these were Canadian, and could have been of Scottish origin, but the remaining 181 were mostly from England and Wales or even further afield. These also all shared a different religion. The question which cannot be answered based on this data is what came first. Did Scots who were not Presbyterian in 1911 change religion after marriage to conform to that of their spouse, or had they changed religion and subsequently met their marital partner at their adopted church. For most Scottish immigrants religion and ethnic identity continued to be closely linked, yet that some married outside the Scottish community and adopted a different religion (in whatever order) shows that there were some immigrant Scots who were not concerned about maintaining their Scottish identity. The Immigrant Workforce Outside the realms of religion, a key characteristic of Toronto's Scottish community in 1881 was its diversity. This was most evident from analysis of the occupations and social groupings of Scots. Similar analysis can be carried out on the 1911 census to determine if the same patterns continued among immigrants or if there were significant differences in the occupational and social make-up of those who arrived after 1881. In doing so it will also be possible to determine how the findings for 1911 compare with some of the recent research carried out on the 1901 17 Note that there was an almost equal gender ratio among this group. 112 census regarding immigrant occupations and earnings in relation to the Canadian born population. Since the publication of John Porter's The Vertical Mosaic in 1965 in which he suggested that immigration and ethnic affiliation were important factors in the formation of social class in Canada, with minority ethnic groups being underrepresented in elite circles, there has been much debate on the issue.18 Based on a sample of the 1871 Canadian census Gordon Darroch and Michael Ornstein have claimed that there was no credence "to the idea of any clear ethnic occupational status ranking."19 Whereas Porter argued that Irish Catholics tended to become urban proletarians, Darroch and Ornstein demonstrate that there were in fact reasonable numbers of Irish Catholics who in 1871 were merchants and conversely, plenty of English and Scots who were labourers. That these findings are backed up by those data presented in the previous chapter would suggest that the vertical mosaic hypothesis does not stand up in the third quarter of the nineteenth century. For the turn of the century however, the findings are more conflicting. Using occupational and wage data from the Canadian Families Project national sample of the 1901 Canadian census, Eric Sager and Christopher Mortier similarly challenge Porter's view. They found that "Immigrants were streamed into all social classes and into all major occupations: they became capitalist employers, self-employed farmers, and wage-paid workers. The idea that immigrants were streamed into the lowest levels of the socioeconomic order is both historically inaccurate and dangerous for any implications it may carry into the present."20 Based on a different sample of the 1901 census however, focussing specially on British immigrants in Montreal and Toronto, Alan Green and Mary MacKinnon reach a different conclusion. They 18 Eric W. Sager and Christopher Morier, "Immigrants, Ethnicity, and Earnings in 1901: Revisiting Canada's Vertical Mosaic," Canadian Historical Review 83, 2 (June 2002), p. 196. 19 A. Gordon Darroch and Michael D. Ornstein, "Ethnicity and Occupational Structure in Canada in 1871: The Vertical Mosaic in Historical Perspective," Canadian Historical Review 61, 3 (September 1980), p. 329. 20 Sager and Morier, "Immigrants, Ethnicity, and Earnings in 1901," p. 228. 113 argue that British immigrants only slowly assimilated into the Canadian economy, which was evident from wage inequality and their failure to move into the white collar sector.21 While the 1911 database of Scottish immigrants in Toronto does not enable comparisons with other immigrants or the Canadian bom population, an examination of the Scottish workforce at this time can still contribute to this debate. Looking first at the male workforce, table 2.8 demonstrates that while the social make up of the later migrants continued the trend of diversity, there were some significant shifts in the proportions in the different occupational levels. Overall there was a considerable drop in the top two SOCPO levels. Skilled non-manual workers (level 4) dropped by almost 15 per cent while large scale businessmen and highly skilled professionals (level 5) dropped from 10.8 per cent to 6.5. This was compensated for by a modest increase in skilled workers (level 3) which became the largest group, a doubling of semi-skilled workers (level 2), and a moderate increase in unskilled workers (level 1). That Scots continued to be represented across all occupational categories would suggest that male Scottish immigrants were not restricted from any occupational classes. However the reductions in level 4 and 5 would appear to also give credence to Green and Mackinnon's findings, although this could simply reflect that the Scots were part of a dynamic economy. 21 Alan Green and Mary MacKinnon, "The Slow Assimilation of British Immigrants in Canada: Evidence from Montreal and Toronto, 1901," Explorations in Economic History 38 (2001), p. 335. 114 Table 2.8 Comparison of occupational levels among Scottish male immigrants in Toronto in 1881 and 1911 SOCPO 1881 1911 Level No. % No. % 5 205 10.8 165 6.5 4 715 37.6 592 23.2 3 625 32.8 1,002 39.2 2 153 8.0 420 16.4 1 190 10.0 378 14.8 N/A 16 0.8 0 0.0 Total 1,904 100.0 2,557 100.0 Source: 1881 and 1911 Canadian census database To determine if the decline in the number of Scottish immigrants in these categories was due to assimilation difficulties it is possible to examine how the SOCPO level proportions changed in respect to when immigration took place. As can be seen in table 2.9 the results are somewhat inconclusive. With regard to the top occupational level there is a steady decrease from 12 per cent among immigrants who arrived between 1881 and 1891 up until the most recent immigrants who came between 1906-1911 whose proportion in the top level was only 4 per cent. 115 Table 2.9 Breakdown of occupational levels among male immigrants in Toronto by decade of immigration, 1881-1901 SOCPO 1881-1890 1891-1900 1901-1905 1906-1911 Level No. % No. % No. % No. % 5 39 12 17 11 41 9 66 4 4 77 24 40 27 109 23 366 23 3 114 36 35 24 193 40 660 41 2 44 14 39 26 74 15 263 16 1 41 13 18 12 65 14 255 16 Totals 315 100 149 100 482 100 1,610 100 Source: 1911 Canadian census database No such pattern is however evident among SOCPO level 4 which with the exception of 1891- 1901 category remains consistent at 23 or 24 per cent. For the 1891-1900 figures it should be noted that the proportions are based on only 149 immigrants, which is considerably less than the other categories. Returning to figure 2.2, it can be seen that this was the period of lowest immigration into Canada, the reasons for which may have influenced the type of immigrant coming into the country. At the very least the smaller numbers mean that even slight changes in the pattern of occupational levels, can significantly alter the proportion in each. The proportions for SOCPO levels 2 and 3 in 1891-1900 which are also considerably different from the immigrant year categories on either side, make it difficult to decipher any patterns in these levels, although for SOCPO level 1, there is a greater tendency amongst the most recent immigrants to be represented than those who had been in the country for longer. While this may suggest recent immigrants faced more difficulty in entering certain higher skilled occupations, that 13 per cent of those who immigrated between 1881 and 1890 remained in the lowest occupational level would indicate that for many, date of arrival had no bearing. 116 Another factor which had a bearing on where an immigrant was on the occupational hierarchy was age (table 2.10).22 This appears to be demonstrated by the large proportion (12 per cent) of those from the 51 and over age group being in the top occupational level, although there were a comparatively small number of workers in this age group. Where the overall numbers are similar (the 21-30 and 31-50) categories, there is a slightly greater proportion of older immigrants in the two highest levels. Younger men were more likely to be in skilled or semi-skilled positions, while the proportions in the lowest level were within 1 per cent of each other. There are also some apparent anomalies within the table. The inclusion of six 15-20 year olds in the top occupational level is improbable and even the 77 from the same age range in level 4 seems dubious. Examination of the six level 5s shows them to be a civil servant, dentist, two engineers and a lawyer. Presumably all were trainee or junior positions, the nuances of which have not been recorded by census enumerators. Among the level 4s for this age group, the most numerous occupations were printer, bank clerk, bookkeeper, salesperson and general clerk. Although these occupations are not implausible for this age range, these men were obviously in the infancy of their careers, which would presumably have been reflected in their level of seniority and pay. 22 Sager and Morier, "Immigrants, Ethnicity, and Earnings in 1901," p. 228. 117 Table 2.10 Breakdown of occupational levels among Scottish male immigrants in Toronto by age range, 1911 SOCPO 15-20 21-30 31-50 51+ Level No. % No. % No. % No. % 5 6 2.5 56 5.0 78 8.0 23 12.1 4 77 32.4 237 21.0 243 24.8 30 15.8 3 59 24.8 481 42.7 381 38.9 79 41.6 2 47 19.7 203 18.0 140 14.3 21 11.1 1 49 20.6 150 13.3 138 14.1 37 19.5 Totals 238 100.0 1,127 100.0 980 100.0 190 100.0 Source: 1911 Canadian census database That in 1911 there were many bank clerks, bookkeepers or general clerks, regardless of their rank would appear to be at odds with one of Green and MacKinnon's primary findings that British immigrants were much less likely to be in the clerical sector than native-born Canadians.23 In explaining this pattern, Green and MacKinnon offer three possible reasons. First, immigrants from the UK may have had less formal education than Canadians; second, they lacked the connections to obtain work in this sector; and third, they did not understand that on average, clerical jobs provided a secure and fairly high income.24 One explanation offered in the previous chapter for there being a higher proportion of skilled non-manual workers among generational Scots than immigrants was because they had better connections to help them obtain work. With regard to education however, as was shown, Scots had a relatively high level. It was also suggested that for many Scottish immigrants, the decision to enter white collar positions in the first place was primarily out of an effort to gain financial security. What Green and MacKinnon do not take into account is the heavily industrialized economy from which Scots and other Britons were coming, meaning that many were simply staying in the same type of Green and Mary MacKinnon, "The Slow Assimilation of British Immigrants in Canada," p. 325. Green and Mary MacKinnon, "The Slow Assimilation of British Immigrants in Canada," p. 326. 118 work in which they were previously engaged. In this light it is not surprising that fewer Scottish immigrants were in clerical positions than those born in Canada, casting doubt on whether it was a consequence of discrimination. Another possibility is that many of these immigrants came as children and were therefore closer in resemblance to native-born Canadians than adult immigrants. A breakdown of the ages of the 15-20 range level 4 immigrants however, shows this not to be the case. While there were some that came as young children, most arrived in Canada in their early to late teens. Table 2.11 lists all occupations in which twenty or more male Scottish immigrants worked. Although labourer is at the top of this list, representing just over ten per cent of the immigrants and having doubled in proportion since 1881, the number of Scots in clerical work remains high. Clerk is the third top occupation accounting for 6.2 per cent of the workforce, while bookkeepers and bank clerks also feature with 2.3 and 1.3 per cent respectively. Based solely on occupation, it would appear unlikely that the Scots were, as Green and MacKinnon argue, "at a substantial and sustained handicap."25 The variety of occupations in which Scots were engaged would suggest that Scots had considerable agency in the kind of work they carried out. Also shown in table 2.11 is how the proportion of Scottish immigrants in the top twenty occupations in 1911 differed from 1881. Although labourers, carpenters and clerks had all been among the top occupations in 1881, the order was slightly different. Carpenters and clerks had undergone little change and remained respectively in the second and third spot. As was previously mentioned however, there was a substantial increase in labourers, which went from fourth to first. What is even more significant is that merchants, the occupation which topped the 1881 list, was by 1911, 46th on the list. 25 Green and Mary MacKinnon, "The Slow Assimilation of British Immigrants in Canada," p. 335. 119 Table 2.11 Occupations in which twenty or more Scottish male immigrants were employed in Toronto, 1911 SOCPO Difference Occupation No. % Level from 1881 Labourer 1 269 10.5 5.2 Carpenter 3 246 9.6 0.9 Clerk 4 159 6.2 0.0 Salesperson 4 92 3.6 2.2 Machinist 2 79 3.1 1.0 Teamster 2 72 2.8 1.5 Stonemason 3 65 2.5 2.0 Stone cutter and finisher 3 62 2.4 1.3 Bookkeeper 4 58 2.3 0.1 Painter (buildings) 3 51 2.9 1.4 Tailor 3 47 1.8 -1.6 Engineer 5 44 1.7 -0.8 Plumber 3 43 1.7 0.7 Blacksmith 3 40 1.6 0.1 Baker 3 39 1.5 -0.4 Commercial Traveller 4 39 1.5 -1.3 Plasterer 3 38 1.5 1.2 Printer 4 36 1.4 -1.1 Bricklayer 3 35 1.4 1.1 Gardener 2 34 1.3 0.5 Bank clerk 4 33 1.3 0.9 Lorry or van driver 2 32 1.3 1.2 Butcher 3 25 1.0 0.5 Conductor 2 24 0.9 0.7 Electrician 3 24 0.9 0.8 Policeman 4 22 0.9 0.5 Caretaker 1 20 0.8 0.4 Total 1,728 68.4 0.7 Source: 1911 Canadian census database Douglas McCalla has argued that economic and institutional change in the nineteenth century, such as Britain's adoption of free trade, the enablement of simultaneous knowledge of prices, through the transatlantic cable, and the growth of London's role in world finance, all reduced 120 the relative advantage of a Scottish base for Canadian trade. The most notable trend in term of additions to the 1911 list was the increase in construction workers, including stonemasons and stonecutters, painters, plasterers and bricklayers, all of them building trades. It is important to also acknowledge the absence of certain other occupations such as physicians, teachers and other occupations which have previously been associated with Scots. While Scottish immigrants may not have been victims of discrimination, their reputation as an elite remains unfounded, reinforcing the view that Porter's vertical mosaic was virtually nonexistent. With women, the pattern at first glance appears to be drastically different from 1881. Table 2.12 places the proportion of semi-skilled workers (level 2) at 62 per cent for 1911 as opposed to 14 per cent in 1881. It must be recalled however that the dominant occupation in 1881 was "servant," which was classified in level 1 as opposed to "house servant" which was in level 2. Unlike the 1881 census, the 1911 census gives a place of work, therefore even if the occupation listed is somewhat vague, the place of work may help categorise more accurately. Table 2.12 Comparison of occupational levels among Scottish female immigrants in Toronto in 1881 and 1911 SOCPO 1881 1911 Level No. % No. % 5 1 0.2 6 0.5 4 63 15.7 210 16.5 3 94 23.4 155 12.2 2 56 14.0 793 62.2 1 184 45.9 111 8.7 N/A 3 0.7 Total 401 100.0 501 100.0 Source: 1911 Canadian census database Douglas McCalla, "Sojourners in the Snow? The Scots in Business in Nineteenth-Century Canada," in A Kingdom of the Mind: How the Scots Helped make Canada, eds. Peter E. Rider and Heather McNabb (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2006), p. 90. 121 Without looking at the specific occupations it is difficult to determine if there were in fact any changes in these groups other than a ten per cent increase in the combined levels one and two compared to the earlier immigrants. This ten per cent came from the skilled workers category (level 3) suggesting a slight change in the Scottish female immigrant workforce. This does not appear to be a consequence of any significant shift in the Scottish economy, in which the industrial sectors continued to dominate, with only a slight increase in the proportion of female workers in the domestic sector in Scotland's major cities.27 As is evident from table 2.13, level 2 was dominant regardless of when immigration took place, although it was particularly so among the most recent immigrants, with 66 per cent of those who arrived between 1906 and 1911. That levels 1 and 2 account for three quarters of these women might suggest they faced barriers to entering the workforce further up the occupational hierarchy. There is certainly some evidence that women who had been in the country longer had greater access to opportunities, there being 30 per cent of those in the 1881-1890 immigrant category in SOCPO level 4, compared with only 14 per cent of those in the 1906-1911 category. 27 Richard Rodger, "Employment, Wages and Poverty in the Scottish Cities 1841-1914," Perspectives of the Scottish City ed. George Gordon (Aberdeen, Aberdeen University Press, 1985), p. 29. 122 Table 2.13 Breakdown of occupational levels among female immigrants in Toronto in 1911 by decade of immigration SOCPO 1881-1890 1891-1900 1901-1905 1906-1911 Level No. % No. % No. % No. % 5 3 3.8 0 0.0 0 0.0 3 0.3 4 24 30.4 11 16.4 35 23.3 140 14.3 3 11 13.9 12 17.9 23 15.3 109 11.1 2 31 39.2 38 56.7 77 51.3 647 66.1 1 10 12.7 6 9.0 15 10.0 80 8.2 Totals 79 100.0 67 100.0 150 100.0 979 100.0 Source: 1911 Canadian census database In making comparisons however it must be recognised that the numbers in all the categories between 1881 and 1905 are relatively small in relation to the most recent arrivals, a reflection of the migration pattern rather than an indication that Scottish women spent only a short time in the workforce. With regards to age (table 2.14), most working women were between 21 and 30. While this reflects the dominance of this age range among women of working age living in Toronto in 1911, that only 270 female workers were between 31 and 50 is a disproportionately small share of the 1,000 potential workers in this age range. This presumably reflects the number of women who stayed at home to look after children and take care of domestic duties. To complete the picture there were 244 in the 15-20 range and only 36 women over 51 who were in the female workforce. 123 Table 2.14 Breakdown of occupational levels among Scottish female immigrants in Toronto by age range, 1911 SOCPO 15-20 21-30 31-50 51+ Level No. % No. % No. % No. % 5 0.0 0.0 5 1.9 1 2.8 4 38 15.6 117 16.5 43 15.9 9 25.0 3 27 11.1 69 9.7 51 18.9 6 16.7 2 134 54.9 482 67.9 151 55.9 19 52.8 1 45 18.4 42 5.9 20 7.4 1 2.8 Totals 244 100.0 710 100.0 270 100.0 36 100.0 Source: 1911 Canadian census database What we find is that women in the 21-30 range were most likely to be in level 2 with 68 per cent. There does appear to be some correlation between age and occupations with only those over 31 making it into level 5, although the total number of women that this represented was only 6. Of more substance is that a higher proportion of women in the 15-20 range were in the lowest occupational level. Accounting for 18 per cent of this age range, this was proportionally three times higher than the nearest age range. This would indicate that there was more of a relationship between age and occupational level than length of time in the country and occupational level. As was previously suggested many potential female workers did not enter the workforce because they were occupied by domestic duties at home. This would appear to be confirmed in table 2.15 which shows overwhelmingly that most working women were not married. Indeed only 54 were, the largest proportion of whom were in occupational level 2. Similarly of the 59 widows, the largest proportion were level 2, although as with married women there were a few in other levels. Regarding unmarried women, level 2 dominated, accounting for 93 per cent. 124 Only in level 5 were the proportions significantly different, with married women accounting for 50 per cent, but once again this is based on only 6 women. Table 2.15 Marital status of Scottish female immigrants by occupational status in Toronto, 1911 Level Marital No. % Single 3 50.0 Married 1 16.7 5 Widow 2 33.3 Unknown 0 0.0 Total 6 100.0 Single 186 89.0 Married 11 5.3 4 Widow 10 4.8 Unknown 2 1.0 Total 209 100.0 Single 129 83.8 Married 15 9.7 3 Widow 10 6.5 Unknown 0 0.0 Total 154 100.0 Single 739 93.3 Married 22 2.8 2 Widow 30 3.8 Unknown 1 0.1 Total 792 100.0 Single 99 89.2 Married 5 4.5 1 Widow 7 6.3 Unknown 0 0.0 Total 111 100.0 Source: 1911 Canadian census database 125 The occupation which dominated women's work was indeed that of domestic servant, accounting for almost half of the female workforce (table 2.16). The next most common was factory worker, in which 81 women were employed. Table 2.16 Occupations in which ten or more Scottish female immigrants living in Toronto in 1911 were employed SOCPO Occupation Frequency % Level Domestic Servant 2 632 49.6 Factory worker 1 81 6.4 Salesperson 4 60 4.7 Cook 3 39 3.1 Private Nurse 4 37 2.9 Dressmaker 3 34 2.7 Waiter 2 29 2.3 Bookkeeper 4 28 2.2 Stenographer 4 28 2.2 Tailoress 3 23 1.8 Domestic Servant 2 22 1.7 Clerk 4 17 1.3 Domestic Servant 2 13 1.0 Seamstress 2 13 1.0 Telephone operator 2 12 0.9 Launderer 2 11 0.9 Packer 1 11 0.9 Teacher 4 10 0.8 Other - 175 13.7 Total 1,275 100.0 Source: 1911 Canadian census database This represents the most significant change from the 1881 data, when there were less than ten women employed in such work. Factory work was a draw particularly among the 15-20 range, with 34 of the 81 being in the youngest age category. The most notable absence is that of 126 merchants and there was also a proportionally high drop in the number of teachers. Generally there appears to have been a slightly greater diversification of work, with the inclusion of clerks, telephone operators and stenographers. That there were not more such occupations however is somewhat surprising. Graham S. Lowe has argued that during the first three decades of the twentieth century there was an administrative revolution in which there was a dramatic swing from a male to female labour supply in clerical jobs.28 That Scottish immigrants only appear to have played a minor part in this process may be indicative of the type of discrimination previously suggested by Green and MacKinnon, although as will be discussed in the following section, there were specific reasons why domestics dominated the Scottish female immigrants workforce. As with men therefore, the pattern of employment among Scottish female immigrants living in Toronto in 1911 shows a continuation of what was happening in 1881. Further casting doubt on the popular perception of elitism among Scots in Canada, Scottish immigrants in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Toronto are better characterised by their diversification. Although the domestic sector became even more dominant among women, men continued to be represented across all occupational levels in a variety of different occupations. In spite of labourer becoming the most common occupation among men, the evidence is not there to suggest this was a consequence of discrimination. Presumably some were willing to accept a position which did not match their skill set in the short-term, but for most this would only have been until a more appropriate opportunity arose. While it has been suggested that British immigrants faced particular discrimination in clerical positions, this does not appear to be the case. The high proportion of skilled manual workers among Scottish immigrants merely reflected Graham S. Lowe, Women in the Administrative Revolution: The Feminization of Clerical Work (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987), p. 168. 127 the economy from which they came and that many did take up clerical roles would conversely suggest that such opportunities were open to them. Motivations to Migrate The dominance of domestic service among female Scottish immigrants, previously discussed, was in line with their female counterparts from the rest of Britain. Demand for domestic servants in Ontario was high and with Canadian-born women preferring employment in factories, offices and shops, forty per cent of early twentieth-century domestics were born outside Canada. Most were British, with 29 per cent of those coming from Scotland in the decade before the First World War.29 As quoted in the previous chapter, according to Marilyn Barber, most British women who came to Canada as domestics hoped to better themselves. She adds that they planned to do this "by taking advantage of higher wages and wider opportunities in the new country, although a variety of personal and family considerations also influenced each individual decision."30 Immigration agents charged with fulfilling Canada's demand for new blood were also influential to these decisions. Reinforcing the virtues of Canada as presented in immigration literature, recruiters worked with placement agencies to provide support both in terms of passage and guaranteed employment upon arrival in Canada. These services did not go unrewarded, with steps such as those taken by the Department of Interior in 1907 to give a $2 commission to Canadian government employed agents for each woman placed on domestic Marilyn Barber, "Sunny Ontario for British Girls, 1900-30," in Looking into My Sister's Eyes: an Exploration in Women's History, ed. Jean Burnet (Toronto: The Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1986), p. 56. 128 service, ensuring adequate incentive to maintain the flow of female immigrants. This may also have encouraged families to migrate knowing that the daughter was likely to land a job. The role of emigration agents in Scottish emigration more generally has been highlighted by Marjory Harper. She states, "by the end of the nineteenth century the thread of agency activity had been woven indelibly and indispensably into the fabric of Scottish emigration in an increasingly sophisticated, professional and multi-layered form."32 A prominent role for emigration agents along with heavy advertising, the extensive distribution of pamphlets and even the production of a school textbook handed out to schools aimed at influencing a future generation of potential migrants, were all aspects of Canada's rejuvenated immigration policy.33 In 1901 $62,923 was spent on printing and advertising for Britain alone.34 The bulk of this was however aimed at attracting immigrant farmers to the Canadian West. Whereas agents could also receive a commission for the recruitment of male immigrants employed in agricultural work, as Clifford Sifton had made clear, urban industrial workers were not to be officially encouraged to immigrate.35 Despite the focus of agricultural settlement, the success of the Canadian Government's protective tariff policy, aimed at creating a diversified and integrated economy, somewhat undermined these objectives. By fostering the development of Canadian-based industry, the demand for labour in industrial centres meant that while government policy makers may not have desired urban immigrants, private companies more interested in short-term economic gain, welcomed them.36 Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, 1909, House of Commons Journals, Appendix 2, p. 169. 32 Marjory Harper, Adventurers and Exiles: The Great Scottish Exodus (London: Profile Books, 2003), p. 159. 33 Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, p. 15. 34 Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, p. 38. 35 Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, 1909, p. 170. 36 Reginald Whitaker, Canadian Immigration Policy Since Confederation (Ottawa, Canadian Historical Association, 1991), p. 9. 129 World depression meant that it was not until the mid-1890s that there was a Canada wide expansion in trade and economic growth. Although still surpassed by Montreal in terms of its metropolitan role, and now being challenged somewhat in the West by the rapidly growing Winnipeg and Vancouver, Toronto made significant progress in the years between the mid- nineties and the First World War, ensuring its national influence in the prewar decades. A key aspect of this progress was the expansion of the city's financial sector. Growth in the city's banks and similar development in insurance and investment enterprises ensured that Toronto was the ideal home for many big business corporations, heralding the transformation of the downtown skyline.37 In total some 40,000 were employed in commerce and finance, which was exceeded only by manufacturing in which 65,000 were engaged.38 As well as a growing demand for labourers, both sectors stimulated another important industry, that of construction which as previously discussed saw most growth in the number of Scottish immigrants. Having been worth $1.3 million in 1885, by 1901 Toronto's yearly building permits totalled $3.5 million. Over the next six years these had risen to $14.2 million, and by 1912 $27.4 million.39 In 1909 there were permits for 548 stores and offices, 40 factories, 13 schools, 19 theatres and an impressive 3,049 brick dwellings, obviously required to house the city's expanding workforce.40 It is therefore of little surprise that for the period 1906-11, Toronto was the most active of all Canadian cities in building.41 Although accounting for only 20,000 of Toronto's total workforce, that there was a demand for construction workers is evident. One such construction projection to take place around this period was the building of a home for Henry Pellatt, a leading stockbroker who made his fortune through the Toronto 37 J. M. S. Careless, Toronto To 1918: An Illustrated History (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company and National Museum of Man, National Museums of Canada, 1984), p. 149. 38 Careless, Toronto To 1918, p. 154. 39 Careless, Toronto To 1918, p. 179. 40 The Labour Gazette, 1909, p. 1254. 41 Careless, Toronto To 1918, p. 202. 130 Electric Light Company which held the city's street lighting franchise. A castle more than a house, the $3.5 million price tag included the importation of stone masons from Scotland to cut and lay the gray sandstone. Yet while in this case, Scots were specifically sought for the project, for most Scottish immigrants in Toronto it was they who chose the city rather than the other way around. That there was a demand for labour is not enough to satisfy the question as to why so many made the life changing decision to emigrate. T. M. Devine argues that demand for skilled workers led to higher wages than were being paid in Scotland but how much better had they to be to entice Scots to uproot, in many cases with families, to start a new life in Canada? Life in urban Canada was no fairy tale in the first decade of the twentieth century when concerns were rife in several Canadian cities about rising costs of living. Such concerns prompted Canadian Prime Minister Robert Borden in December 1913 to appoint a Board of Inquiry with the remit of investigating the increase in cost of living in Canada and the causes behind it. Eight months later, the Board completed its report, which with over 2,000 pages exhaustively examined all facets of cost of living in Canada. Comparing retail prices, rents and wages, the Board addressed the key, and what it acknowledged to be the complex, question of whether or not standards of living had risen since 1900. In spite of increases in price, there was a modest increase in the consumption of "common foods," it also being noted that this was accompanied with increased use of packaging, choicer cuts of meat, ordering by telephone and better delivery. While it was suggested that this could be indicative of extravagance, the evidence of undue expenses was more apparent in the more rapid increase in the consumption of luxuries. For example, the use of malt and spirituous liquors had increased by about 60 per cent since 1900, and tobacco by 66 per cent. Imports of silk, jewellery, perfume and precious stone increased by more than 100 per 131 cent and it was noted that millions of dollars were being spent on motor cars for recreational purposes.42 Contrary to this was a per capita increase on education spending in every province, and increased contributions to churches, most notably the Presbyterian Church which in 1900 received $11.93 per communicant and by 1913 was receiving $17.91. Life insurance premiums also experienced a significant increase from $2.81 in 1900 to $4.87 in 1913, which as the report suggested, being the exact opposite of "extravagance", was an excellent barometer of thrift.43 With regard to housing there was also conflicting evidence. The number of Canadians who lived one family to a house declined between 1900 and 1910 from 94 per cent to 92 per cent, while the number of families living in one room increased over the same period. At the other end of the spectrum the number of families living in houses with eleven rooms or more increased 60 percent, from 7 to 8.3 per cent of the whole. Examination of "real" wages (i.e. the ratio of earnings to the cost of subsistence) leaves it open to question whether in spite of a great rise in money wages the standard for workers as a whole was appreciably higher. Wages, according to the Board's findings rose in general by 43 per cent. There was however considerable inequality between certain trades. The wages of agricultural workers and those in the printing trades rose faster than those of less skilled industrial workers. Analysis of approximate incomes and expenditures shows that whereas food costs in 1913 accounted for roughly the same proportion of current incomes in 1900, the amount going towards rent had risen from 20.9 to 24.7 per cent. The experiences of urban dwellers in Canada were therefore contradictory, a reflection which the Board noted of an era of boom where the distribution of the resulting prosperity was not uniform. "Large numbers have had their incomes increased not only absolutely but relatively, and have spent the increase 42 Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. II, 1915, p. 1062. 43 Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. II, 1915, p. 1062. 132 in various ways as their desires dictated, while others, though their incomes may have advanced absolutely, have shared less relatively or not at all in the rise."44 There were of course considerable variations across Canada. Using estimations of weekly expenditure on staple foods for a family of five, the Board estimated that costs in Toronto rose from $5,026 in 1900 to $7,293 in 1913. This was an increase of 45.1 per cent compared to 41.5 per cent increase for Canada as a whole, although according to the Board's estimates (which it acknowledged should be regarded as only suggestive) Toronto's average costs were still seven per cent less than the Dominion average.45 The increase in cost of rent in Toronto was more rapid. Houses which had rented at $12 to $15, eight or nine years previously were by 1913 commanding rents of $20 to $22. It was estimated that the city had a shortage of some 10,000 houses. Most families lived in four room houses, although analysis of one particular district, showed 139 families to be confined to living in one room with a further 61 families in basements. The scarcity most affected the working classes, inducing "doubling up" to save rent and resulting in lodging and tenement house problems46 Wages in Canada from 1900 showed a continuous and rapid advance. Altogether from 1900 to 1911 there was an approximate increase of more than 33 per cent. Using 1900 as the base year, table 2.17 gives a breakdown of the rise in wages for the leading industries and trades in larger towns and cities. Replicated from the Board's report, the table is based on a selection of records compiled by the Department of Labour, which were identified as being representative of the workforce across Canada. The greatest rise in wages was in domestic service with an increase of 55 per cent. This was most closely followed by the printing, building and clothing trades, as well as agricultural workers, all of whom experienced rises of around 40 44 Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. II, 1915, p. 1065. 45 Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1,1915, p. 142. 46 Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1,1915, p. 479. 133 per cent. In most other branches, the advances lay between 20 and 30 per cent. Further tables within the Board's report give breakdowns of the figures used to compile the data in table 2.17. Each category or sub category is in fact an aggregate of individual occupation wages from selected cities and towns across the country. This enables comparisons between Toronto and the rest of the country, although this is somewhat limited due to there being comparable data for only 43 of the 200 occupations listed. While rarely at the top end of the wages, for the most part wages in Toronto were above the Canadian average. Most notably domestic service occupations enjoyed on the whole wages 20 per cent higher than the average domestic's income.47 Municipal employees were also considerably above the national average by 14 per cent, as were those employed in the clothing industries by 8.4 per cent. Wages in the building and printing trades were respectively 4.9 and 4.3 per cent higher than the national average, with only those employed in transportation and mines, quarries and smelters, being below average by 8.9 and 11.8 per cent respectively. A more detailed breakdown of these figures is presented in appendix 3. 47 Note that the values presented here are an aggregate of the percentage differences for individual occupations for each category in which there was comparable data for Toronto. 134 Table 2.17: index numbers of rate of wages, Canada, 1900-1913 (replicated from Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1, p. 513) Occupational Category Sub category 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 V. Building 100 103.5 108 109 113.9 117.8 123.5 128.7 131.6 134.7 136.8 137.9 VI. Metal 100 101.6 103.7 104.9 108.5 110.1 112.6 115.8 118.4 121.8 123.3 128 (a) Planning, sash and door 100 101.8 103.1 104.6 106.6 110.1 111.6 112.5 117.8 118.2 121.6 125.4 (b) Furniture 100 102.2 106.2 110.9 113.8 115.3 116.9 126.1 126.1 126.3 129.2 133.9 (c) Carriage and wagon 100 100 102.8 106.8 109.4 111.4 113.4 119.2 122.1 122.5 124.2 126.9 VII. Woodworking All 100 101.3 104.1 107.4 110 112.3 114 119.4 122.1 122.6 125 128.7 (a) Compositors 100 104.7 105.4 108.3 112.4 114.6 119.3 123.9 126.8 134 137.6 143.7 (b) Pressmen and stereotypers 100 100.3 101.2 104.1 110.4 112.1 113.2 122.3 128.8 127.4 135 138.5 (c) Binderies 100 100.7 103.9 108.4 112.4 115.1 116.4 118.1 125.9 127.1 130.1 138.4 VIII. Printing All 100 102 103.5 106.9 111.7 113.9 117 121.7 127.2 129.8 134.6 140.5 (a) Tailors 100 101.9 103.9 105.7 107.9 115.8 116.6 118.5 118.9 126 130.6 135.3 (b) Ready-made clothing 100 100.5 103.4 105.5 108.8 110.2 135 138.1 141.2 144.9 149.2 152 (c) Whitewear 100 112.2 112.2 112.2 112.2 112.2 121.6 121.6 121.6 121.6 128.7 129.9 (d) Shirts 100 101.9 101.9 101.9 101.9 103.1 103.1 104.3 109 114.2 120.5 125.9 (e) Furs 100 104.8 109.6 117.4 122.7 126.9 132.3 139.3 147 157.7 161.6 168.3 in m (f) Boots and shoes 100 102.4 105.5 109.2 110.3 113 109.9 114.9 117.6 119.2 121.3 121.7 IX. Clothing All 100 102.8 105.1 107.6 110 114.6 120.7 127.7 126.1 131.8 136.2 140 (a) Cotton 100 98.8 98.7 109.1 112.9 108.1 111.8 121.2 166.7 114.8 112.8 115.9 (b) Woollen and knitting 100 100 101.6 102.3 109.3 110.2 110.2 111 111.7 115.1 116.3 119.7 X. Textile All 100 99.4 100.3 105.4 110.9 109.2 110.9 115.6 114 115 114.7 118 XI. Leather (tanneries, horse goods) 100 100 100 101 102.7 103.3 105.7 106.3 108.4 112.4 120.7 122.9 XII. Breweries and Distilleries 100 100.4 100.2 103.7 104.4 108.8 109.5 111.4 111.8 116.2 120.6 122.6 (a) Steam railways 100 100.2 102.9 107.3 107.6 110.5 112.4 118.4 119.4 119.4 134.6 135.6 (b) Electric railways 100 102.5 104.3 107.6 113.8 114 118.6 123 128 129.2 131.2 141.1 (c) Longshoremen 100 100.2 101 101.3 102.3 103.1 104.6 113.6 115.3 115.6 116.5 116.5 XIII. Transportation All 100 100.6 102.3 104.4 105.8 107.4 109.5 116.8 118.6 118.9 125.3 127.1 (a) Police 100 101.8 102.5 108 107.3 107.8 109.5 113.2 118.9 119.2 121.6 125.2 (b) Fire department 100 102.9 104.6 110.5 112.2 112.4 114.1 125.4 131.8 135.2 135.2 141.9 (c) General 100 100 103.1 104.6 108.7 110.9 113.4 118.3 119.2 121.4 124.9 130.6 XIV. Municipal Employees All 100 100 103.2 104.6 108.8 110.4 112.6 118 121 122.7 125.6 130.8 XV. Domestic Service 100 100 104.3 108.3 111.4 117.6 122.4 127.3 134.1 142.4 149.9 155.8 All 100 102 104.3 106.1 108.8 111.6 114.5 119.2 121.1 125.4 129.7 133.1 Closely related to the issue of wages is number of hours worked. While some of the figures given above are based on hourly rates, others are daily, weekly, or in the case of domestic servants, monthly, where higher wages could simply be related to a greater number of hours worked. Yet on the whole, Toronto workers appear to have worked slightly less hours than their counterparts elsewhere. Those in the building trade for example worked 44 hours per week, 8 hours less than the national average and 16 hours less than the longest working week. Elsewhere the differences were less, varying from a shorter working week of between less than an hour to four and a half hours. Where the hours were recorded by day, Torontonians fared less well, with street railway motormen and conductors only working 0.1 hours (six minutes) less than the average and quarrymen working 0.4 hours (24 minutes) more than the average. These figures are detailed in appendix 4. On the whole therefore Toronto compared relatively well with the rest of Canada. Consistently above the likes of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia in terms of higher wages and shorter working hours, the converse was true for British Columbia and the other western provinces. Quebec was more comparable, although Toronto appears to have been slightly better off than Montreal in both categories. Such an analysis is supported by economic historians J.C. Herbert Emery and Clint Levitt's, whose examination of cost of living between 1900-1950 states that "it is generally recognized that nominal wages and incomes in the west were higher than in eastern Canada before the First World War."48 Not all are however in agreement. While perhaps not questioning this assertion, Mary Mackinnon suggests that their main source of wage data is flawed. Compiled from the Department of Labour's Wages and Hours of Labour in Canada, the same source used by the Board of Enquiry, these, Mackinnon 48 J. C. Herbert Emery and Clint Levitt, "Cost of living, real wages and real incomes in thirteen Canadian cities, 1900-1950," Canadian Journal of Economics 35,1 (February 2002), p. 116. 136 argues were collected by fair wage officers and generally corresponded to union rates. By comparing the rates of CPR labourers to that of labourers detailed in Wages and Hours, she demonstrates that those reported were higher than was generally paid in labour markets.49 Further comparisons can be done using tabulations from the 1911 census data on those whose wages were recorded. Although often based on the wages of a small number of comparable occupations, in most cases the hourly rates or weekly wages are indeed smaller than those presented in the Board's Report. In some cases this could be explained by the difficulty in matching occupations from the census to those listed in the Report. For example whereas the boots and shoe industry is divided into nine sub-occupations, the only comparable occupation in the census database is "boot or shoe maker." Averaging the wage rate of the nine sub-occupations come out at $16.7 per week, compared to the average census wage of $10.6 per week. The same problem exists for the printing industry, where there is a considerable disparity between the average of the printer sub-categories and the occupation listed as "printer" in the census. Where a direct comparison can be made, with "bindery girls" and female "bookbinders" there is only 50 cents of a difference per week, the Report listing being greater. Similarly general domestic servants from the census earned slightly less than they were reported to earn by the Board, although there was a $7.50 difference per month between what housekeepers were being reported to earn than found in the census. The only other industry where meaningful comparisons can be made is in the building industry, where in all cases the listed hourly rate is greater than appeared in the census. In the case of bricklayers this amounted to as little as half a cent, but was mostly a few cents, the biggest difference being 12 cents per hour for stonecutters. While the evidence from the census database would certainly seem to support Mackinnon's assertion, as will be demonstrated shortly, within the census 49 Mary Mackinnon, "New evidence on Canadian wage rates, 1900-1930," Canadian Journal of Economics 29,1 (February 1996), p. 121. 137 figures themselves were considerable variations. The other issue with using the Department of Labour's statistics is their limitation to a relatively small number of occupations. As well as giving the incomes of a broader range of occupations than those listed in the Cost of Living Report, analysis of the incomes of Scottish immigrants using the census database further highlights the complexities in making generalisations about wages. Taking the yearly income of Scottish immigrants who worked forty or more weeks in the previous year shows an average income of $694.83. The highest two earners, who received annual incomes of $5,000 were both engineers, at least one of whom worked in the railway industry. Also in the top earning bracket with incomes of $4,000 or more were two accountants, two bank managers and an insurance inspector. It is however important to note that many who would likely be high earners did not have their incomes recorded. For example none of the eight manufacturers or nineteen merchants have stated incomes. At the opposite end of the scale with annual incomes of $100 were a stone cutter and a carpenter. That these occupations are both considered skilled and grouped in level 3 of the SOCPO scheme, would suggest that either the income or occupation was entered incorrectly in the census, or an error was made in the transcription process. The first two incomes which can be considered reliable are an apprentice of an unknown trade who earned $156 and a messenger for a dry goods store who earned $160. The existence of an income category in the 1911 census can allow for further scrutiny of the social classification scheme. Although not the only factor used by Van De Putte and Andrew Miles in determining occupational categories, there would be expected to be some correlation between income and social status. This is indeed demonstrated in table 2.18, which shows a steady progression in salary along with the SOCPO level. What is also shown is the range, indicating the difference between the highest and lowest incomes in each group, which may cast some doubt over the validity of either the figures or the classification scheme. 138 Table 2.18 Average incomes by occupational classification of Scottish immigrants living in Toronto in 1911 Average SOCPO Range income Level (S) (S) 5 1,205.61 405 - 5,000 4 758.26 125 - 4,200 3 704.26 100 - 2,500 2 616.84 160 - 1,800 1 512.76 60 - 1,040 Source: 1911 Canadian census database The highest earner in SOCPO level 1 for example was $1,040 per year. He is listed as a labourer and his place of work is described as "gas co." The most obvious explanation is that the census enumerator made a mistake when writing down the income, although this would appear not to be the case due to the second highest level 1 earner, who has a listed income of $998, also having his occupation recorded as "labourer" and his place of occupation as "gas house." They were both from different wards and therefore enumerated by different census officials, making the likelihood of this being a mistake very slim. Both men presumably did have occupations described as labourer but unlike a building or factory labourer, the position warranted a substantial income, either because of the danger involved in the occupation, which is possible considering the nature of the company they worked for, or because the job was not an unskilled position. At the other end of the SOCPO level scheme, there are workers categorized in level 5 with moderate incomes of little over $400. One of these is an architect aged 25 who only immigrated in 1910. Therefore while he does earn considerably less than some of his counterparts in the same profession, he is obviously early in his career and new to a job. The disparity in incomes between the same occupations is even more apparent when the individual occupations are considered. Table 2.19 shows the average, along with the 139 maximum and minimum incomes of all male occupations in which there were 20 or more Scottish immigrants employed. As not everyone had their income recorded, the number column indicates how many for each occupation there were. All demonstrate considerable disparity, the lowest range being that of conductors at $280. Here the largest income of $780 belonged to William Smith and the lowest at $500 to Andrew Oark. Both were conductors with the Toronto Street Railway so there can be little ambiguity as to whether or not they had similar jobs, providing another opportunity to determine the influence of age and length of time since immigration. William Smith was 24 and immigrated in 1907 whereas Oark was only 21 and immigrated in 1909. That there was only three years of an age difference and two years between arrival in Canada does little to help explain the disparity in earnings. Presumably the higher income was simply a reflection of Smith's seniority which he had gained over a short period of time. Place of work also influenced wages. James Mathiew for example was the highest earning gardener with an income of $832, while the lowest was John Thomson who earned $460. Whereas Thomson worked for a private family, Mathiew's place of work was Allan Gardens meaning he was employed by the city of Toronto. Here there was a greater difference in age and year of immigration. Mathiew was 36 and had immigrated in 1902, whereas Thomson was 20 and had only arrived in 1910. That year of immigration was the more influential factor here is suggested by another John Thomson residing at the same address as his namesake, (presumably the younger John's father)50 whose income was $480, slightly higher than the younger John, but still considerably below that of James Mathiew. Note that the relationship to head of both John Thomson's is listed as "gardener." 140 Table 2.19 Income data for all occupations in which twenty or more Scottish male immigrants were employed in Toronto, 1911 Mean Range Minimum Maximun Occupation No. $ $ S $ Labourer 150 513 840 200 1,040 Carpenter 143 717 1,150 100 1,250 Clerk 62 586 1,120 200 1,320 Salesperson 62 606 940 260 1,200 Machinist 58 666 1,118 182 1,300 Teamster 53 552 520 280 800 Stonemason 27 782 740 400 1,140 Stone cutter and finisher 31 794 1,510 100 1,610 Bookkeeper 41 745 1,000 300 1,300 Painter (buildings) 28 609 754 260 1,014 Tailor 29 729 1,300 200 1,500 Engineer 30 922 4,520 480 5,000 Plumber 21 742 1,350 150 1,500 Blacksmith 21 617 680 360 1,040 Baker 21 622 472 360 832 Commercial Traveller 31 1,123 2,400 600 3,000 Plasterer 12 845 700 500 1,200 Printer 23 669 920 276 1,196 Bricklayer 18 968 900 600 1,500 Gardener 23 617 372 460 832 Bank clerk 21 901 1,030 470 1,500 Lorry or van driver 23 613 650 450 1,100 Butcher 15 625 600 400 1,000 Conductor 18 653 280 500 780 Electrician 13 654 1,250 150 1,400 Policeman 17 797 352 648 1,000 Caretaker 13 571 364 416 780 Source: 1911 Canadian census database Focussing on a particular occupation it is possible to explore further the relationship between length of time since immigration and wages. Because of Green and MacKinnon's claim that British immigrants faced difficulties in entering the economy and on average received lesser wages than native-born Canadians in clerical positions, the occupation of clerk has been singled 141 out for analysis. Of all Scottish male immigrants who had been employed as such for at least forty weeks of the year, it is found that those who immigrated most recently (between 1906- 1911) did earn on average $200 less than those who arrived between 1881 and 1891. Yet this could also be, and was perhaps more likely related to age rather than how long they had been in the country. Indeed analysis of the age groupings for all Scottish immigrants shows wages to increase steadily with age, being on average $367 for those between 15 and 20, rising to $617 among the 21-30 category, to $703 among the 31-50 category, peaking at $787 among those over 50. The largest difference between maximum and minimum income in an occupation is for engineer. As has already been stated, it was this occupation which took the top income slot among all occupations. However the lowest income of $450, belonging to James Burn, is closer to the average of $921. Clearly the term "engineer" by itself can cover a wide variety of specific occupations. Amongst others it could refer to a civil engineer who according to the HISCO descriptive "carries out research, designs and advises on structures such as bridges, dams, docks, roads, airports, railways, waste disposal and flood control systems and industrial and other large buildings, and plans, organises and supervises their construction, maintenance and repair."51 Another possibility is that it could refer to an industrial engineer, who, "advise[s] on and implement[s] methods to promote the efficient, safe and economic utilisation of personnel, materials and equipment. Their functions include: studying and advising on the organisation and layout of, and methods employed in, production processes and commercial and administrative procedures; planning and conducting time and motion studies; developing work measurement methodology; advising on and initiating measures to prevent industrial accidents and Marco H. D. van Leeuwen, Ineke Maas and Andrew Miles, HISCO Historical International Standard Classification of Occupations (Leuven, Leuven University Press, 2002), p. 94. 142 diseases." James Burns' census entry denotes his place of work as "factory," perhaps suggesting that he falls under the latter description. That his income is fairly low may reflect age (he was 25), length of employment (he arrived in 1906 but how long he had been employed where he was in 1911 is not recorded), seniority or the type of factory in which he worked. While the specific occupations do have their own codes, if this is not stated in the census a generic HISCO code for engineer has to be entered. In this the data is only as good as that entered by the census enumerator. So while there are clearly some problems with the incomes not being like for like, in most cases those differences were a reflection of different incomes for similar jobs. Even taking these factors into account, the average salary does appear to correspond to the occupational level in which they are placed and therefore can be considered reliable enough for analytical purposes. What is perhaps most striking is that a clerk on average earned $586 compared to a labourer who earned $512 or a house painter who earned $608. Clearly here the difference between one being in a manual occupation and the other not is more significant than the relatively close proximity in incomes. Those occupations which experienced a considerable increase in numbers can be seen to be fairly well earning occupations. At the lower end of the income scale painters were earning on average $608, while stonemasons and stone cutters had incomes of a little less than $800. Further up the scale were plasterers who earned $844, while further up still were bricklayers who had an average income of $968. The other industry closely tied to the building trade and which since before 1881 had attracted large numbers of Scottish immigrants was carpentry where the average income was $717. Other skilled manual trades related to the building trades were plumbers who earned $741, and electricians who surprisingly averaged at only $653, although this could be a reflection of there only being 13 with income data, 3 of 52 van Leeuwen, Maas and Miles, HISCO, p.98. 143 whom were under 19 and were perhaps apprentices rather than fully qualified electricians. Not taken into account are the hours and weeks of work these jobs entailed. Because trades such as bricklayers and stonemasons were somewhat redundant during the harshest months of Canada's winter, they worked on average 44 weeks of the year, less than any other occupations. Those who were in other building trades, but who could work indoors, such as carpenters or building painters worked 48 or 49 weeks of the year, with most other occupations between 50 to 52 weeks. In terms of hours, it was bakers who worked the longest week, with an average of 59 hours. In spite of their relatively low pay, labourers were also near the top of the scale, with a weekly average of 53 hours, although this was exceeded by the well paid engineers who worked a 56 hour week. As well as annual income, the census had an hourly rate field which was filled in where applicable. Table 2.20 shows all occupations in which there were five or more entries, displaying the average hourly rate, as well as the maximum, minimum and range between the two. Based on the average, labourers were bottom of the scale on 23 cents per hour, with the lowest paid labourer on only fifteen cents. Close behind were street car drivers on 24 cents per hour. 144 Table 2.20 Hourly rate data of occupations with five or more valid entries among Scottish immigrants in Toronto, 1911 Mean Range Minimum Maximum Occupation Valid (C) (C) (C) (C) Carpenter 65 35 19 23 42 Labourer 18 23 17 15 32 Machinist 12 29 10 25 35 Stone cutter and finisher 11 40 20 30 50 Bricklayer 8 52 10 50 60 Building painter 8 31 17 20 37 Stonemason 6 52 1 52 53 Plasterer 5 49 5 45 50 Plumber 5 36 20 30 50 Street Railway Driver 5 24 5 20 25 Source: 1911 Canadian census database Among the building trades can be seen a hierarchy with painters at the bottom, on 31 cents per hour, followed by carpenters on 35, then plumbers on 36, stone cutters on 40, plasters on 49 and at joint top stonemasons and bricklayers on 52 cents per hour. Comparisons of the data with annual incomes does raise some apparent contradictions, with for example the difference between stonemasons and stone cutters, who in terms of hourly rates were twelve cents an hour apart but had similar annual incomes. This can be explained using the data on hours and weeks worked, which show that on average stone cutters worked longer hours and more weeks in the year than stonemasons. Returning to the issue of what enticed Scots to immigrate specifically to Toronto it is also worth looking again at the Board of Inquiry into cost of living in Canada. It has already been established that costs in the city had risen over the preceding decade, but how did these compare with Scotland? Figure 2.8 shows food retail price trends for Britain and Canada between 1900 and 1911 indicating that prices did rise much more rapidly in the latter country. 145 That prices were rising faster in Canada however, does not necessarily mean that they were higher than in Scotland. A comparison of a weekly budget based on the average prices of fifteen commodities in eighty-eight British towns, with the same commodities in fifty-five Canadian towns, shows that in some cases such as with beef, pork and mutton, British prices were in fact higher than in Canada. Yet as table 2.21 indicates, all other weekly costs were either slightly higher in Canada, or in the case of bread and sugar, considerably higher. Overall, the Canadian budget works out as being about ten per cent higher than in Britain. Although a direct comparison is given between Toronto and the northern English town of Manchester, similarly showing a ten per cent difference between the Canadian and British town, this is not done for any Scottish city.53 Richard Rodger has however compared retail prices in Scotland and England in which he found that for an identical basket of food in 1912, the amount paid in Glasgow was 5.7 per cent more, and in Dundee 10.2 per cent more than in Manchester.54 By taking this convoluted way, it can be estimated that if retail prices in Toronto were higher than Scotland, they were only slightly so. 53 Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1,1915, p. 252. 54 Rodger, "Employment, Wages and Poverty in the Scottish Cities 1841-1914," p. 43. 146 Figure 2.8 Comparison of food retail price trends for Britain and Canada, 1900-1911 142 - 140 " 138 136 "Canada 134 -UK 132 - 130 - 128 126 - 124 - 122 120 118 116 114 112 i 110 108 106 i 104 102 i 100 98 O'-irNm'd-miDi^ooaiO'H OOOOOOOOOOi-HiH Source: Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1, 1915, p. 247. Official statistics for rents are more limited, making it difficult to make direct comparisons between the two countries. What is known is that while Canadian rents were rising at a fairly significant rate, those in Britain were practically stationary. An average of eighty-eight towns showed a percentage increase between 1905 and 1911 of only 1.8 per cent.55 ' Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1,1915, p. 491. 147 Table 2.21 Comparison of UK and Canadian week budget at retail prices in 1912 Quantity Price (per unit) Cost per we Commodity Consumed United United Kingdom Canada Car PerWeek Kingdom s. d. cents cents cents ce Beef, lb 4 lbs 8 - 10 18.3 17.4 73.2 6« 17.8 35.4 3! Mutton, lb 2 lbs 9 - 9V2 17.7 Pork, lb 2 lbs 18.2 17.5 36.4 3! 72 - 9V2 Tea, lb 1/2 lbs 16 - 18 34.5 35.6 17.2 1! Sugar, granulated, lb 6 lbs 2 - 2V4 4.3 6.5 25.8 3! Bacon, lb lib 10 - 11 21.3 22.5 21.3 2; Eggs, doz 2 doz 14 - 18 32.9 34.3 65.8 6! Cheese, lb 2 lbs 8 - 9 17.2 20.1 34.4 4( Butter, lb 3 lbs 16 - 16 31.4 31.7 94.2 9! Potatoes, per 90 lbs 2pks 45 - 58 104.4 145 34.8 41 4 30.5 3' Flour, lb 10 lbs i78 - i /7 3.05 3.4 3 43.4 6( Bread,lb 15 lbs i /8 - 1V2 2.9 4 Milk, perqt 6qts 3V2 - 4 7.6 8.3 45.6 4! Total $5.58 $< Source: Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1,1915, p. 250. This again does not mean that rents in Canada were higher, although a comparison of working- class rents, published by the South Africa Economic Commission, suggest that rents in England were 23 per cent of the base rate, as opposed to Canada's 45 per cent.56 How reliable these figures are is open to question, but it does add to the impression given elsewhere in the Report that rents in Canada were comparatively high. As with retail prices, there are no direct comparisons between Toronto, or even Canada and Scotland. However, again, Rodger has shown that compared to English cities such as Manchester, Sheffield, Leeds and Nottingham, Scots living in urban areas were paying between five and ten per cent more in rent. Even with Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1,1915, p. 491. 148 these higher costs, it would appear that rental prices in Canada were greater still than in Scotland. In all it would seem unlikely that cost of living was a motivating factor for those considering the move from Scotland to Canada in this period. Related, and more likely to have filtered back to Scotland were wage levels, which had a direct bearing on the more pertinent issue of standards of living. Using 1900 as the base year (represented as 100), the UK's Department of the Board of Trade annual figures for wages show for those in the building trades, coal mining and working in textile factories, that having increased from 91.13 in 1891, wages went into decline between 1900 and 1905 before rising again and levelling out at 99.83 in 1911. Therefore having increased in the decade before 1900, wages in the decade which followed saw no overall growth. Similar findings are made in their 1912 Special Inquiry into the Cost of Living and Wages in Leading Cities of the United Kingdom, which compared wages with a similar inquiry from 1905. For the ten Scottish towns incorporated in the report, skilled men and labourers in the building trade experienced a small increase. This was more notable for the skilled men, whose wages rose 3 per cent, compared with the 1.1 per cent increase of the labourers. The only other occupation for which there are Scottish figures was for compositors in the printing trade who received a 6.9 per cent increase.57 While these figures do suggest a rise, the Board of Trade's other figures indicate that this amounted to little more than a levelling out to 1900 rates, having dipped between 1900 and 1905. Unfortunately the Canadian Board of Enquiry's Report does not provide a table giving a direct comparison between the two countries wages. However using figures provided for British weekly wages from 1905 which were presented in Canadian dollars, and comparing those with Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1,1915, p. 528. 149 the figures given in the Department of Labour's Labour Gazette, it is possible to compare them both (table 2.22). Table 2.22 Comparison of predominant weekly wages in UK, US and Toronto in early twentieth century UK 1905 US 1909 Toronto 1905 Occupations rates ($) rates ($) rates ($) Bricklayers 9.00 - 9.72 26.40 - 30.00 20.68 Carpenters 8.68 - 9.44 16.50 - 21.60 10.23 Plumbers 8.48 - 9.54 21.00 - 27.00 15.40 Painters 7.56 - 9.00 15.60 - 20.40 13.20 Bricklayers' labourers 5.84 - 6.48 12.00 - 16.50 11.00 Blacksmith 7.68 - 8.64 16.24 - 20.56 13.00 - 13.50 Compositor 6.82 - 7.92 16.50 - 19.50 16.00 Source: UK and US rates are from Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1, p. 541, and Toronto figures are from the Department of Labour's Labour Gazette In all cases, Canadian wages were higher and in some cases considerably so. The greatest difference was for compositors and bricklayers, where Torontonians were earning more than double their British equivalents. Even unskilled building labourers were earning at least $3 per week more. The smallest difference was for carpenters who in Toronto earned less than a dollar more. In using these figures certain factors have to be taken into consideration. As has previously been stated, the reliability of the Department of Labour figures has been questioned and there is a likelihood that they are a slight inflation on what workers were actually receiving. The other important point is that these are figures for 1905. As has also been pointed out, British rates did increase by 3 per cent for the building trades and 6.9 for compositors, although these increases were smaller than Canadian increases in wages over the same period. In its comparison of wages of skilled artisans, the Economic Commission of South Africa suggests that wages in Britain were 31 per cent of those in Johannesburg (which was used as a base at 100), while Canada's were 70 per cent. This suggests a difference of 39 per cent. The Cost of Living 150 enquiry summed up by saying that "it would be safe to say that wages in these trades in Canada are double those paid in Great Britain..."58 Canada and specifically Toronto therefore must have seemed an attractive destination offering a considerably higher standard of living than in Scotland. But other destinations were arguably more attractive. As was shown in table 2.22, US wages were considerably higher than Canada, even accounting for the five year gap between figures during which Canadian wages rose significantly. It was also previously shown that within Canada, wages in the west were higher than in Toronto. Why then would an immigrant choose Canada over the United States and Toronto over elsewhere in Canada. Addressing the former point, Alan Green, Mary MacKinnon and Chris Minns have suggested that between 1870 and 1910 the wage differential among British immigrants in urban areas of Canada and the United States was actually not particularly great, with British immigrants in Canada only having modestly lower annual earnings than their peers in the United States.59 Accepting Brinley Thomas's view that UK emigrants treated "the whole North American continent as one vast network of labour markets," they argue that immigrants were primarily concerned about matching up their occupational skills to the demand for those skills.60 Yet while the United States may not have offered a drastically better standard of living than Canada, it is still not obvious why anyone would choose Toronto over elsewhere. Certainly Toronto had a strong and diverse economy, and that could be seen as a reason why many Scots chose it over other Canadian cities, where, although there were higher wages, there was not the same availability of opportunities. This would not however have been the case in other larger North American cities. In making their thesis, Green, MacKinnon and Minns reject the view that UK emigrants who chose to live in Canada did so out of an 58 Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. 1,1915, p. 572. 59 Alan G. Green, Mary MacKinnon, and Chris Minns, "Dominion or Republic? Migrants to North America from the United Kingdom, 1870-1910," Economic History Review LV, 4 (2002), p. 694. 60 Green, MacKinnon and Minns, "Dominion or Republic?," p. 670. 151 attachment to the British Empire, arguing instead that choice of location was based on strictly financial reasons.61 Yet for Scottish immigrants in Toronto there is not enough evidence to determine that this alone was the motivating factor. Economics were clearly important but to disengage the emotional factors or other ties as well, seems to miss the complexity of the process. Offering an alternative means of explaining why so many made the decision to immigrate to Toronto, Everett S. Lee's theory of migration seems to fit more closely. At the crux of Lee's theory is that the volume of migration varies with the degree of diversity of both the people who are emigrating and the destination they are migrating to.62 Scotland had a highly industrialized economy and a relatively well educated population, therefore Scots conformed as being a diverse people, which combined with the variety and growth of opportunities in Toronto, goes some way to explaining the high volume of Scots who came to the city in the early twentieth century. Beyond this he acknowledges that fluctuations in the economy had an impact. This is evident from the lower rates of immigration during the late nineteenth century which only began to increase as world economic conditions began to improve. The advent of the steam age meant that by 1871 all but a tiny minority made the overseas crossing in steamships, considerably reducing what Lee termed "the difficulty of surmounting the intervening obstacles."63 Also with regard to volume of migration, Lee suggest higher rates among people who have already moved once, breaking their home tie, the evidence of which in Scotland has been highlighted by several, including Charles Withers and Malcolm Gray.64 Green, MacKinnon and Minns, "Dominion or Republic?," p. 668. 62 Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3,1 (1966), pp. 47-57. 63 Lee, "A Theory of Migration," p. 53. Charles W. J. Withers, Urban Highlanders: Highland-Lowland Migration and Urban Gaelic Culture, 1700- 1900 (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1998); and Malcolm Gray, "The Course of Scottish Emigration, 1750- 1914: Enduring Influences and Changing Circumstances," in T. M. Devine (ed.) Scottish Emigration and Scottish Society (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1992), pp. 16-36. 152 Where Lee's theory really stands out is in the importance which he attaches to earlier waves of immigration, who through their "overcoming of intervening obstacles ... [lessen] the difficulty of the passage for later migrants."65 Not only did this create a flow of knowledge back from destination to origin, but also a network of families and friends through which direct immigration channels were created. Just as important, if not more so, these earlier waves of immigrants created structures to assist newly arrived immigrants with the adjustment from home. The structures created and maintained by Toronto's Scottish community were vast and will be the subject of the remaining chapters. Not only did they provide practical assistance for newcomers to the city, but in helping to preserve a Scottish identity, they allowed Scots to continue being Scottish. While economics may have been the decisive factor in the decision to emigrate in the first place, the choice of destination cannot be explained so simply. Undoubtedly the diversity of Toronto's economy and the city's relatively high standard of living were an attraction, but it is impossible to disengage the emotional factors as well. By 1881 Toronto had a well established community, which in itself must have appealed to those preparing to leave their Scottish homeland. 65 Lee, "A Theory of Migration," p. 55. 153 Conclusion Between 1881 and 1911 Scottish immigrants continued to arrive in Toronto, adding to an already well established Scottish population. Mirroring the pattern of Canadian immigration as a whole, up until the turn of the century this was a slow movement, followed by a contrasting decade of rapid growth. In most respects the Scots who arrived continued trends which are evident from the 1881 Canadian census. Young men and women in their early twenties dominated the movement, although they were accompanied by children and elderly immigrants, the presence of which are revealing. That children formed part of the migration demonstrates that family formed an important part of the Scottish exodus, while the presence of elderly migrants can be used to show the existence of chain migration among Scots. Multi- generational or indeed extended families per se were however relatively uncommon. Most Scottish immigrants living in Toronto were part of a nuclear family, or arrived with no apparent family connections whatsoever. The diversity which was evident in the Scots' demographics was equally evident in their workplace diversity. As has been shown, although the largest occupational grouping among men was manual skilled workers, Scottish immigrants could be found in all occupational groups, working in many different occupations. Indeed the most common occupation among men was labourer found in the lowest occupational class, casting further doubt over the validity of seeing overseas Scots as a population which primarily mixed in elite circles. That women were mostly found in a low occupation group, working in the domestic sector, together with what was found for men might suggest that both Scottish men and women were restricted in the occupations which they could enter, but there is not enough evidence to back this up. Simply because fewer immigrant men and women entered clerical positions than non-immigrants is not, at least in the case of the Scots, evidence of discrimination. A better explanation for Scottish male immigrants' 154 preference for manual skilled work is gained from looking at the economy from which they came. Not surprisingly most men entered occupations in which they were trained and had experience, in which they could gain higher wages than had they stayed in Scotland. Women on the other hand were simply taking advantage of government enticements offered to become domestics in Canada. If there were restrictions to particular occupations, fewer emigrant Scots would likely have chosen Toronto as their destination. Indeed what has been argued here is that Toronto's primary attraction was its economic diversity and consequent range of opportunities, which had wide appeal among Scotland's diverse population. Coupled with the enticement of the city having an established Scottish population, which could provide information before migration, contacts on arrival, as well as a formal network of services to ease the experience of settling into life in a new land, Toronto was a particularly attractive destination for Scots. That those who arrived between 1881 and 1911 became part of that community is evident from the corresponding growth of associationalism together with their attachment to the Presbyterian Church which also played a central role in the city's Scottish community. 155 3. Toronto's Scottish Associational Matrix As has been shown in the previous two chapters, the Canadian census can be used to demonstrate that while Scots, both immigrant and generational shared much in common with the other British groups which dominated Toronto's population, there is evidence of there being a distinct Scottish community. This is further supported by taking a look through The Scottish Canadian, a Toronto based newspaper which appears to confirm that Scottish identity was alive and well in the city. Take for example the April 2,1891 edition. Readers were informed of an entertainment evening being held by the Gaelic Society with its "attractive programme of songs, music on the violin and bagpipes, platform dances, and recitations."1 Together with its section on Scottish Society News and its Directory of Scottish Societies in Toronto, the same edition summarizes the proceedings of various branch meetings of the Sons of Scotland Benevolent Association. At the meeting of its Strathclyde Camp it was agreed to help with the cost of erecting a cairn in the city's Scottish burial plot, while the newly established Drumclog camp gave a similar commitment to funding the cairn, as well as accepting an invitation to be on the Burns Statue Committee. Although not featured as prominently as the city's other Scottish clubs and associations, an advertisement which also appears in April 2,1891, makes reference to the institution highlighted by the census as being central to the Scots. With the heading "Scots Wha Hae," it goes on to state "every loyal Scotchman should subscribe to the Canada Presbyterian," which it claimed was the best Presbyterian family newspaper in Canada. That it offered a joint annual subscription rate of $2.50 as opposed to the individual rates of $2 for the Canada 1 The Scottish Canadian, April 2, 1891. 156 Presbyterian and $1.50 for the Scottish Canadian, suggests that being Presbyterian and Scottish went hand in hand. Based on this account, the extent and diversity of Scottish associationalism in Toronto was vast. The particular role of the Presbyterian Church is addressed in chapter 5, but for the following two chapters, attention is focussed on the Scottish clubs and societies, many of which were referenced in the preceding summary. As well as supporting newly arrived immigrants from Scotland and providing a variety of services for all Scots living in the city, these organizations were the community's most visible exponents of Scottish identity. Examination of their roles and activities supports the perception of the city's Scots being a diverse group, it being evident that there existed strong class structures both within and between different clubs and societies. Yet as will be shown, regardless of their differences all remained linked by the commonality of their ethnicity. The full depths of Scottish associationalism in this period are illustrated through an event which took place on June 20,1891. With seven different Scottish societies being represented and estimations placing the total number of those present at almost two thousand, the event was described as a red-letter day in the memory of Toronto Scotchmen, with newspaper reports claiming that it would be "looked back upon with pride by generations to come."2 The occasion, the unveiling of a memorial cairn placed on the Scotch burial plot in the city's Mount Pleasant Cemetery, was the culmination of a united fundraising effort by the city's Scottish societies, an unparalleled occurrence up until this point. The societies present at the gathering represented a wide spectrum of aims and objectives, with memberships from an array of differing backgrounds. This very point was acknowledged by Rev. G. M. Milligan, chaplain of the St. Andrew's Society, who in addressing 2 The Scottish Canadian, June 25,1891. 157 the crowd said "he was pleased to know that, however diverse might be their political opinions, their commercial pursuits or their other tastes, when a question affecting their native land, their native character, or their welfare as natives of the same mother country arose, they could unite and stand as brethren shoulder to shoulder," an observation which was met with cheers.3 In attendance were members of the St. Andrew's, Caledonian, Gaelic, Caithness, Orkney and Shetland Societies, Clan McGregor, and the Sons of Scotland Benevolent Association. Presiding over the ceremony was Dr. Daniel Clark, president of the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto. The same society also had its name engraved on a tablet adorning the face of the cairn, both accolades being recognition of it having taken the initiative in the purchase of the burial plot and in the erection of the cairn. Established in 1836, the St. Andrew's Society of the City of Toronto and Home District of Upper Canada, as it was initially known, was the earliest and for over thirty years the city's only Scottish club or society. As with St. Andrew's Societies in Canada's other major urban centres, its formation coincided with the incorporation of the city.4 Its raison d'etre to provide relief to destitute Scottish emigrants, written into the Society's early constitution, remained largely unchanged by the end of the century. As well as having two physicians among its 1836 officers, the Society had a chaplain, who was "to promote harmony and good will among the members, and to visit such sick and distressed persons as may be recommended to their attention by the Board of Managers."5 The body primarily responsible for its philanthropic activities was the Standing Committee, composed of the chaplains, physicians, 3 Ibid. 4 The St. Andrew's Society of St. John was formed in 1785; the St. Andrew's Society of Montreal in 1835; and the St. Andrew's Society of Ottawa in 1846. 5 Constitution of St. Andrew's Society of the City of Toronto and Home District of Upper Canada, 1836 (Toronto, Patriot Office, 1836) p. 9. 158 treasurer and secretary, together with four other resident members of the Society. Its duties were: to pay attention to Emigrants from Scotland, to enquire into their treatment during the passage, make report thereof to the Society, and into their circumstances and views, to assist them with their advice, and to recommend such of them as they may think proper, to the Board of Managers for pecuniary relief.6 The managers who were to meet at least once a month were responsible for deciding on the application of claimants, making recommendations to the President or Vice Presidents, ant of whom were authorized to draw on the Treasurer for the specified amount.7 By the late nineteenth century, relief usually took the form of small handouts of money or train tickets, with more substantial amounts being distributed in the form of pensions. For the "friendless and indigent Scottish dead," the Society would also pay burial expenses, hence the ownership of the cemetery plot. Purchased in 1886 at the cost of $600 the site was needed to replace the Society's original plot at the Necropolis Cemetery, which had reached capacity. Three years later it was further proposed that a memorial, taking the form of a tall obelisk of grey granite resting on a base of rocks in the shape of a Scottish cairn, should be erected on the plot, for which subscriptions would be sought from the city's other Scottish societies. The example of the St. Andrew's Society alone provides evidence that the Scots saw themselves as belonging to their own ethnic community, in which it was their responsibility to provides for its 6 Constitution of St. Andrew's Society of the City of Toronto, 1836, p. 11. 7 Constitution of St. Andrew's Society of the City of Toronto, 1836, p. 8. 159 least fortunate members. Furthermore, that interactions took place between organizations suggests a shared commitment among the associational matrix to the city's Scottish population. First to respond to the St. Andrew's Society's call for subscriptions was the Caledonian Society. Although not sharing the same charitable objectives as the St. Andrew's Society, it did donate $100 annually to its sister society's charity fund, and for this specific cause gave a further $400. The Caledonian Society of Toronto had in fact been created for "the encouragement of the National Costume and Games, the cultivation of a taste for Scottish Music, History and Poetry, and the uniting more closely together of Scotchmen, and those of Scottish descent."8 Formed in 1869, the Caledonian Society was clearly established to supplement rather than rival the social activities of the older St. Andrew's Society. Outlining the societies' differing remits at its first anniversary concert, Caledonian Society President George Brown insisted that, "with the old St. Andrew's Society of Toronto we have the warmest sympathy," pointing out that "a large number of its members are also members of the Caledonian Society."9 Furthermore both societies chose different dates on the Scottish Calendar for their annual celebrations. Whereas the St. Andrew's Society marked St. Andrew's Day, or simply "The Day" as it was referred to by members, with an anniversary ball or dinner, the Caledonian Society held its annual gathering on January 25, the anniversary of the birth of Scotland's national poet, Robert Burns. In pursuing its literary goals the Caledonian Society held monthly meetings at which readings and recitations took place, with members being invited to send in their own "productions." Some of this work eventually appeared in Selections from Scottish Canadian Poets, a collection of poetry written by Scotsmen and their descendants in Canada, published by the Society in 1900. In pursuit of its other aim of organizing an annual Caledonian Games, the Constitution and By-Laws of the Caledonian Society of Toronto, 1871 (Toronto: The Globe Printing Company, 1871), p. 3. 9 The Globe, August 9,1870. 160 Society was also initially successful, the first taking place on August 8,1870 as the premier event to mark the city's civic holiday. The event was an unquestionable success, attracting an estimated crowd of between twelve and fifteen thousand, described by Ontario Premier John Sandfield MacDonald as one of the largest followings he had ever seen in Toronto.10 Such a large turnout was no doubt a reflection of the high calibre of contestants, described by The Globe as one of the most distinguished gatherings of athletes ever to come together on a similar occasion in America.11 Participants included Donald Dinnie, reputed to be "the champion athlete of the world," who successfully demonstrated his prowess by winning the heavy hammer event, pocketing himself the substantial sum of twenty five dollars. Other events included running races, jumping events, caber tossing, as well as bagpiping in costume, sword dancing and the Highland fling, also in costume, with first prizes ranging from five to twenty-five dollars.12 While the Caledonian Society's other pursuits evidently flourished, the success of its Caledonian Games seems to have been more short-lived, the last known event taking place in 1881. This was most likely a consequence of declining interest. Newspaper reports of the second Caledonian Games held in 1871 claimed that the number of spectators was down somewhat on the previous year, attributed to their being no star attraction equivalent to Donald Dinnie.13 By 1881 the number of spectators was estimated at between 3,000 and 4,000, which taking into account the significant amounts given out in prizes, was likely not enough to sustain the games.14 Even though the Caledonian Society's revised constitution of 1890 retained as one of its objectives, the encouragement of the National Games of Scotland, by 1891, the only "Games" being held in Toronto were organized by the Sons of Scotland. Instead the Society's "Ibid. "Ibid. 13 The Globe, August 16,1871. 14 The G/obe, July 22,1881. 161 primary summer event appears to have become an annual excursion to Niagara Falls, which was evidently very popular among members. In 1891 nearly 400 Caledonians went by the first boat in the morning (which left at seven o'clock), this number being considerably augmented by those who went by the eleven and two o'clock boats.15 Although the games which did take place that same year in Toronto were predominantly "Caledonian," the event was billed as the Sons of Scotland Annual Games with participation appearing to be open only to members of the Association. While perhaps not on the same footing as those organized by the Caledonian Society, the event was open to spectators and was reportedly attended by representatives from all parts of Scotland.16 That the games were taken somewhat seriously is also indicated by a debate which took place in the correspondence columns of The Scottish Canadian in the ensuing months over the judges decision to allow a gentleman to compete in the Highland dress competition wearing the Royal Stuart Clan Tartan in spite of questions of it being an actual "clan" tartan.17 Organizing an annual games was only one of the Sons' activities. Established in 1876, the Sons of Scotland Benevolent Association was a fraternal and benevolent association with the dual purpose of providing life insurance and preserving the culture and traditions of Scotland. Organized into different branches known as sub-camps, the Grand Camp was based in Toronto along with seven sub-camps and a further two suburban camps operating in the city alone by 1891. They were not however the only Scottish fraternal and benevolent association with a presence in the city. Formed the previous year, Clan McGregor was a sub-branch of the United States based Order of Scottish Clans, founded in 1878. Although heavily outnumbered by the Sons, the presence of Clan McGregor in the city seems to have been a source of tension. In 15 The Scottish Canadian, July 30,1891. 16 The Scottish Canadian, July 23,1891. 17 The Scottish Canadian, September 17, 1891. 162 particular the publication of the Clans' life insurance rates led to criticisms of the Sons' benevolent scheme with calls that it should follow the example of its rival. Up until this time the Sons' system was based on level assessments, by which on the death of a "brother" the members paid a certain amount to make up the mortuary claim. Following the criticism, the Grand Chief proposed a system of graded assessment, under which members would be rated according to age, and pay their assessments monthly.18 As can be seen in table 3.1, the Sons' proposed scheme was almost an exact replica of that of the Clans', the only significant difference being its higher rates, which the Grand Chief predicted would decline as membership increased.19 18 The Scottish Canadian, June 1907. 19 The Scottish Canadian, December 11,1890. 163 Table 3.1 Comparison of insurance rates offered by Order of Scottish Clans and Sons of Scotland Benevolent Association, 1890 Oder of Scottish C ans monthly rates Proposed Sons of Scotland monthly by age group and amount insured rates by age and amount insured C$500. B,$1000 A,$2000 $500 $1,000 $2,000 Age Age ($) ($) ($) ($) ($) ($) 18-30 0.25 0.45 0.90 18 0.30 0.60 0.90 31-35 0.25 0.50 1.00 21 0.32 0.63 0.93 36-38 0.30 0.55 1.10 24 0.34 0.66 0.99 39-40 0.30 0.60 1.15 27 0.35 0.69 1.05 41-42 0.35 0.65 1.25 30 0.36 0.72 1.08 43 0.35 0.65 1.30 33 0.38 0.75 1.14 44 0.35 0.70 1.35 36 0.40 0.80 1.20 45 0.35 0.70 1.40 39 0.43 0.86 1.29 46 0.40 0.75 1.45 42 0.46 0.92 1.38 47 0.40 0.75 1.50 45 0.52 1.02 1.53 48 0.40 0.80 1.55 48 0.61 1.22 1.83 49 0.40 0.80 1.60 51 0.71 1.55 2.13 50 0.45 0.85 1.65 54 0.92 1.85 2.76 51 0.45 0.85 1.70 57 1.02 1.95 3.06 52 0.45 0.90 1.80 60 1.12 2.05 3.36 53 0.50 0.95 1.85 54 0.50 0.95 1.90 55 0.50 1.00 2.00 Source: Order of Clan rates were printed in several editions of The Scottish Canadian throughout 1890 and 1891. The figures from the Sons of Scotland were printed in The Scottish Canadian, December 11,1890. The obvious overlap in purpose led to calls that both organizations should amalgamate, the arguments for which were succinctly set out by an editorial in The Scottish Canadian: There are two Scottish benevolent societies in this province which occupy practically the same ground and whose objects are identical. Both appeal to the 164 national sentiment and are supported because of their national character. They differ in their general features, social and benevolent, but very little, and the benefits they promise are in the case of each derived from systems of insurance. It is evident from the similarity of their objects and the limited sphere of their activity that they divide a community which ought to be one, for it will scarcely be contended by their most sanguine supporters that there is ample room for both. As it is they are treading upon each other's toes, while, should they unite, although they would be still comparatively weak, they would form an organization with promises of a great future. It is supposed by those who have given attention to the subject that there is but slight hope of a union between the Sons of Scotland in Canada and the Scottish clans in the United States, but the Clans have many vigorous branches in Canada and it might not be too much to expect that these and the Sons of Scotland should amalgamate and become a flourishing Scottish Canadian order.20 There was never a full union of the Order of the Scottish Clans and the Sons of Scotland but as anticipated by The Scottish Canadian individual Clans did amalgamate with the Sons. The Niagara Falls based Clan Cameron was the first to surrender the charter of the Clans following a unanimous vote by its membership. In October 1891 they were all initiated into the Sons of Scotland, their camp being called Lochiel, the Sons' 52nd nationwide. Due to an absence of surviving newspaper reports and archival records, it is less clear what happened to the Toronto based McGregor camp. It appears not to have survived much beyond 1891 and unlike some other clans there is no account of it having been reformed as a Sons of Scotland camp under a 20 The Scottish Canadian, January 15,1891. 165 new name. Perhaps because of the large number of camps already present in the city, the clan members simply joined an existing camp. In any case, with seven city and two suburban camps, meeting on a monthly or bi weekly basis, the Sons of Scotland was probably the most active Scottish association in Toronto at this time. This report from June 1891 of its Burns Camp, the association's oldest, gives an indication of the social activities in which they were involved: It was resolved, in accordance with a letter from the Grand Chief, that the members would appear at the dedication of the ground in Mount Pleasant Cemetery on Saturday first. Bro. Donaldson stated that arrangements for the church parade on Sunday first had been completed and it was expected that there will be a large turnout of Scotchmen generally. Shortly after nine o'clock a programme of entertainment was submitted. Pipe Major Munro opened proceedings with Scots wha hae, the world renowned war song of Scotia on the national instrument. This roused the enthusiasm of his brethren, so that they were well prepared to enjoy the next event, viz, an essay by Neil Mackinnon, entitled, 'Bannockburn and its results.' Bro. Logan of Waverly Camp sang 'the land where I was born' and in response to a vigerous encore gave 'Robin Tamson's Smiddy.' Chief McCorkindale of Bruce Camp, with his usual eloquence, recited a very humerous piece, viz., 'The Western Lawyer' which was highly appreciated ...21 21 The Scottish Canadian, June 18,1891. Note that the cairn dedication actually took place on the June 20th while the parade took place the following day on the 21st. The error appears to be on the part of the newspaper. 166 Such meetings were replicated across the city, with the camps coming together from time to time for concerts or parades, such as the Sunday parade mentioned here, which took place on an annual basis to mark the anniversary of the battle of Bannockburn. The Sons also took the cairn dedication as another opportunity to parade, being marched into the cemetery led by the Association's grand pipe major shortly before the commencement of proceedings. Together the city's camps contributed $279 to the cairn fund. The remaining contributor to the fund was the Gaelic Society of Toronto which donated $50. Owing to its regionality, the Gaelic Society was different from the previously mentioned organizations. Established in 1878, the Society was inaugurated with the intention of reviving knowledge and use of the language and constructing a standard colloquial dialect from the various Highland forms of Gaelic which existed in Toronto. By 1891 however, these objectives had been widened in scope to "reviving the memories, the melodies, the amusements and the language of the mountains."22 The ironic consequence of this was that almost the entire business and proceedings of the Society were carried out in English. Demonstrating its wider purpose, in September 1891 the Society established the Toronto Shinty Club with the purpose of bringing about a revival of the Highland game in the city.23 Further confirmation that the Society saw itself as a protector of Highland rather than solely Gaelic interests was its reception held during the Toronto Industrial Fair, seen by many as the highlight of the Society's calendar. Incorporating a programme of dancing, singing, recitals and bagpipe music, the reception was intended to provide entertainment and extend a welcome to Highlanders visiting the city from elsewhere in the Province and further afield. Yet in spite of these wider objectives, the Society did not abandon its commitment to the Gaelic language. Every Sunday afternoon at Knox Church The Scottish Canadian, April 9,1891. The Scottish Canadian, September 3,1891. 167 was a Gaelic Bible class, and a weekly Gaelic singing and reading class took place on Saturday evenings for those wishing to learn or develop their understanding of the language. To complete the city's Scottish Society matrix at this time were the Caithness Society and the Orkney and Shetland Society. Judging by the limited reports on the latter organization's activities it appears to have been primarily a social club whose programme revolved around singing, music and Scottish dancing.24 Of the Caithness Society, more is known. While taking part in similar social pursuits as the Orkney and Shetland Society, the Caithness Society also involved itself in philanthropic and at times political activities. In December 1890 a concert took place in which the proceeds went to the widow and the six children of a late member of the Society.25 The following March a committee was appointed to inquire into reports of distress among natives of Caithness, and "prompt" relief if necessary.26 Probably a consequence of the committee's enquiries, the Society wrote to the MP for Sutherlandshire, responding to proposals to relocate Highland crofters, highlighting the failures of two previous such attempts in Canada.27 Part of the letter reads: During the present winter a great deal of destitution prevailed among the crofter settlers. Several deaths took place, and money and clothing had to be collected from the charitable to send to those in distress. In this work St. Andrew's Church, Toronto, turned its school room into a store for the receipt of cast-off clothing and other necessities, and sent about half a ton weight to the distressed districts, many other places sending smaller quantities. The Dominion Government at first denied the truth of the foregoing statements, but now 24 The Scottish Canadian, December 25,1890. 25 The Scottish Canadian, December 18,1890. 26 The Scottish Canadian, March 12,1891. 27 Killarney in Manitoba, 1888, and Saltcoats in the North West Territories in 1889. 168 admit in every particular that they are correct. They admit fully that clothing was absolutely necessary, and thank the donors for sending a supply. They admit the failure of crops, and have asked Parliament to vote $10,000 to supply seed to the wretched settlers.28 As well as condemning the shareholders in the railroad companies who were responsible for the settlers, the letter goes on to condemn both the British and Dominion governments as "willing tools of the exterminators" who cared little for the people, as long as they were gotten across the Atlantic.29 The Caithness Society was not necessarily alone in their concern for the crofters, with the Gaelic Society having also taken part in a meeting the previous year at which the MP for Caithnessshire discussed recent crofting legislation and the crofter settlement at Saltcoats, Manitoba, but it does appear that it was only the Caithness Society which took any action on the issue.30 This greater politicization was perhaps a consequence of the honorary president of the Society being Ontario Premier, Oliver Mowat. While the focus of the Caithness Society's concern was obviously directed towards those living in or having come from that particular area of Scotland, as with the Gaelic, Orkney and Shetland Societies and to some extent Clan McGregor, they were active members of a Torontonian community where the bond was national rather than regional. This was demonstrated through their presence at the cairn dedication, along with every other national Scottish club or society within the city. June 20 1891 was the culmination of a growth in Scottish associationalism which may have begun as early as 1836 but did not experience rapid growth until the decade and a half before 1891. 28 The Scottish Canadian, August 27, 1891. 29 Ibid. 30 The Scottish Canadian, November 1890. 169 In light of the evidence presented so far, it is perhaps surprising that Wilfred Campbell was so damning of the state of Scottish associationalism when writing in 1911. He stated, "With all of their active life, for the greater part of a century, the Scottish societies in Canada have not realised the possibilities of the Scottish community as the other national associations have."31 More recently E. J. Cowan has suggested that the manufacture of Scottish identifiers such as Burns suppers, St. Andrew's Nights and Caledonian Games masks the decline of Scottish identity.32 He states: "whether attending balls or Burns suppers, there was an element of the carnivalesque involved; one or two annual wallowings in Scottish culture, bathos and nostalgia enabled people to act like normal human beings (such as Canadians) throughout the rest of the year."33 Yet the existence in Toronto of such a well developed associational matrix was clearly beyond what was required for the organization of a few annual cultural events. Not only were there structures in place to assist newly arrived immigrants, but all manner of cultural, sporting, and even insurance needs were catered for. Indeed the very process of raising $2,200 for the burial plot and memorial cairn would suggest the Toronto Scots commitment to their fellow countrymen and Scottish identity went beyond "wallowing in Scottish culture." That Toronto's clubs and societies embraced manufactured Scottish identifiers and did provide a forum for nostalgic reminiscences of the homeland does not necessarily reflect a decline of Scottish identity, but rather an adaption of it. J. M. Bumsted writes that "tartanry reflects ... the need in the twentieth century for easily recognizable symbols among a Scottish population ... that has increasingly became Canadianized but is still desirous of preserving some Wilfred Campbell, The Scotsman in Canada, Volume J (Toronto: The Musson Book Company, 1911), p. 422. 32 E. J. Cowan, "The Myth of Scotch Canada," in Marjory Harper and Michael E. Vance (eds.) Myth, Migration and the Making of Memory: Scotia and Nova Scotia c.1700-1990 (Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing, 1999), p. 64. 33 Cowan, "The Myth of Scotch Canada," p. 62. 170 signs of its ethnic origins." What we are seeing in the late nineteenth century is the beginning of this process. Toronto's Scottish clubs and societies were a creation of the diaspora, whose purpose was in part to foster a sense of Scottishness among its members. That they were drawn to tartanry and other Scottish identifiers is not surprising considering how in terms of geographic dispersal, demographics and occupational profile, they were almost indistinguishable from the city's other British inhabitants. What is important is the existence of a shared Scottish identity amongst Toronto's Scots, whose community at this time was clearly intent on doing more than preserving a few signs of their ethnic origins. While the cairn dedication may have been the first occasion in which all Toronto's Scottish clubs and societies had come together for a singular cause, it was not to be the last. Speaking at the event on behalf of the Sons of Scotland, Grand Chief Wingfield hoped that this was but the first undertaking in which the various Scottish societies in the city could work together harmoniously and successfully.35 In fact another such undertaking had already been put in motion. Early in 1891 a circular had been sent around the various Scottish societies in Toronto calling a meeting of Scotsmen to discuss the formation of a kilted regiment in the city. This was not the first venture of this kind, but the presence of the Toronto Company of Highland Rifles, formed in 1856 had lasted little over a decade.36 In 1868 the decision was taken to disband following the Canadian Government's insistence that they adopt the same uniform as the other companies and refusal to grant an allowance unless they did so. Not permitted to wear the kilt, they declined re-enrolment. Unable to meet under the same pretext, the former members of the company decided to form themselves into a Scottish society. Amalgamating with the members of the largely inactive Highland Society of Toronto, the combined body 34 J. M. Bumsted, "Scots," in Encyclopedia of Canada's Peoples, ed. Paul Robert Magocsi (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), p. 1136. 35 The Scottish Canadian, June 25,1891. 36 Kim Beattie, 48th Highlanders of Canada, 1891-1928 (Toronto: 48th Highlanders of Canada, 1932), p. 1. 171 became the Caledonian Society of Toronto. Not surprisingly the Caledonian Society became a big supporter of the new regiment in 1891 both in terms of promotion and financial contributions.37 The idea for a kilted regiment was generally well received and after several meetings between various interested parties, the movement was formally launched on June 30, just days after the dedication of the cairn. At this meeting, attended by representatives of the Sons of Scotland, St. Andrew's, Caledonian and Gaelic Societies it was moved: That those present constitute themselves a standing committee, with power to add to their number, for the purpose of bringing about the formation of a Highland regiment in Toronto, the uniform of which would be after the pattern of a Highland regiment in the British army; that in furtherance of this object steps be taken to obtain the consent of the Government; and as far as possible, to raise the money necessary for preliminary and regimental purposes.38 Daniel Clark, president of the St. Andrew's society was appointed chairman of the Standing Committee, with Alexander Fraser, secretary of the Gaelic Society and one of the primary initiators of the proposed regiment, being made secretary to the committee. Immediately the committee set about obtaining consent from the Canadian Government, and a meeting took place in Ottawa on July 10. At this time the Government rejected the proposals on account of expense, although they did consent to receiving another deputation to discuss the matter. Before this second meeting, exactly two weeks later, the committee approached the city council 37 Alexander Fraser, The 48th Highlanders of Toronto (Toronto: E. L. Ruddy, 1900), p. 25. 38 Minutes of the First Meeting of the Standing Committee, 30th June, 1891 printed in Alexander Fraser, The 48th Highlanders of Toronto (Toronto: E L Ruddy, 1900), pp. 29, 30. 172 of Toronto who passed a resolution in favour of the movement and represented by the Mayor, Edward Clarke, and Alderman Bernard Saunders, joined the second Ottawa deputation. Whether it was the city council backing or some other factor which had arisen in the intervening period, the government did a complete turnaround and agreed to back the formation of a Highland regiment in Toronto.39 In August the Standing Committee was reorganized with representatives from the Caithness and Orkney and Shetland Societies being added to the general committee. Two sub committees were also established, one to decide upon the name and uniform of the regiment and the other to arrange details for collecting the necessary funds. The "Queen's Highlanders" was the preferred name of the Regimental Committee, but the Militia Department would not grant this, choosing instead the number "48" and the name "Highlanders."40 Financially it was estimated that the amount required would be somewhere between $30,000 and $35,000.41 The Canadian Government were asked for $4,330, with $5,000 being donated by the Toronto city council. Further donations were received from a combination of companies, individuals and organizations, among the first being $500 from the Caledonian Society, the equivalent value of which was given by the Gaelic Society in the form of seven stands of pipes.42 The 48th Highlanders formally came into being on October 16 and on the 22nd 152 men signed the roll, taking the oath of service on a Gaelic Bible. Having continued to work on the financial aspects of the regiment, the Standing Committee continued for several more months, eventually being dissolved in March 1892. With its dissolution the work of another collaborative effort by Toronto's Scottish societies had been completed. Fraser, The 48 Highlanders of Toronto, p. 32. Beattie, 48th Highlanders, p. 4. The Scottish Canadian, October 1, 1891. Fraser, The 48' Highlanders, p. 34. 173 The 48* Highlanders went on to distinguish themselves in military service, first in South Africa in 1899 and later in the First and Second World Wars. As the latest addition to Toronto's Scottish associational matrix, the Highlanders also played an important role among the Scottish community. Regular performers at events held by the city's other Scottish clubs and societies, the regiment also organized their own events. On April 24,1892 for example, 50,000 people assembled in Queen's Park, to see the 350 strong regiment parade before the Sunday service at St. Andrew's Church. In November of 1892 a smoking concert was given by the officers of the 48th to the garrison, which judging by the invitation had a distinctively Scottish feel: Wi'this ye'll ken ye're speared to crack and smoke wi'us, and eat a bit haggis on Tuesday nicht, November, 8th, at half-past eight, at the Auld Upper Canada College Buildins. If ye canna come, dinna, bit let's ken.43 The following year the regiment held a "Scotch games" attended by a reportedly large crowd. Divided into two parts, the first was for professional athletes from across the country, and the second part for amateurs. The programme included athletic events, bagpipe and dancing competitions, military events and the tug of war. In the evening the Gaelic Society of Toronto entertained the visitors in Victoria Hall with music, singing and dancing.44 Although a similar event was held in 1894, on this occasion, poor weather limited the spectator turnout, the ramifications being that the games were no longer considered financially viable.45 Mainly 43 Fraser, The 48th Highlanders, p. 50. 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. 174 through its public parades the 48* Highlanders remained one of the most visible Scottish associations in the city, which along with its very specific purpose is perhaps why it outlived many of the societies involved in its early development.46 Another collaborative event was a concert to mark the hundredth anniversary of Bums' death, which took place at Massey Hall on November 26,1896.47 Hosted by the Sons of Scotland, the event also received organizational assistance from the St. Andrew's, Caledonian, Caithness and Gaelic Societies. Why it took place so close to St. Andrew's Day rather than July 21, the actual anniversary of the bard's death is not clear, but preparations were being made as early as March, indicating that it was no afterthought to the media attention generated by the Toronto newspapers regarding the anniversary.48 Most likely because many of Toronto's leading societal figures fled the humidity of the city during the summer months, it was moved to be within "Society Season" which in Toronto ran from around October to May.49 Other events which took place to mark the centenary were a lecture on Burns by Rev. Professor Clark of Trinity College and a social meeting under the auspices of the anniversary at one of the city's Masonic lodges.50 Of this latter event, in the course of the evening it was suggested that a society be formed for "the bringing together of admirers of the poet for the cultivation of their mutual acquaintanceship and the interchange and diffusing of ideas relating to the poet and his writings."51 Thus was the beginnings of the Burns Literary Society of Toronto, another addition The 48 Highlanders exists to this day, along with the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto and the Sons of Scotland Benevolent Association. 47 The Globe, November 7,1896. 48 The Globe, March 11, 1896. 49 Sven Beckert makes reference to upper class social seasons in urban North America in "Institution- building and Class Formation: How Nineteenth-century Bourgeois Organized," in Civil Society, Associations and Urban Places: Class, Nation and Culture in Nineteenth-Century Europe, eds. Graeme Morton, Boudien de Vries and R. J. Morris (Hampshire: Ashgate, 2006), p. 26. Toronto's social season was identified through issues of Saturday Night from 1888. 50 The Globe, January 23, 1896. 51 Constitution and By-Laws of the Burns Literary Society of Toronto, 1901 (Toronto: Imrie, Graham & Co., 1901) p. 3. 175 to the city's already brimming Scottish associational presence. The original meeting had been arranged by William Simpson and George Vair, the latter of whom was a Vice President of the Caledonian Society. Although there are limited records pertaining to the Caledonian Society of Toronto, newspaper reports on the Society's meetings highlight Vair's enthusiasm for Burns with references to motions put forward in his name proposing a statue in honour of the bard, and an alternative scheme for a Burns Memorial Hall.53 That Vair, along with several members of the Caledonian Society, formed an association dedicated to the celebration of Burns could be seen as a snub to the elder organization. The Caledonian Society continued to hold its Annual Meeting in January, and although this no longer took place on the 25th, the Society did host an annual concert around that date to celebrate the anniversary of the bard's birthday. On the other hand the Burns Literary Society made no attempt to host any kind of rival event, its by laws only stating that one of its ten yearly meetings be held in January, "to celebrate the anniversary of the Poet's Birthday."S4 Although membership procedures and fees were almost identical to that of the Caledonian Society, the total membership was capped at fifty which was usually a means of achieving social exclusivity. A further fundamental difference was that membership was not exclusive to those of Scottish descent, with "any worthy person of any nationality, being a consistent admirer of Burns and his works," being eligible for consideration, an indication of Burns' widespread popularity even outside the Scottish community.55 It would seem that unlike the Caledonian Society which encompassed all Scottish literature, the Burns Literary Society was simply a more specialized association in which Burns enthusiasts could It should be noted that this was not the city's first Burns Club. In 1859 the Toronto Burns Club organized the Burns Centennial Festival. Unfortunately of this Burns club little else is known, although due to any lack of reference to it, presumably it was disbanded some time before the formation of the Burns Literary Society. Reference to the earlier club is found in Eric Arthur et al, St. Lawrence Hall (Toronto: Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1969) p. 48. 53 The Globe, March 11, 1896. 54 Constitution and By-Laws of the Burns Literary Society of Toronto, p. 6. 55 Constitution and By-Laws of the Burns Literary Society of Toronto, p. 2. 176 meet and discuss his work among themselves. That there was no animosity between the two organizations was shown when representatives of both stood side by side in 1902 at the long awaited unveiling of the Burns statue in Toronto's Allan Gardens.56 The statue to commemorate Burns had indeed been long in coming. In 1890 The Scottish Canadian ran an editorial calling on the city's Scottish societies to take on such an undertaking, pointing out that this was not the first time the idea had been put forward.57 Enthusiasm for Robert Burns was such that less than a week after the Sons of Scotland Burns Camp's successful concert celebrating its namesake, over 1,600 people attended the Caledonian Society's annual Burns concert in 1891.58 It was not however until May of that year that the Gaelic Society took matters into its hands by inviting delegates from all the Scottish societies to form a joint committee to consider the erection of a statue.59 That it was a specifically Highland society which instigated matters demonstrates not only the wide appeal of this Lowland Scot, but also that such societies were able to look beyond their regionalism when it came to matters of a general Scottish interest. Although this meeting took place and agreed that a suitable memorial should be put up, little else seems to have come of this joint venture.60 Probably around the time of the celebrations marking the centenary of Burns' death, a new Burns Monument Committee was formed. Unlike the fundraising effort for the burial plot memorial cairn, that subscribers were slow in coming forward is implied by a newspaper article in August The Mail and Empire, July 22,1902. John MacKenzie and Nigel Dalziel make reference to the establishment of the Johannesburg Burns Society in 1904 which was also founded by leading members of the Caledonian Society and described as being virtually the literary branch of the latter body. The Scots in South Africa: Ethnicity, Identity, Gender and Race, 1772-1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), p. 245. The Scottish Canadian, December 4,1890. The Scottish Canadian, January 29,1891. 59 The Scottish Canadian, May 21, 1891. 60 The Scottish Canadian, June 4, 1891. 177 1901, stating that "the committee will patiently plod away until a sufficient amount shall have been subscribed to enable it to contract for a really good and worthy statue."61 That it took over a decade to raise the funds for a statue could be seen as an indicator of a declining interest in Scottish culture within the city. Furthermore the unveiling ceremony stands in contrast to that of the Mount Pleasant event. In attendance were representatives of all the city's Scottish societies, including the male chorus of the 48th Highlanders, and a 110 strong deputation from Sons of Scotland but absent were the vast crowds that had turned out in June 1891.62 Perhaps an important day for Toronto's Scottish community, but not a red letter day. Further evidence that perhaps enthusiasm was waning surrounds efforts to raise funds for a memorial to Sir Hector Macdonald, a distinguished officer in the British army who fought in the Afghan and Boer wars. Although a committee was formed in 1903 with representatives of all the city's Scottish societies, little appears to have come of this fundraising effort, the next mention of a memorial coming in 1907 when a tablet, at the National Monument at Dingwall, Rosshire, erected by members of the Sons of Scotland, was unveiled by Association Chieftain Alexander Fraser.63 Yet other indicators suggest that Scottish associationalism was still very much on a high. Over the next few years six new Scottish associations came into existence. Unfortunately little is known about most of these except what can be gathered from the few surviving editions of the Canadian based Scottish newspapers in existence at this time. The most narrowly focussed of these was the George Watson's College club, formed in Toronto in 1906 for former masters and pupils of the Edinburgh school. Established with the purpose of holding annual reunions, the The Scottish Canadian, August 1901. The Mail and Empire, July 22,1902. The Globe, May 28, 1903, The Scottish Canadian, October 1907. 178 club had close to eighty members throughout Canada. More generic were the Scottish Lowland and Borderers' Association and the Highland and Lowland Society formed in 1903 and 1906 respectively. While the former was mainly composed of those from Southern Scotland, it claimed to welcome those from all parts of Scotland. Both met monthly, with programmes varying from singing, musical recitals, readings and stories from those who had recently visited the "Old Country."65 Their apparent similarity does not appear to have inhibited membership, with both organizations claiming strong turnouts at these monthly meetings and social events which included a Halloween ball organized by the Lowland and Borderers' and an "At Home" with music and dancing under the auspices of the Highland and Lowland Society.66 Another organization created in this period was the Toronto Scots, made up of young Scotsmen and women, most of whom, according to The Canada Scotsman, were recent immigrants. Meeting regularly for picnics in the summer and dances in the winter, the simple objective of the society was "social intercourse," which appears to have been enough to attract between sixty and seventy members to its New Year's dance at the city's Simpson's Hall.67 Dancing was also the focus of the Scottish Clans' Association annual meeting held in November 1908. Not related to the previously discussed Order of the Scottish Clans, the Association had a more social than benevolent objective. Furthermore while the Order of the Clans was a male only fraternity, the Clans Association was open to both men and women. The acceptance of women to Scottish clubs and societies in the early twentieth century is one of the most notable differences from the elder organizations. The St. Andrew's Society, Caledonian Society, and Sons of Scotland were all exclusive to men, with women only playing a peripheral role in their affairs. Whereas the St. Andrew's Society of Montreal had a women's 64 The Canada Scotsman, October 15,1908. 65 The Scottish Canadian, June 1905 and The Canada Scotsman, December 1,1908. 66 The Canada Scotsman, October 15,1908 and January 15,1909. 67 The Canada Scotsman, January 15,1909. 179 auxiliary committee, the only regular reference to women in Toronto was in the media coverage of the St. Andrew's Day balls, which was mostly interested in what dresses they were wearing.68 That they attended this event at all stands in contrast with the St. Andrew's Society's alternating anniversary dinner to which women were not invited. Not until 1978-9 did the first female members appear on the St. Andrew's Society membership lists. It is not clear when women were allowed to join the Caledonian Society but for the Sons of Scotland it was considerably earlier than the St. Andrew's Society, occurring in 1918. In contrast the Lowland and Borders' Association, the Highland and Lowland Society, the Toronto Scots and the Scottish Clans' Association were all open to both men and women. Indeed the chairman at the Scottish Lowland and Borderers' Association anniversary concert and dance singled out women when referring to the impressive growth of the Association during the first year of its existence, "a fact he gallantly attributed to the co-operation of the ladies."69 The most significant development, in terms of women's involvement in Scottish associational culture, was the establishment of the Daughters of Scotland Benevolent Association. With a primary objective to provide insurance to members, it was also committed to the "social and personal interests" of women of Scottish nationality resident in Toronto, in particular young women who had recently arrived in the city and might be requiring advice regarding employment or introduction to social friends.70 According to reports around the time of the organization's inception, it was to be modeled on the principles of the Sons of Scotland life insurance scheme, although it was more likely intended to replicate the scheme administered by the Daughters and Maids of England, providing sickness and funeral benefits to Shannon O'Conner, The St. Andrew's Society of Toronto: Scottish Associational Culture in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Unpublished M. A. Major Research Paper, University of Guelph, 2008), p. 50. 69 The Scottish Canadian, April/May 1904. 70 The Scottish Canadian, May 1903. 180 its members, which would also fit in with the Daughters' second objective regarding young and presumably unmarried women.71 Indeed, at its first meeting held on May 8,1903, of the twelve women present, seven were unmarried.72 Records of the Daughters' activities are few and far between but by-laws of the Daughters of Scotland in Canada from 1951 give a slight insight into the organization's activities. Although active members had been eligible to receive sick benefits and free services of a Camp physician, at some point, owing to a change in the Insurance Act, the Association was notified that it was acting illegally in giving sick benefits and free doctor's services.73 It is not clear when the Association discovered it was operating illegally, but when it did, the insurance remit was dropped, the organization becoming solely a social society. Most likely these changes occurred in 1918 when it is known that "Benevolent Association" was dropped from the name, and the Sons of Scotland started accepting women to its insurance scheme.74 Its purpose as it was in 1951 read as follows: The objects of the Society shall be to relieve the sick and distressed by charitable work and/or voluntary donations without in any way expecting or requiring the persons in receipt of such assistance to purchase or pay for such assistance either by contributions, donation, assessments or otherwise, to cultivate fond recollections of Scotland, and to keep the literature, history, traditions and customs of Scotland before us.75 The Scottish Canadian, June 1905. By-Laws of the Daughters of Scotland in Canada, 1951, p. 1. 73 By-Laws of the Daughters of Scotland in Canada, 1951, p. 2 74 The name was changed again in 1940 to "Daughters of Scotland in Canada." 75 By-Laws of the Daughters of Scotland in Canada, 1951, p. 4. 181 Having dropped the insurance aspect of its remit, the society was in some respects more akin to the St. Andrew's Society than the Sons of Scotland. But in others, the Daughters did follow the lead of the Sons, at least in terms of being organized into sub-camps. The White Heather Camp, No. 1 held its grand annual ball in November 1907 attended by around 150 couples and in this sense the organization seems little different from the city's other Scottish associations.76 Yet that it was formed specifically for women and held as one of its objectives, the welfare of young female immigrants to the city, reflects a growing social concern throughout urban Canada. By the turn of the century, prostitution had established itself as the principal concern among the social purity movement, with voluntary organizations taking the leading role in countering all its perceived evils.77 While some organizations assisted fallen women, and others lobbied the government over legislative change, the Daughters of Scotland played its part by assisting one of the most vulnerable groups, by providing assistance in finding employment and steering them in the right path for finding "suitable" social acquaintances. Undoubtedly the Daughters of Scotland was the most radically different of the city's new Scottish clubs and societies, appealing to a specific group of the Scottish community which had been left largely untapped. But what of the other new societies? The creation of six new associations could simply have come at the expense of the earlier established organizations, therefore not representing any real change regarding the extent of Scottish associationalism. This does not however appear to be the case. An examination of St. Andrew's Society records, which are the most complete of all the Scottish associations, shows that at the same time as these new organizations were being formed, its membership was on the rise. Although membership did decline slightly between 1896 and 1903, the period thereafter saw a steady 76 The Canada Scotsman, November 2, 1907. 77 Mariana Valverde, The Age of Light, Soap, and Water (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1991), p. 32. 182 increase. Indeed at its lowest point in this period membership dipped to 258, yet in less than twenty years, it had almost doubled to 512.78 While the membership of other societies is harder to gauge, there are some indicators which help to fill in the picture. It is evident for example that the Caledonian Society remained active with its annual Burns concert, Halloween dinner, and alternating annual excursions to Niagara Falls or Beaverton. In particular the Halloween dinner seems to have garnered considerable attention, being attended by representatives of leading British societies, and with special guests such as the managing editor of The Globe, the President of the University of Toronto and the Lieutenant Governor.79 In 1906 The Globe devoted almost a full page to the event, detailing the proceedings of the evening, while the Society itself published a fifteen page pamphlet titled Memories of Hallowe'en, setting out the full response of Globe editor, J A Macdonald, to the toast, "The Day and a' wha honor it."80 Yet in spite of the apparent success of this event, the Society underwent some organizational change in 1908. Under the charge of an acting president, the long running Burns concert and Halloween dinner were shelved, being replaced by a series of "At Homes" comprised of music, dancing and refreshments. What brought about these changes is revealed in a Canada Scotsman article outlining the Caledonian Society's 1908 winter programme. The piece refers to acting President Banks having "already taken the society out of the old rut, but which half a dozen people often composed the whole of the company attending the regular meetings, and now the room is always crowded, and each meeting excels its predecessor in the largeness of the attendance and the excellency of the Unless otherwise stated, the numerical data regarding the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto was supplied to the author by Shannon O'Conner. 79 The Globe, November 1,1905, October 31,1906 and October 30,1907. 80 The Globe, October 31,1906 and James Alexander Macdonald, Memories of Hallowe'en (Toronto: Caledonian Society of Toronto, 1906). 183 programme."81 Highlighting the importance of offering an attractive programme to members, the Caledonian Society clearly went through a period of stagnation where it struggled to attract people to its meetings and social events. These changes however appear to have had the desired effect. By 1913 the Society was reporting another successful year having a healthy membership of 297, with a further rise being reported the following year.82 The regional societies also appear to have retained their strong footing. The Caithness Society's annual picnic in July 1904 was attended by more than 150 people, while some 200 "members and friends" enjoyed a concert organized by the Society in January 1909.83 Even the First World War does not seem to have impeded enthusiasm for the organization, with 200 attending its annual picnic in 1915.84 This is all the more impressive considering 91 members or sons of members fought during the war.85 The Gaelic Society for its part had a membership of over 100 in the lead up to the outbreak of hostilities.86 It was however the Sons of Scotland that demonstrated the most impressive growth among the city's earlier Scottish societies. By the end of 1907 the total membership of the Association stood at 7,774, spread across more than 200 camps throughout Canada. In Toronto there were eleven camps, 10 adult and one juvenile, with a combined membership of nearly 900.87 Table 3.2 shows the membership of the Toronto branches in selected years. As can be seen the membership of individual branches varied considerably and as in the case of Cameron camp, not all branches were a success. For those that did survive into the twentieth century, there were also varying degrees of growth. Whereas Robert Burns camp more than doubled its The Canada Scotsman, October 15,1908. The Globe, January 15,1913 and January 9,1914. The Globe, July 24,1905 and The Canada Scotsman, January 15,1909. The Globe, July 24,1916. The Globe, October 11,1918. The Canada Scotsman, October 15,1908. The Canada Scotsman, October 15,1908. 184 membership, Waveriy camp grew by only a handful, while Drumclog camp experienced a decline in its members. As a proportion of the Sons' total membership, Toronto represented nine percent in 1896, eight percent in 1902, nine percent in 1903 and twelve percent in 1907, although it is possible that the 1902 and 1903 figures have been under-recorded due to difficulties in establishing the location of some of the newly establish camps. Table 3.2 Membership of individual Sons of Scotland camps in Toronto, selected years Year Camp Name and Number 1896 1902 1903 1907 Robert Burns No. 1 88 131 195 Robert De Bruce No. 2 101 93 108 St. Andrew's No. 3 17 20 19 Dunedin No. 5 43 60 70 Figures for Wauchope No. 8* 16 22 individual Cameron No. 15** 0 camps Strathclyde No. 17 121 133 150 unavailable for this year Waveriy No. 19 29 34 32 Lord Aberdeen No. 20 11 22 58 Drumclog No. 24 24 15 15 Minto No. 185 15 19 Total Toronto Membership 434 539 688 900 Total SOS Membership 4,741 7,231 7,529 7,774 •Formally 48th Highlanders Camp, although for 1896 figures there was no No. 8 camp. **Cameron Camp appears to have been disbanded by October 1897. Sources: The Scottish Canadian, February 1897, October 1897, February 1903, February 1904; The Canada Scotsman, October 15,1908. Taking the average as 9.3 percent, it is possible to use the total membership figures published in the annual reports of the Inspector of Insurance and Registrar of Friendly Societies for Ontario and plot a graph (figure 3.1) showing the pattern of membership between 1890 and 1901. For comparative purposes, the graph also shows the membership of the St. Andrew's Society. 185 Figure 3.1 Comparison of St. Andrew's Society and Sons of Scotland memberships in Toronto, 1890-1914 800 -I ^^___^ 600 - / — 0 ~\ 1 1 1 1 1 I ! 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 OHrMm«timxisooa>OHMm^inix>Nooff>OH(Nm^ mmcBQcncnoicnaimooooooooooHHHHH ooooooc^oooocxDoocooocncncncncncncncncricncricncTicricri »HtHrHTHTHrH*H St. Andrew's Society ——Sons of Scotland Source: St. Andrew's Society figures are from annual reports of the society. Sons of Scotland figures are from the annual reports of the Inspector of Insurance and Registrar of Friendly Societies for Ontario. Having undergone a period of rapid growth from 1890 around the time the system of graded assessments was introduced, membership continued to rise steadily until 1903 when it slowed completely, peaking in 1908 after which it underwent a period of decline. Conversely, while the Sons of Scotland membership was undergoing that period of steady growth, the St. Andrew's Society membership was undergoing a period of decline, only to begin rising again at the time when the Sons' membership had almost ceased growing. As the First World War approached, the gap between the organizations' respective memberships was declining and if both continued on the same trajectory, it would not be long before the St. Andrew's Society membership exceeded that of the Sons of Scotland. As a means of measuring the extent of Scottish associationalism the results are contradictory. The Sons of Scotland data would suggest that after 1908 it was in decline whereas the St. Andrew's membership indicates the opposite. If the 186 patterns are indicative of a decline, it was certainly not a rapid one, and the anecdotal evidence here would suggest that Scottish associationalism remained extremely healthy going into the war. Club membership of course is not the only measurement of associationalism. Some of these organizations may have enjoyed substantial memberships but been largely inactive and met infrequently. The existence of the George Watson College Club, with its meeting once a year, is hardly indicative of a rampant Scottish associational culture. Yet indicators here also suggest that for the most part the clubs and societies met regularly. For the months of November and December 1908 and January 1909, The Canada Scotsman published a calendar of Toronto's Scottish societies meetings (appendix 5). Despite not all the societies being included (probably due to the secretary's not having forwarded the dates of their meetings) over the three month period there were a total of sixty eight different meetings or events.88 Most prevalent were those of the Sons of Scotland, accounting for forty four of the entries, several of the camps meeting on a bi-weekly basis. As well as the regular meeting of the Caledonian, Gaelic, and Orkney and Shetland Societies, the Daughters of Scotland, and Scottish Lowland and Borderers Association, the calendar also shows some of their events, including the annual St. Andrew's Day sermon, the St. Andrew's Day Ball, the Highland and Lowland Society "At Home," the Caithness Society Yule celebration and the Caledonian Society's Burns anniversary "At Home," all of which would have required considerable organization beyond what took place at regular society meetings. In all, society season appears to have been in full swing. The calendar also records another event which attracted considerable interest from Toronto's Scottish community, the appearance of Harry Lauder over three nights at the city's Massey Hall. Best known for his performances in Highland regalia and singing songs with a 88 The Canada Scotsman, November 2, 1908, December 1,1908 and January 1,1909. 187 Scottish theme such as "I love a lassie" and "Stop yer tickilin'Jock" he was at one point the highest paid performer in the world. Having relentlessly toured in Scotland, England and Ireland, Lauder first came to Canada in 1908 as part of his second North American tour. The extent of his popularity is evident from newspaper reports claiming that the rush for tickets was "phenomenal," all tickets for his first evening concert having been sold out by noon on the first day for booking seats.89 A great favourite of "all classes" according to The Globe, the concerts went down very well, the extent to which an eminent Toronto specialist on nervous diseases, who attended one of the concerts, claimed than "an hour of Lauder was as good a specific as he could prescribe for anyone suffering from nerves."90 In his autobiography Lauder writes about the support he received from expatriated Caledonians during his earlier trips: They turned up at my shows in all manner of Scottish costumes - in kilts, with Balmoral bonnets, wearing tartan ties, and many of them brought their bagpipes with them. They imparted an enthusiastic atmosphere to my appearances everywhere; their weird shouts and 'hoochs' and skirls provided good copy for the journalists, and next-day talking points for the natives.91 Lauder was not the only form of Scottish entertainment outside the clubs and societies. For one week in December 1908, the Imperial Opera Company performed at the Royal Alexandra theatre their production of "Rob Roy," with a cast of between 130 and 150 people.92 The number of Scottish theatrical or musical performances in Toronto was such that The Scottish Canadian often ran a concerts column detailing who was appearing in the city. These 89 The Canada Scotsman, Christmas edition, 1908. 90 The Globe, December 26, 1908. 91 Sir Harry Lauder, Roaming in the Gloamin' (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1928), p. 160. 92 The Canada Scotsman, December 1,1908. 188 varied considerably from the likes of Miss Jessie Jeffrey, "the prize Highland dancer of Toronto," Mr Neil Burton, a humorist who gave "unbounded satisfaction to a Scottish audience," Miss Marietta La Dell, who performed readings including Burns, Crockett and Ian Maclaren and was apparently "an established favourite with the "Sons of the Heather."93 On top of this was the classified section of the newspaper, in which many Scottish performers advertised their services to Scottish societies or individuals. So numerous was the number of performers that in 1889 the Scottish Canadian Musical Bureau published a book to advertise its artists. Compiled of portraits and sketches of "leading" artists, by its third year the book was 56 pages long.94 Other than being managed by William Campbell, secretary of the Caledonian Society, little else is known of the Bureau. It does however reiterate that Scottish identity stretched beyond monthly society meetings and the occasional anniversary ball. Other indicators of a vibrant Scottish community were the numerous Scottish sports which were taken up so actively in the city, with curling, football, rugby and bowling clubs being established across the city, as well as the aforementioned shinty club established by the Gaelic Society. While not limited to Scotsmen, their connection with the Scottish community is suggested through the Caledonian Society's decision in 1890 to allocate funds for the purpose of obtaining trophies for competition amongst the curling, football and bowling on the green clubs of bona fide standing in the city.95 In particular curling was popular. Canada's first club was organized in Montreal in 1807 by "some natives of Scotland, who wished to introduce their favourite national game on the St. Lawrence,"96 and was soon being played across Canada. In 1874 Toronto became the headquarters of the Ontario branch of the Royal Caledonian Curling The Scottish Canadian, October 1901. The Scottish Canadian, September 1901. The Scottish Canadian, December 18, 1890. John A. Stevenson, Curling in Ontario 1846-1946 (Toronto: Ontario Curling Association, 1950), p. 23. 189 Club in Canada and by the end of the century there were at least six curling clubs in the city.97 That Scots were interested in more than just taking part in these sports is indicated from the game results being frequently printed in The Scottish Canadian and later The Canada Scotsman. The presence of these newspapers are a final indication that the period between 1890 and 1914 was a high point not only of Scottish associationalism but Scottishness itself. Established in late 1890, the specimen issue of The Scottish Canadian outlined its objectives stating that "we shall touch on Imperial and Legislative affairs, just enough to keep our readers and ourselves well-informed on those points; but our strength will go into Scottish life and customs, literature, art, science, tradition, religion, social reform and folk-lore."98 The paper ran as a weekly until 1895 after which it was published monthly. Circulation was initially strong, the earliest available figures for 1892 putting it at 4,000." Yet the following years witnessed a decline, circulation having dropped to 3,000 in 1898, 2,500 by 1900 and 2,250 by 1904.100 By 1906 however, the newspaper experienced a dramatic reversal in fortunes, the circulation figures being put at 5,000.101 This could have been a mirror of the rise in membership of the Sons of Scotland, the newspaper having been adopted as its official organ in 1901.102 What happened after 1906 remains somewhat of a mystery. Several copies are still in existence up until 1907, but none after that. Although it has an entry in McKims Directory for 1909, no circulation figures are given. According to the National Archives of Canada it did not stop being produced until 1913, but without any copies in existence, it is hard to know if this date is accurate. John MacKenzie highlights the similarly abrupt end to South Africa's Scottish newspaper. First appearing in November 1905, the South African Scot appears not to have Stevenson, Curling in Ontario, p. 39. 98 The Scottish Canadian, October 2,1890. McKims Directory of Canadian Publications, 1893. 100 McKims Directory, 1899,1901 and 1905. 101 McKims Directory, 1907. 102 The Scottish Canadian, July 1901. 190 survived beyond May 1907. One suggestion offered by MacKenzie for its failure was that it was too ambitious in its format and consequently too expensive for the potential readership, effectively only catering for an elite.104 What is interesting is the change in advertising in The Scottish Canadian which occurred in the early 1900s suggesting that it was increasingly catering for a more elite readership. Whereas in 1901 advertised products included coal and wood, leather polish, medicinal remedies, hair products, as well as an abundance of Scottish products such as tartans, books, poetry and such like, by 1904, more prevalent were advertisements for stock brokers, banks, private colleges, marble engravers and piano makers.105 Perhaps it also became too exclusive to be sustainable. What is known is that in 1908 a new newspaper, The Canada Scotsman, also based in Toronto came into existence. There are no circulation figures for this paper but its appearance was fairly shortlived, the final edition being in November 1909, exactly one year after it was launched. Its appearance in 1908 could indicate that the publishers felt there was a gap in the market with The Scottish Canadian no longer being published. On the other hand, the vibrancy of Scottish culture at this time, may have led the publishers to believe that there was a big enough market for two Scottish newspapers. That it lasted only one year suggests that whatever the reason for the publication, there was not a big enough market for The Canada Scotsman, perhaps an indication that enthusiasm for Scottish culture was beginning to wane. Although both newspapers claimed to aim themselves at the Scottish Canadian population as a whole, their focus on Toronto's societies and events demonstrates that the publishers' primary market was that city. This in itself is testament to the significance of Toronto's Scottish community. MacKenzie and Dalziel, The Scot in South Africa, p. 250. MacKenzie and Dalziel, The Scot in South Africa, p. 251. The Scottish Canadian, March 1901 and November 1904. 191 "Scottishness" is a difficult concept to define. Without venturing to do so, E. J. Cowan has suggested that it might be "reaffirmed, experienced or invented" through such community activities as meetings of Scottish societies or Caledonian Games, with music, literature and costume also playing their part. If such an assertion can be accepted, Toronto in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did more than most places to allow Scots to connect with that sense. Through sports, music and culture, Scottish emigrants and generational Scots alike had a means to remember, celebrate and be Scottish. The extent of these activities is evident through the pages of its ethnic newspapers, which as well as communicating what was happening in the city, were a further means through which people could feel connected to home. Yet the most important indicator of an active Scottish community was through the city's widespread network of Scottish clubs and societies. These organizations were part of a civil society which in providing a range of services for Scots, helped to maintain Scottish distinctiveness among the wider British population. In many respects that day in 1891 at the unveiling of the memorial cairn on the Scots burial plot represents a high point in Scottish associationalism and for Toronto's Scottish community as a whole. United together by a memorial cairn dedicated to the city's poorest Scots, the occasion was symbolic of a genuine community, represented by all walks of life, and there for those less fortunate than themselves. While no such high points were ever again attained, by no means did this ceremony represent the rise and fall of the community. At this point existed six different societies representing a wide spectrum of objectives and members. For the next two decades Scottish associationalism flourished, in 1909 there being, twelve such associations, one of which could claim 10 branches. Although there was considerable growth of Scottish societies around the world, very few other cities could make such a claim, which is all the more impressive considering the Scots were not 192 the city's largest ethnic group and did not live in ethnic communities.106 How they were able to achieve this requires a more in depth analysis of the development of Scottish associationalism which will be the subject of the following chapter. 106 John M. MacKenzie comments on this wider growth in "A Scottish Empire? The Scottish diaspora and Interactive Identities," in The Heather and the Fern: Scottish Migration & New Zealand Settlement, eds. Tom Brooking and Jennie Coleman (Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 2003), p.30. 193 4. The development of Scottish Associational Culture in Toronto As established in the introductory chapter, Toronto in the late nineteenth century was overwhelmingly British. Described as the most imperialist city in the country,1 Toronto regularly demonstrated its loyalty to the British state through its celebration of visiting Royals or British dignitaries, and by the commemoration of events such as the Queen's birthday. In 1880, for example, The Globe remarked on how the city honoured Queen Victoria's birthday, claiming, "it may be safe to assert that nowhere was the day more heartily and universally observed than in Toronto."2 A reflection of city's ethnic make-up, the following year's census shows that 93 per cent of residents were of British stock.3 This dominance, according to J. M. S. Careless, led to a high degree of cultural homogeneity in which language and ethnic differences played a relatively small part.4 Yet as has been set out in the previous chapter, this was a period in which Scottish identity, demonstrated through the growth of its associationalism, was on the rise. How then, if Toronto was so overwhelmingly British, can we account for the proliferation of Scottish clubs and societies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? Be it through sport and culture, or the marking of specific days on the Scottish calendar, unquestionably one of the primary goals of Toronto's Scottish associations was to foster a specifically Scottish sense of identity. Certain events may even have appeared nationalistic in nature, such as the Sons of Scotland annual Bannockbum march, commemorating Scotland's most significant victory during its Wars of Independence with England in the early fourteenth Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1970), p. 5. The Globe, May 25, 1880. Another example of the city's British loyalty was in 1870 when scores of volunteers came forward to put down the Red River Rebellion. 1881 Canadian census. J. M. S. Careless, "The first Hurrah," in Forging a Consensus: Historical Essays on Toronto, ed. Victor Russell (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), p. 143. 194 century. Yet there appear not to have been any political motives behind this event. The extent of continuing antagonisms between the Scots and English was made apparent in 1891 when the Scottish community expressed disquiet over "the proposition of an Englishman," that Toronto City Council hold its municipal elections on New Year's Day.5 Springing into action, the Sons of Scotland made applications to the City in which they bluntly informed the authorities that if they were so eager to have the elections on a national holiday, they could hold them on Christmas or St. Patrick's Day. In less than a week the resolution was withdrawn.6 As is demonstrated through the reciprocal invitations to the functions of each of the British national societies, there was in fact little animosity between the two nations. The only other obvious exception was the annoyance often expressed by Scots at the misuse of the term "English" when referring to both Scotland and England, it being argued that "British" should have been used instead.7 So while the Scots were unhappy at being called English, they evidently had no problem being labelled as British. Here lies the answer to the previously posed question. By joining Scottish clubs and taking part in their activities, Toronto's Scots were being no less British than an Englishman reading Shakespeare and singing God Save the Queen. A good illustration of this dual Scottish and British identity can be seen during the Scottish Home Rule debate in the late nineteenth century. In a speech to a joint meeting of the Caithness and Gaelic Societies, G. B. Clark, the visiting MP for Caithnesshire, was at pains to assure the audience that unlike Gladstone's Irish Home Rule Bill, Scottish Home Rule should not be seen as a threat to the British Empire. Summing up his position he stated: 5 The Scottish Canadian, April 16,1891. 6 Ibid. 7 This debate takes place in correspondence of The Scottish Canadian between March 12,1891 and April 23,1891, the issue being again raised in February 1897. 195 I would not raise my voice for Home Rule if I thought it would lead to separation. (Cheers). No. We believe in having the bonds stronger by increased efficiency in government, and we are intensely loyal.8 Scotland was an integral part of the British Empire and as such Toronto's Scots were equally proud to be British as they were Scottish. In making his case for Scottish Home Rule, Clark was also careful to point out the benefits of such an arrangement to Canadians, arguing that it would be a stepping stone to a British and Colonial Federation of which Canada would form a part.9 This was a turbulent period in Canadian politics with economic depression igniting debate over Canada's future destiny. Among the Liberal Party was considerable support for unrestricted reciprocity, regarded by many as being equivalent to commercial union with the United States.10 While there were certainly advocates of such a policy in Toronto, there was also plenty of opposition, the extent of which saw in 1888 a branch of the Imperial Federation League formed in the city, demanding a strengthening of imperial ties and a refusal to deal with the U. S.11 The core of the matter was national identity, with some seeing Canada as being closely linked to the British Empire, while others saw it as being more attached to the North American continent.12 In the 1891 General Election, Sir John A. Macdonald used a speech in Toronto to taint unrestricted reciprocity as being fundamentally annexationist.13 Using the cry, "A British subject I was born, a British The Scottish Canadian, November 13,1890. 9 Ibid. 10 Real Belanger, "Laurier, Sir Wilfrid," in Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online, www.biographi.ca (hereafter DCB), Vol. XIV. 11 Donald C. Masters, The Rise of Toronto, 1850-1890 (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1947), p. 190. 12 Belanger, "Laurier, Sir Wilfrid," in DCB, Vol. XIV. 13 J. K. Johnson and P. B. Waite, "Macdonald, Sir John A.," in DCB, Vol. XII. 196 subject I will die," Macdonald and his Conservatives went on to win the election. However, rather than being an expression of lofty imperial sentiment, according to Macdonald's biographers, his remarks should be read more as an expression of Canadian nationalism.15 As part of his argument that Scottish identity was on the decline, E. J. Cowan states that a notable feature of emigrant letters is how quickly people called themselves Canadian.16 On the other hand there were those who felt that connections to the "old country" came at the expense of forging a Canadian national sentiment. Lately according to a letter published in the July 1907 edition of The Scottish Canadian, "there seems to be an idea rising in some people's heads that the best way to build up a Canadian nation is to obliterate all national distinctions."17 Countering this view, the author of the letter goes on to reason that this would in fact weaken the country, echoing the sentiments expressed more than a decade earlier by Sir John A. Macdonald to the Caledonian Society of Montreal, when he stated that he had no sympathy with the cry that "... we should be Canadian only; that we should not be Englishmen, Irishmen or Scotchmen, but we should allow ourselves to be absorbed into one nationality as Canadians ,.."18 While Macdonald may simply have been saying what his partisan audience wanted to hear, it is evident from a speech by Alexander Fraser, Grand Chief of the Sons of Scotland, to the 1907 biennial meeting of the Grand Camp that just as the Scots saw no contradiction in being both Scottish and British, most likewise had no problem in identifying as also being Canadian. According to Fraser: 14 Masters, The Rise of Toronto, p. 188. 15 Johnson and Waite, "Macdonald, Sir John A.," in DCB, Vol. XII. 16 E. J. Cowan, "The Myth of Scotch Canada," in Myth, Migration and the Making of Memory: Scotia and Nova Scotia c. 1700-1990, eds. Marjory Harper and Michael Vance (Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing, 1999), p. 64. 17 The Scottish Canadian, July 1907. 18 G. A. Mackenzie, "Nationalism and Reaction," The Canadian Monthly, October 1877. 197 The Scot is a loyal citizen of Canada. He has contributed largely to its acquisition and development, but he enjoys also a larger citizenship in which he glories, for Scotland has contributed largely to the greatness not only of Canada, but of the British Empire. The Scot in his loved Canadian home shares equally with his cousin in the glens and dales of Scotland the rights and privileges as ever did the Roman of old Civis Britannicus sum. Scottish societies in Canada are not detrimental to true patriotism; quite the reverse, and as we depend for our membership on our own race, it behoves us to cherish a patriotic attachment to the land and to the people whence we come.19 That Scots were perfectly comfortable with multiple identities is evident from other sources as well. The toast list at any St. Andrew's night dinner shows that even on the most Scottish of occasions, due respect was given to Britain and Canada. In 1895 for example, glasses were first raised to the Queen, followed by toasts to the Prince of Wales and Royal Family, the Governor General and Lieutenant Governor, the Day and All Who Honour It, Sister Societies and Guests, the Dominion Parliament and Provincial Legislature, the mayor and Corporation of Toronto, the Press, and finally, the Ladies.20 There was clearly no contradiction seen in showing support for the British monarch and its government representatives in Canada, the Canadian government, at national, provincial and local level, and the Scots themselves, in back to back speeches and toasts. Even more illustrative is the Toronto Caledonian Society's volume of poetry, Selections From Scottish Canadian Poets. Not surprisingly reminiscences of Scotland feature prominently with works such as A. J. Lockhart's The Aula" Hame, Andrew McNab's Fareweel tae Scotia's Hills 19 The Scottish Canadian, July 1907. 20 Fifty-ninth Annual Report of the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto, 1894-1895. Hereafter SAST Annual Report. 198 and Vales, and Jessie Wanless Brack's Bonnie Scotland, the first stanza of which is typical of such pieces: Though far away frae bonnie Scotland, Far, far away frae my ain countrie, Yet my heart still clings to bonnie Scotland, To bonnie Scotland ayont the sea21 Specific aspects of Scottish culture and identify also feature prominently, with poems such as Allan Ross's Haggis, Margaret Beatrice Burgess's Robert Burns, and Robert Boyd's A Curling Song. Yet R. S. G. Anderson's Sugar-Making and Alexander McLachlan's The Maple Tree demonstrate that these poets were not dismissive of their Canada home. Indeed poems such as E. G. Nelson's Canada, Land of the Free and My Own Canadian Home are fiercely patriotic towards Canada, as was Alexander Muir's The Maple Leaf Forever, which served as an unofficial national anthem in English Canada. In the case of Nelson, it could be argued that his Canadian patriotism was on account of him being second generation Canadian, but Anderson, McLachlan and Muir were all born in Scotland. Anderson's poem, the Crofter's Song is particularly interesting as he acknowledges the dual identity of being both Scotsman and Canadian. 0' my native land is bonnie, An' will aye be dear to me; And I'll wake at nights and listen For the sounding o' the sea 21 Caledonian Society of Toronto, Selections from Scottish Canadian Poets (Toronto: Imrie, Graham & Company, 1900), p. 296. 199 But a freer land's about me, And a richer sea's at hand- The yellow rustling wheatfields 0' the bonnie prairie-land 22 Similarly J. R. Marshall's St. Andrew's Day 1896 also highlights what is missed about Scotland but acknowledges the attractions of "this fair land we ca' oor hame."23 Perhaps it is appropriate that the one poem which connects the three identities is titled Rambling Thoughts To A Friend by John Steele. O' twa things I am unco proud, And proudly own before ye a', I boast of loyal Scottish blood. And love my Queen Victoria In that dear land where laverocks sing, And blue-bells bloom sae bonnie, a', 'Twas there I first drew vital air, In dearauld Caledonia And now I have a peaceful lot In Canada sae canny a', Thankful for such a pleasant spot, 22 Caledonian Society, Selection from Scottish Canadian Poets, p. 290. 23 Caledonian Society, Selection from Scottish Canadian Poets, p. 114. 200 Close linked to old Britannia In this light, while Toronto can still be seen as overwhelmingly British, it certainly was not ethnically homogenous. The national identities which distinguished the nations of Great Britain were carried across the Atlantic where they filtered down to future generations. That Toronto was a British city was no barrier, and indeed could be seen as a leading factor behind the growth in the number of Scottish clubs and associations. As the number of Britons of Scottish ethnicity increased, so did their associational presence. Accounting for the Growth of Scottish Associationalism With the exception of not knowing the number of Torontonians claiming to be of Scottish origin in 1891 (when such information was not recorded), there was a substantial growth from census to census between 1871 and 1911. Between 1871 and 1881 the number rose from 8,212 to 13,754, which twenty years later had risen a further eleven thousand to more than 25,000. By 1911 the figure had more than doubled to 53,019. In contrast the number of Torontonians born in Scotland did not rise proportionately. Having risen from 3,263 to 4,431, and again to 6,347 in 1871,1881 and 1891 respectively, the decade which followed saw a decline of 1,521. Between 1901 and 1911 however, the number of Scotsborn increased dramatically, increasing more than fourfold to 19,990, accounting for six per cent of the city's total population, a higher proportion than at any point in the previous four decades. Therefore the period of dramatic growth in the number Scottish clubs and societies which occurred after the turn of the century could be accounted for by either the surge in Scotsborn or those claiming Scottish ethnicity, or a 24 Caledonian Society, Selection from Scottish Canadian Poets, p. 283. 201 combination of both. During the earlier period from the 1870s until 1900 which can be seen as a period of sustained growth, the number of Scotsbom was fluctuating, while the number of those claiming Scottish ethnicity was rising steadily. It is possible that in this period at least, the rise in Scottish associationalism was driven more by the descendants of Scots than immigrants themselves. Such findings are not without precedent, Kim Sullivan's study of Scottish associational culture in Victoria, Australia, makes a similar point. With reference to the work of sociologist Herbert Gans, Sullivan argues that the absence of a direct living link to their ancestral past meant that third and fourth generation Scottish-Australians would turn to Scottish associations for a tangible connection to Scotland.25 Unlike in Victoria, Scottish immigrants did continue to flow into Toronto, albeit at varying rates, therefore the proliferation of Scottish associations was more likely a combination of descendant Scots trying to connect with their ancestral land, along with migrant Scots looking to retain that link. Increase in population cannot however be considered the only factor in the growth of Scottish associational culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Scots had long been a strong presence in the city, so what else made this such a fertile period for Scottish associationalism? A hint is given by the Governor General, who when speaking at the Caledonian Society dinner in 1905, asked for its assistance in preserving the character and tone of the land. Claiming that many not altogether desirable emigrants were arriving at her shores on a daily basis with alien sympathies, principles and allegiances, the Governor General's concerns were shared by others. In 1909 J. S. Woodsworth's Strangers within Our Gates drew attention to the challenges facing Canada as a result of the rapid rise in immigration, and stressed the need to Kim Sullivan, "Scottish Associational Culture in Early Victoria, Australia: An Antipodean Reading of a Global Phenomenon," in Ties ofBluid Kin and Countrie: Scottish Associational Culture in the Diaspora, eds. Tanja Bueltmann, Andrew Hinson and Graeme Morton (Guelph: Centre for Scottish Studies, 2009), p. 155. 202 assimilate "foreign" immigrants into Canada's Anglo-Saxon principles and ideals. While Woodsworth delegated this task to schools, labour unions, the press and the churches, clearly organizations such as the Caledonian Society saw themselves as having a role in setting an example as to proper British behaviour. Largely driven by the middle classes, Toronto's Scottish societies were at the heart of this movement, which can be seen as the other primary contributer behind the growth of Scottish associationalism. As previously discussed, Scottish societies concerned themselves with an array of activities ranging from philanthropy and education to fraternity and self improvement. All were representations of middle-class ideals intended to help society deal with the changes taking place around them. Studies of Canada's emerging middle classes have highlighted the importance of voluntary organizations in bringing cohesion to a disparate group of "midling" elements. Andrew Holman for example claims that "voluntary organizations were crucibles for the development of middle-class ideals on the proper public conduct and laboratories for determining the role of the local middle class as a public guardian and model of moral rectitude," while David A Sutherland states that "the sense of being caught up in a breakdown of traditional patterns of deference drew people to associations that promised to function as instruments of social control."27 This was primarily done by carrying out their goals. Poverty for example was a leading concern of the middle classes, and was partially addressed through the establishment of benevolent societies. Charity however was not given to all who were in need. Societies distinguished between the "deserving" and the "undeserving" poor, the former of which were 26 J. S. Woodsworth, Strangers Within Our Gates, or, Coming Canadians (Toronto: F. C. Stephenson, 1909), p. xix. Andrew Holman, A Sense of Their Duty: Middle-Class Formation in Victorian Ontario Towns (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 2000), p. 105, and David A. Sutherland, "Voluntary Societies and the Process of Middle-class Formation in Early-Victorian Halifax, Nova Scotia," Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5,1 (1994), p. 240. 203 seen as victims of misfortune and bad luck. Whereas widows, the elderly and those physically unable to work were given direct aid, those who were seen as being responsible for their own fate, were given assistance in other ways, namely through the instillation of proper values of industry and thrift.28 This obviously imbued the other ideals of education and self improvement, although these were by no means limited to the lower levels of society. Education could take the form of practical or passive learning, the latter of which was delivered through lectures, recitations and readings. Similar in aim to self improvement societies, both were committed to providing an environment for moral thinking and the exchange of enlightened ideas among members. Lastly fraternal organizations espoused friendship between members and a commitment to each others well being, most commonly demonstrated through mutual benefit schemes. Beyond these activities, voluntary societies acted as models of orderly conduct, setting an example and also distinguishing members from wider society. As well as outlining objectives, society constitutions and by-laws determined positions of office, election procedures, membership criteria and even regulations regarding members' behaviour. Enshrining the exclusivity of societies, meetings were usually closed affairs, although publicity was garnered to help promote awareness of the organization. This usually took the form of notices in newspapers, announcing meetings or publishing the results of officer elections. Publicity was also gained through excursions, picnics or fundraising events such as concerts, which were often open to the general public. As well as raising awareness such occasions allowed organizations to demonstrate their respectability in a public forum. In almost all these respects, Toronto's Scottish clubs and societies conformed to such a model. Each had a declared purpose, a constitution and a membership committed to middle- 28 Holman, A Sense of Their Duty, p. 110. 204 class ideals. But they were also independent of each other, and as independent organizations they all tailored their own rules and regulations to meet their own needs. One means by which the Scottish societies were able to distinguish themselves from the city's other voluntary societies was through membership criteria. The St. Andrew's Society for example stipulated that membership was open only to "Scotchmen, and the Children, Grand Children and great-Grand Children, of Natives of Scotland."29 Here we see how in creating a middle class identity, associational culture also helped sustain a Scottish identity. Even with the Burns Literary Society which did not limit membership to those of Scottish ethnicity, accepting "any worthy person of any nationality, being a consistent admirer of Burns and his works," the link between the wider forces of associational growth and Scottish identity are inseparable.30 Regardless of its waiver of an ethnicity requirement for members, its constitutional stipulation that "the Society shall consist of not more than fifty members, who shall be regularly proposed and balloted for at any regular meeting,"31 ensured its exclusivity by distinguishing the members from those who were unable to join. But it was still essentially a Scottish society which in turn helped to sustain a distinct Scottish identity. While the middle classes may have formed the basis of early growth, voluntary societies were not limited to this social group.32 Membership generally was not composed from a uniform or indeed static group of individuals living within Toronto's boundaries. As can be seen through the very structure of the societies themselves, within each existed a hierarchy which in turn corresponded somewhat to an individual's own social standing. Most clearly this was Constitution of the St. Andrew's Society of the City of Toronto and Home District of Upper Canada (Toronto: s.n., 1836). Hereafter SASTconstitution. 30 Constitution and By-Laws of the Burns Literary Society of Toronto, 1901 (Toronto: Imrie, Graham & Co., 1901), p. 2. !!lbid- R. J. Morris, "Clubs, societies and associations," in The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1750-1950, vol. Ill, ed. F. M. L. Thompson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 395. 205 demonstrated by the Sons of Scotland with its Grand and Subordinate Camps. Headed by the Grand Chief and a band of officers, this structure was replicated at sub camp level. Based on the Masonic Lodge model, this even extended to the issuing of degrees to ordinary members, although it is unclear as to whether, like the Masonic Lodge, there were different levels of degrees.33 That there were different grades of membership was certainly the case among some other societies. The St. Andrew's and Caledonian Societies both had a three tiered membership of ordinary, life and honorary members. Ordinary or resident membership was in theory open to any male who made the ethnic requirement and was able to pay the admittance and or annual subscription fee. When the St. Andrew's Society constitution was revised in 1883 membership fees were converted from pounds to dollars, the new fees being two dollars for membership and an additional two dollars annual subscription, while the Caledonian Society charged the sum of $1 per year. If this did not put off potential members, they still had to be proposed in writing by an existing member, approved by a committee before receiving the necessary votes of the members present at a general meeting.34 Notably, along with name and residence, the written proposal had to contain the occupation of the person proposed. Life membership was of higher status than ordinary, and was usually open only to those who had given long years of service to the society. Life Members also had to be successfully elected and pay a onetime fee in lieu of any future dues. For the St. Andrew's Society this amounted to twenty dollars and for the Caledonian Society, "not less than" ten dollars.35 Most prestigious, honorary membership was reserved for those who had rendered special service to the society and were Scotsmen of considerable standing in the local or wider community. Some honorary members of the St. During the establishment of Lochiel Camp, reference is made to the Grand Camp officers initiating members and conferring degrees on all those present. The Scottish Canadian, October 8, 1891. 34 Forty-Seventh SAST Annual Report, 1882-1883, and The Constitution and By-Laws of the Caledonian Society of Toronto (1895). Hereafter CST Constitution. 206 Andrew's Society included the Duke of Argyle, Sir George Stephen, first president of the Canadian Pacific Railway, Sir Adam Wilson, a distinguished judge and prominent political figure, and Sir Oliver Mowat, Ontario Premier between 1872 and 1896. These members had to pay the sum of five dollars.36 Regardless of membership class, all members were entitled to vote during elections for officers. One member one vote implied a democratic process in which anyone could be elected to office. Again in theory this was probably true, but the reality somewhat different. Studies of voluntary societies in other Canadian cities and elsewhere have shown that officers were usually selected from the higher status members of the society, in what was essentially an urban elite.37 As can be seen by looking at the society presidents, Toronto's Scottish societies were no different. Taking the year 1890 as an example, the presidents shared a number of characteristics, most notably in being prominent within their occupational professions, and heavily involved in civic society. Daniel Clark, President of the St. Andrew's Society, was a renowned physician whose study of insanity paved the way to him being appointed superintendent of the Asylum for the Insane in Toronto and being elected President of the Ontario Medical Association. An expert on forensic psychiatry, Clark testified on behalf of the defence at the trial of Louis Riel, whom he declared insane.38 Hugh Miller, President of the Caledonian Society, was a pharmacist who owned his own pharmacy. He was also a founding member, and for a period President of the Canadian Pharmaceutical Association, which was heavily involved in the campaign for legislation to regulate the industry.39 George MacLean Rose, President of the Caithness Society, was a printer, whose company for several years was 36 Forty-Seventh SASTAnnual Report, 1882-1883. No fee is stipulated for honorary members in the Caledonian Society constitution. 37 R. J. Morris, "Voluntary Societies and British Urban Elites, 1780-1850: An Analysis," The Historical Journal 26, 1 (March, 1983), pp. 95-118 and Sutherland, "Voluntary Societies," p. 245. 38 Barbara L. Craig, "Clark, Daniel," in DCB, Vol. 14. 39 Ernest W. Stieb, "Miller, Hugh," in DCB, Vol. XII. 207 the official publisher for the Ontario Government as well as several successful volumes, including A Cyclopedia of Canadian Biography.™ William Houston, President of the Orkney and Shetland Society was the librarian to the Ontario Provincial Library,41 and David Spence, President of the Gaelic Society, was at the time Secretary of the Department of Immigration.42 Other than being a justice of the peace, the only presiding officer of whom little is known is J. M. Wingfield, Grand Chief of the Sons of Scotland.43 While not alluding to his occupation, that he was a JP demonstrates that he was a person of some standing in the community with some kind of involvement in civic affairs. This was also the case for the other presidents. For 25 years Hugh Miller was likewise a JP, also serving as an assistant police magistrate and being involved with other societies in the city.44 George MacLean Rose served one term as an alderman for St. John's Ward and was heavily involved in the Temperance Movement, being described as having given "more time and money to the Temperance Cause than any other man in Canada."45 William Houston was elected to and served on the Senate of the University of Toronto and was an activist in the campaign for municipal reform,46 and Daniel Clark, as well as being superintendant of the asylum, was involved with various charitable organizations.47 In its obituary to George MacLean Rose following his death in 1898, The Globe described him as "one of the best known citizens in Toronto."48 Such an accolade was undoubtedly merited, as it would have been to any of the Scottish society presidents at this time or at any point during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 40 Elizabeth Hulse, "Rose, George MacLean," in DCB, Vol. XII. George MacLean Rose (ed.) A Cyclopedia of Canadian Biography (Toronto: Rose Publishing Co., 1886), p. 391. County of Peel, A History of Peel County: To Mark Its Centenary as a Separate County, 1867-1967 (Toronto: The Corporation of the County of Peel, 1967), p. 191. 43 The Scottish Canadian, October 2,1890. 44 Stieb, "Miller, Hugh," in DCB, Vol. XII. 45 Hulse, "Rose, George MacLean," in DCB, Vol. XII. Rose (ed.) A Cyclopedia of Canadian Biography, p. 391. 47 Craig, "Clark, Daniel," in DCB, Vol. XIX. 48 Hulse, "Rose, George MacLean," in DCB, Vol. XII. 208 As well as the experience these individuals brought to the position of President, the election of officers prominent in Toronto society also brought a certain level of prestige to the societies, hence the publication of officer election results in newspapers. For several years Oliver Mowat was honorary President of the Caithness Society. Appointed in honour of his parents' Caithness birthplace, the Ontario Premier was not expected to be heavily involved in the week to week dealings of the Society, but by having his name attached to the organization undoubtedly raised its standing among the other Scottish societies. In this case and in others, being elected an officer of a club was recognition of prominence in the community. Other positions may have been filled by those less well known but were still of a higher social status than the members themselves. Secretaries were usually lawyers, and treasurers local merchants or bankers, who in return for their professional skills gained prestige and recognition for their service.49 According to R. J. Morris, "such an arrangement was the perfect compromise between the middle class striving for self respect and independence and the reality of hierarchical society with its massive inequalities of wealth and power, even within the middle classes."50 Hierarchies were not however limited to the internal membership of the societies. Comparisons of club memberships and practises show that there was also a social hierarchy among the societies themselves. At the top of this hierarchy was the St. Andrew's Society. Illustrative of its early position in society was the key role played by William Allan, in both bringing the Society into being and as its first president.51 One of York's first settlers, Allan occupied a number of key positions and was active within the town's small social elite.52 The Society's continued position of status is evident from its inclusion among the city's most elite Morris, "Clubs, societies and associations," p. 413. 50 Ibid. 51 St. Andrew's Society of Toronto, One Hundred Years of History, 1836-1936 (Toronto: Murray Printing Co., 1936), p. 8. 52 Written in collaboration, "Allan, William," in DCB, Vol. III. 209 societies, as listed in the City of Toronto Blue Book, a self proclaimed directory of Toronto's most esteemed families. Along with the Royal Canadian Yacht Club, The National Club, The Toronto Club and various other exclusive country and social clubs, the St. Andrew's Society was seen as being suitably prestigious for the sort of people contained within the Book's pages. Analysis of St. Andrew's Society membership lists carried out by Shannon O'Conner, confirms that the members were very much at the upper end of the social scale.53 Using the SOCPO (Social Power) scheme, the results show that over ninety per cent of members were in the top two social levels, with almost 57 per cent in the top category of large-scale businessmen, property owners and highly skilled professionals and a further 36 per cent being small businessmen and skilled non-manual labourers. At the opposite end of the scale, the Society had no members who were unskilled workers, only half a per cent who were semi-skilled, and 6.5 per cent occupying the middle SOCPO level representing skilled manual workers. Studies of St. Andrew's Societies elsewhere have made similar observations. Typical is Kyle Hughes' observation of the Belfast Benevolent Society of St. Andrew, that it attracted "an influential clientele constituting a Scottish urban elite in their own right,"54 which could equally have been said of St. Andrew's Societies in Montreal, Chicago, Durban, Melbourne, Otago, or any other large city where there was a St. Andrew's Society.55 They suggest that along with the wish to help their less fortunate fellow countrymen, a primary motive for joining was a more self-serving desire to further business and personal interests. Nowhere were these benefits more evident than at the societies' respective St. Andrew Day celebrations, which allowed Shannon O'Conner, The St. Andrew's Society of Toronto: Scottish Associational Culture in the Ninettenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Unpublished M.A. Major Research Paper, University of Guelph, 2008). Kyle Hughes, '"Scots, Stand Firm, and our Empire is Safe': The Politicisation of Scottish Clubs and Societies in Belfast during the Home Rule Era, C1885-1914," in Ties of Bluid, Kin and Countrie, eds. Bueltmann, Hinson and Morton, p. 208. 55 Chapters by Graeme Morton, R. J. Morris, Gus Noble, Catherine Bourbeau and Kim Sullivan in Ties of Bluid, Kin and Countrie all reference the elite nature of St. Andrew's societies. See also Elizabeth Buettner, "Haggis in the Raj: private and public celebrations of Scottishness in late Imperial India," Scottish Historical Review 81 (2002), pp. 212-239. 210 members to mix with their non-Scottish counterparts, who were often in attendance as invited guests.56 Highly extravagant affairs, Toronto's celebrations were on a similarly grand scale. Guests of honour included the Governor General, Lieutenant Governor, Mayor of Toronto, Chief Justice, and various other politicians and dignitaries. Attendance was in fact so exclusive that the names of all those in attendance were often published in newspaper reports.57 Newspaper coverage per se was extensive, with particular attention being paid to who was there, what the ladies were wearing, the decoration of the hall, the dinner and what was said during the toasts. Typical were the Globe's comments in 1900 when it claimed "the scene in the Pavilion after the ball began was one of great splendour. Never were there more beautiful gowns, more brilliant uniforms or a more distinguished assemblage at a St. Andrew's ball."58 In a report from another year it was commented that "the menu [was] far above what one gets at the usual ball supper - There was everything to eat and ditto to drink, and the tables, set for eight were most cosily and elegantly arranged." High praise indeed from Toronto's high society magazine, Saturday Night59 With the event being one of the highlights of the Toronto social calendar, attendance placed guests in the presence of Toronto's social elite, with all the potential business and personal benefits that could bring. But can it be argued that fulfilling personal opportunities was of equal or greater importance than carrying out the St. Andrew's Society's primary stated goal of providing benevolence to Scots in need? Examination of the minutes of the Society's quarterly meetings demonstrate that its charitable pursuits were discussed in some length at every gathering. The Managers, with their responsibility for distributing charitable relief, were clearly dedicated to 56 Hughes, '"Scots, Stand Firm, and Our Empire is Safe,'" p. 208. This is also discussed in Buettner, "Haggis in the Raj." 57 The Globe, December 1,1900. 58 Ibid. 59 Saturday Night, December 5, 1896. 211 their task, with great consideration going into how the Society's funds should be best spread. Particular concern was expressed that only "deserving Scots" should receive assistance. In 1880 for example, the Managers noted that there had been an unusually large number of applications for relief, most of which were granted, "although several whose cases are thoroughly investigated were found to be utterly unworthy of any support and were therefore refused any assistance from its funds of the society."60 There was no elaboration on why they were refused assistance, although some satisfaction was taken from their being fewer applications from "tramps and vagrants" who were the subject of a plan imposed the previous year to discourage from applying, presumably because they did not fall into the category of deserving poor.61 Fifteen years later concerns had moved on to the "travelling class." Although there were few among the Scots, according to the Managers, "those we have are not as a rule a very desirable addition to any community."62 The amount given out and the number of recipients varied from year to year, although the forms of relief remained fairly consistent. Casual assistance, in which small sums of money were distributed to worthy individuals, was the most common form of charity. An appendix attached to the 1880 managers' report, gives an insight into the kinds of circumstances which merited assistance: Mrs J - has one child four years old, and is within a few days of her confinement, a perfect stranger in the city and destitute, her husband at present in Scotland and lying sick in hospital there. Minutes of St. Andrew's Society of Toronto meeting, November 18,1880. 61 Ibid. 62 59th Annual Report ofSAST, 1894-1895. 212 A McN - widower with one child suffering from Rheumatism in his joints, [... ] a very painful case Mrs S - from Edinburgh, her husband gone to the States and left his family to starve. Peter T - eighty years of age, from Argyleshire, has no friends here. AC- from Ayrshire had wife and four children here in the country five months and most of that time in the hospital, he is still very weak and totally out of means. Significant amounts were also paid out in pensions. The Society provided an annual allowance of $20 for up to five senior members of the Scottish community. Pensioners had to be nominated by a member and approved through a quarterly meeting vote, after which they had a pension for life. When a pensioner died, nominations could again be proposed. Perhaps due to the annual drain on the Society's resources, there was in 1891 some discussion over bringing an end to the pension scheme, it being argued that because the recipients were not newly arrived immigrants, they fell outside the Society's intended remit. Although it was suggested that churches and local charities could provide the necessary support, this appears to have been a minority view, the matter being referred back to the managers, with the only stipulation being that the pensions be given in such a manner "as not to make the recipients appear as paupers and deprive them of that feeling of independence and self respect that is so strong a feature in the Scottish character."63 Accounting for considerably less of the Society's charitable expenditure were railway passes, given to those trying to find employment or join up with friends and family elsewhere in Canada, and funeral expenses for those without the family and 63 Minutes of SAST, November 10,1891. 213 friends able to pay for burial arrangments. On average the Society spent approximately $600 a year between 1872 and 1914, assisting several thousand Scots in the process, while also connecting them with their Scottish identity.64 While it is important to highlight this aspect of the Society's work, it would be wrong to suggest that its charitable pursuits were the only topic of discussion. Following a highly structured format, each meeting began with a reading of the previous minutes, followed by the nomination and election of proposed members. This was followed by reports from the Treasurer, Managers Committee, and Secretary, with proceedings ending with a discussion on the next St. Andrew's Day celebrations. With the exception of the Managers Committee report, the one topic which always consumed much discussion was the St. Andrew's Day celebrations. Alternating every year from a ball to a dinner, as has been previously discussed, these were lavish affairs warranting considerable organization. Other issues did of course arise from time to time bringing some deviation from the standard routine of distributing charity and organizing St. Andrew's Day events. In 1871 the Society established a committee to confer with the Caledonian Society with a view to organizing an event to celebrate the centenary of Sir Walter Scott.65 Nothing however appears to have come of this due to the Caledonian Society's "determination" to focus on its Games instead, and with the efforts of the St. Andrew's Society to go it alone not seeming to come to fruition.66 That the Society declined to lend its patronage for a concert to be held in 1877 on the basis of there being no precedent for taking such a step, suggests that they were for the most part content with carrying out these dual goals.67 While discussions in later years focused on finding a new burial plot and the subsequent memorial cairn, such topics were clearly related to their O'Conner, The St. Andrew's Society of Toronto, p. 31. 65 Minutes of SAST, February 9,1871. 66 Minutes of SAST, April 26,1871. 67 Minutes of SAST, February 8, 1877. 214 charitable aims. The only other regular topic of discussion was the Society's constitution. Although most discussions were technical in nature, one particular constitutional amendment is somewhat revealing - the decision to reduce the quorum for meetings from twelve to nine.68 The meeting at which this amendment was passed had been preceded by two meetings which were cancelled due to poor turnout, a not infrequent occurrence. With the exception of the annual general meeting which was organized to precede the commencement of the St. Andrew's celebrations, meetings were rarely attended by more than twenty members.69 The change in constitution did result in fewer cancelled meetings, but attendance remained low. Not until 1912, did the Society finally take measures to attract more members to meetings, by adding a social aspect to proceedings. Usually in the form of an invited guest giving a brief address on "some interesting Scottish subject," this "experiment" appears to have been a success, with speakers becoming a regular component of the meetings.70 With a membership never dropping below 250 (and often considerably above 300), it can be approximated that on average less than five per cent of the St. Andrew's Society membership attended meetings, which only took place four times per year.71 Evidently most people who joined the Society did not do so with the intention of becoming actively involved. Why then did they join? On the one hand it certainly gave them an opportunity for "tartan socialization" and perhaps more idealistically a means to contribute to their less fortunate fellow Scots.72 More practically it provided a network of business contacts at a time when the city's economic importance was continuing to grow. For many however, such a network could Minutes of SAST, August 10, 1882. 69 Minutes of SAST, 1871-1898. 70 Minutes of SAST, May 9, 1912. 71 This is probably a high estimate, based on 12 turning up to a meeting with a membership of 250 (which in most years it was considerably higher). 72 Term used by John MacKenzieand Nigel Dalziel in The Scots in Africa: Ethnicity, Identity, Gender and Race, 1772-1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007). 215 have been gained through membership to the city's other clubs and societies. Of the 79 members of the Society listed within the City of Toronto Blue Book, it can be seen that these members were also members of other equally prestigious clubs and unlike the St. Andrew's Society, with its occasional meetings, these clubs and societies would have met or been attended regularly, forming an active part of their everyday lives. However few of these institutions had an event of the same prestige as the St. Andrew's Society Ball. According to C. S. Clark, "there are two or three society events in the course of the season, St. Andrew's Ball; the Royal Canadian Yacht Club Ball; and the affairs at Government House, all of which bring out society's youth, beauty and wealth."73 The organization of such an event could even be considered the Society's primary purpose, the provision of benevolence providing a pretence for more self serving functions. Yet for the Managers, other office bearers and even the ordinary members who did regularly attend meetings, it would be ridiculous to suggest that they were driven primarily by these goals. That the Society went to such efforts to ensure that only the worthy poor were the beneficiaries of the Society's goodwill is testament to that. Building a membership profile of the city's other Scottish societies is more problematic. Closest to the St. Andrew's Society in terms of membership was probably the Caledonian Society. Society President George Brown was quoted in the previous chapter speaking at its first anniversary dinner when he commented on there being a number of St. Andrew's Society members also within the Caledonian Society ranks. A comparison of the Caledonian Society membership published in 1895 with the St. Andrew's Society lists, indeed show that there was significant overlap.74 Of the Caledonian Society's 521 members in that year, at least 153 were C. S. Clark, Of Toronto the Good: A Social Study. The Queen City of Canada as it is (Montreal: The Toronto Publishing Company, 1898), p. 28. 74 The Caledonian Society membership list was published 1895 as part of its Constitution and By Laws, which was compared with the original St. Andrew's Society membership books. Where the first and last 216 members of the St. Andrew's Society, suggesting that the societies occupied similar positions on the social scale. Analysis of their occupations however, shows that this was not quite the case. Using the occupations given on the St. Andrew's Society membership lists for the 153 joint members, it is shown that while 85 per cent occupy the top two social levels, compared to the St. Andrew's Society membership as a whole, the proportions in both are almost reversed. While 27 per cent fall into the first category, 58 per cent are in the second. The proportion of Caledonian Society members in the third category (skilled workers) was also higher, with fifteen percent. This comparison would indicate that the membership of the St. Andrew's Society occupied a more elite social position than that of the Caledonian Society. It is important to bear in mind that we do not have a profile of the remaining 368 members of the Caledonian Society, which could bring it up or perhaps more likely down the social ladder. Yet in spite of the lower social status of the Caledonian Society members, other indicators suggest that the Society occupied a position of prestige in Toronto society. The attendance of the Lieutenant Governor and other prominent speakers at its annual Halloween dinner, and the considerable news coverage given to this and other events are both evidence of this. Also the invitation and attendance of representatives of the St. Andrew's Society, and other ethnic societies, such as the St. George's, St. Patrick's and the Irish Protestant Benevolent Society would suggest that they felt akin to these organizations. But here again we can compare the Caledonian Society's premier event with its sister society's St. Andrew's Day celebrations. More so than the Caledonian Society dinner, the St. Andrew's ball with all its grandeur was a considerably more prestigious affair. In other respects the societies were even further apart. Whereas St. Andrew's Society members had little interaction with the society's beneficiaries, mixing predominantly among its name from one list could be matched to the other, with no other possible matches, they were considered to be the same person. 217 own members and social class, the Caledonian Society's commitment to developing Scottish culture and sport saw it having considerably more contact with the wider Scottish community. If the Halloween dinner was its most prestigious event, the annual summer excursion was a somewhat less formal affair. Beyond these two events were the annual Burns anniversary concert and for its limited lifespan, the Caledonian Games which judging by their large attendances were not unreasonably priced. The Society's gift of competition trophies for sports popular among Scots in Toronto demonstrates a further connection to the Scottish community, which for its poorest members also included an annual $100 donation to the St. Andrew's Society's charitable fund. So while at first glance the Caledonian Society may appear to have been aspiring to be similarly elitist to the St. Andrew's Society, its diverse remit suggests that it was better connected with and had a greater interest in serving the wider Scottish community. In this respect, the Toronto Burns Literary Society was possibly slightly higher up the social hierarchy than the Caledonian Society. Although their constitutions were similar, the Burns Society's 50 member cap and lack of events outside its own meetings may have given it a greater sense of exclusivity. The irony of Burns being a champion of the common man appears not to have registered with the Society's members. The social class of members of the regional societies is practically impossible to determine, but their inclusion of both men and women would suggest they were more egalitarian. On the one hand this could be indicative of their progressiveness, bearing no reflection on social class, or on the other, it could be an indication of their desire to attract a fairly broad membership, which probably had less to do with occupation or standing in the community, than a geographical connection to a particular society's regionality. That being said they remained committed to middle-class ideals, indicated through their charitable and social pursuits. 218 In the case of the Sons of Scotland, the exclusion of women was certainly not indicative of its social status. The Sons was male only and it has been argued that it was much more of a working- class organization, albeit comprising the better-off working class member of society.75 This view seems to be confirmed in a letter appearing in The Scottish Canadian in February 1891: ... why is it that in this Queen City of the west, the head centre of the Order, we have failed to attract to our ranks Scotchmen of the professional classes, or men endowed with administrative ability. All honour to the workingmen who are at present the bone and sinew of the Order. But no society can be all that it might be that neglects wholly to avail itself of the talents and influence of men who have won their way to the upper walks of life, men whose very names inspire confidence.76 The following month however, the claim is countered: It has been stated among those who did not know the facts that the professional and business men held aloof from the Order. No grosser misstatement of the truth could be made. In Toronto and wherever a Camp of the order exists the business and professional men are present in large numbers. At its last meeting the propositions for membership in one of the oldest camps included a barrister, a doctor, three wholesale and one retail merchant, and this is but an example of 75 O'Conner, The St. Andrew's Society of Toronto, p. 36 and Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies, 1580- 1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), p. 351. 76 The Scottish Canadian, February 5,1891. 219 all the others. The Sons of Scotland have reason to be proud of the membership of their Order, and no Society of Scotchmen would deserve to exist which did not draw to it all of those who loved Scotland - and this is just what the Order is doing - forming a centre round which every Scotchman may gather whilst leaving all other organizations their own special field to work in.77 The literature on friendly societies differs about class composition. British studies have highlighted the working class dominance while North American studies argue that they were cross class institutions.78 The above statement would certainly suggest that the Sons of Scotland fall into the latter camp. Yet without being able to examine membership lists it is difficult to form any definitive conclusions. Studies of comparable organizations, such as George and J. C. Herbert Emery's examination of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows' sickness insurance scheme, have found that it was artisans and shopkeepers who were the backbone of the Toronto lodges suggesting cross class appeal among the lower middle class and upper strata of the working class.79 As well as acknowledging that class composition varied from branch to branch, Emery and Emery suggest that there were variances among fraternal organizations with for example the Freemasons recruiting members from a predominantly middle class stratum.80 Where the Sons fit into the picture is not clear. Like the Odd Fellows, the Sons of Scotland's primary function was to provide insurance to its members, but whereas the former's focus was The Scottish Canadian, April 30,1891. See Clark, British Clubs and Societies; George Emery and J. C. Herbert Emery, A Young Man's Benefit: The Independent Order of Odd Fellows and Sickness Insurance in the United States and Canada, 1860-1929 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); Simon Cordery, "Fraternal Orders in the United States," in Social Security Mutualism: The Comparative History of Mutual Benefit Societies, ed. Marcel van der Linden (Bern; Berling; Frankfurth; New York; Paris; Wien: Peter Lang, 1996), pp. 83-110. An exception to this is Bryan Palmer who argues that Canadian mutual benefit societies were predominantly made up of working-class men. Bryan Palmer, "Mutuality and the Masking/Making of Difference: Mutual Benefit Societies in Canada, 1850-1950," in Social Security Mutualism, ed. van der Linden, pp. 111-146. 79 Emery and Emery, A Young Man's Benefit, p. 33. 80 Emery and Emery, A Young Man's Benefit, pp. 37, 38. 220 on sickness insurance, the Sons' was on life insurance. Paul Johnson has suggested that in Great Britain, life insurance was essentially burial insurance, which had greatest appeal to the working classes who feared a pauper's funeral.81 But this does not appear to be the case in Canada. Most friendly societies, including certain sub-branches of the Sons provided separate burial insurance, and with insurance returns of either $500 or $1000, such amounts were clearly in excess of what would be needed to provide a dignified funeral. The need for life insurance would presumably come behind that of burial insurance and sickness insurance, therefore restricting those on lower incomes. Emery and Emery argue that as men aged they acquired savings and as children went out to work the need for health insurance lessened.82 In other words insurance was more of a young man's benefit. Yet this does not appear to be the case with the Sons of Scotland insurance scheme. Using the ages of members published in 1914 (figure 4.1) it can be seen that membership peaked in the age group 45-49. Why, when men were withdrawing from health insurance schemes, was the opposite the case for life insurance? The most plausible explanation is that it was composed from a different body of people, those who as they aged had a slightly higher disposable income. Writing about Victorian Edinburgh, Robert Gray explored the cultural and economic differences separating the "labour aristocracy," composed mostly of skilled artisans, from the lower-working-class strata.83 In trying to distinguish themselves, the higher class group emulated aspects of middle class behaviour of which being part of a friendly society, with its ideals of thrift and solidarity, and image of respectability, could be seen as an example of such behaviour. The inclusion among the Sons' membership of some lawyers and doctors would suggest class boundaries were not as clear cut as perhaps in Edinburgh, but that there was a social divide can be seen through other means. Paul Johnson, Saving and Spending: the working-class economy in Britain, 1870-1939 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), p. 44. Emery and Emery, A Young Man's Benefit, p. 103. Robert Q. Gray, The Labour Aristocracy in Victorian Edinburgh (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976). 221 Figure 4.1 Age range of Sons of Scotland members, 1914 80-84 75-79 70-74 65-69 200 400 600 800 1000 No. Members Source: Annual report of the Inspector of Insurance and Registrar of Friendly Societies for Ontario, 1914 As with all good voluntary societies, each branch of the Sons of Scotland had its own by laws and rules of order, which as well as outlining meeting procedures, included instructions on proper meeting etiquette. The following two examples demonstrate that the Association had no problem in moderating its members' behaviour: Rule 2 - A member wishing to speak, or submit a motion, must rise and respectfully address the Chair, shall confine his remarks to the question and observe strict courtesy and decorum. Rule 5 - Members shall not enter into conversation with each other while a brother is speaking, or interrupt him in any way except to call him to order, as 222 such conduct shows a want of respect for the brother who is speaking, as well as for the Camp.84 The Sons of Scotland were not alone in determining acceptable behaviour. The St. Andrew's Society constitution stated that "decency and good order shall be observed by all the Members, and whoever offends in this respect shall be liable to be reprimanded by the Presiding Officer," while the Caledonian Society required that "every member, while speaking, shall address the chair, and the members shall not interrupt the speaker by conversation or otherwise."85 The difference is the greater emphasis put on behaviour than the other two societies. It is unlikely that this was because it was less tolerant of improper behaviour but perhaps indicative of an organization in which the members required more guidance in how to conduct themselves in the desired manner. Respectable behaviour was also encouraged outside the meetings, and while this was clearly more difficult to moderate, the Association did take action where it could: Any member of the Camp who shall by drunkenness, immoral or disorderly conduct, bring upon himself sickness or disease, shall not be entitled to assistance from the fund of this Camp during the period of such sickness; and further, should any member receiving benefits from the funds be found intoxicated, or guilty of any conduct to prolong his sickness, he shall not be By-Laws and Rules of Order of Inverness Camp, No. 54 (1893) Sons of Scotland Benevolent Association, Goderich, Ontario. Hereafter SSBA By-Laws. 85 SAST Constitution (1836) and CSTConstitution (1895). 223 entitled to any assistance from the funds of this Camp during the remainder of such sickness.86 Such stipulations are also evidence of the organization's financial prudence, it not being prepared to give benefits to those who were considered undeserving. Arrears were also taken seriously, with benefits not being provided to those more than three months behind payment, and for those who did receive sickness benefit while in arrears being given three months after recovery to "keep himself in good standing."87 From branch to Grand camp level, the Sons of Scotland enjoyed a sound financial footing. In part to reassure members and also to entice new recruits, the Sons proudly published its growing reserve fund which had risen from $1,090.50 in 1893 to $208,730.15 by 1905.88 Reflecting the growth of the Association, it is evident from reports of the Sons' early meetings that there was a great push to continually increase the size of membership. This was necessary to build up the reserve fund which was there in the event that the Association's annual revenues were not sufficient to pay out insurance claims. It is difficult to assess the Sons of Scotland's genuine commitment to its second goal of fostering a sense of Scottishness. While the primary consideration of members when joining was presumably to be part of an insurance scheme run by a respectable organization, they also chose a specifically Scottish association when there were plenty of alternatives on offer. The full meeting agendas, with their mix of business and social pursuits were clearly a strong attraction among this sector of the Scottish community. Although there were public appearances and the occasional public event, such as the 1896 Burns anniversary concert, the Sons' primary commitment was to their own members rather than Toronto's Scottish community as a whole. 86 SSBA By-Laws. 87 SSBA By-Laws. 88 The Scottish Canadian, June 1906. 224 In this sense it can be put alongside most of the city's other Scottish clubs and associations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In the November 1907 edition of The Scottish Canadian was an obituary for John Donaldson under the headline of "A Toronto Scot."89 As well as being a chieftain of various Sons of Scotland camps and a founder of the Lowlanders and Borderers Association, for years he was also a member of the St. Andrew's Society, the Caledonian Society, the Gaelic Society, and the Burns Literary Society. His example would suggest that there was considerable overlapping membership among Toronto's Scottish clubs and societies, and to an extent this was the case. Many members of the St. Andrew's Society were also involved with the Caledonian Society, members of which had been responsible for the establishment of the Burns Literary Society. Just as it is wrong to suggest the existence of a homogenous British community in Toronto, it would equally be wrong to suggest that Toronto Scots were part of their own homogenous community. Speaking at the unveiling of the Mount Pleasant memorial cairn, Rev. G. M. Milligan made reference to the diversity among those present for the occasion, and close examination of Toronto's Scottish clubs and societies alludes to this diversity. Beyond the different focus of each organization, membership reflected a social hierarchy which although overlapping at times was for the most part fairly structured. At the top sat the St. Andrew's Society, with its exclusively urban elite membership. Slightly below were the Burns Literary and the Caledonian Societies. Next came the regional societies, which because of its representation of the whole of the Highlands, was probably topped by the Gaelic Society. All middle class in aim and membership, they reveal that even within a defined social class were different levels of rank. On the tier below were the Sons and Daughters of Scotland. Part of the "respectable" working class, The Scottish Canadian, November 1907. 225 both organizations sought to differentiate themselves from the lower working classes by replicating the practises of their higher class brethren. All contributed to the Scottish community. Their shared objective of preserving Scottish identity was inseparable from the city's wider associational movement's commitment to moral rectitude. One sustained the other while in the process creating a Scottish civil society. Members of these organizations retained their sense of Scottishness through whatever level of participation they wished to commit, while the lower classes who were excluded from associational membership were still connected, either as recipients of the St. Andrew's Society charitable work or perhaps as part of the sporting audiences who watched their teams compete for the Caledonian Cups, donated by the Society of that name. More than any Scottish association, it was the Caledonian Society through its different events and donations which tried to connect with the full multiplicity of the Scottish community. The means through which this was achieved make it evident that while the community was far from homogenous in terms of class or social interests, they did share a commonality which reached beyond these factors. It was also a commonality which was strong enough to differentiate them the rest of the city's population. Outnumbered by other British groups and not living in ethnic enclaves, Scottish associationalism provided the mechanism for Scottishness to be maintained along with their shared British and Canadian identities. As occasions such as the unveiling of the memorial cairn, the campaign to establish a Highland regiment, or the efforts to erect a monument to their national bard demonstrate, their success in doing this was considerable. 226 5. The Presbyterian Church in Toronto Toronto's Scottish clubs and societies clearly played an important role among the city's Scottish community, but in terms of membership it was an institution of a different type which dominated. As was revealed through the 1881 and 1911 censuses, Scots adherence to the Presbyterian Church was the primary means through which they could be distinguished from others of British background living in Toronto at this time. Although association with a church does not necessarily translate into actual church attendance, according to an unofficial census carried out by The Globe newspaper, over 7,768 people did attend a Presbyterian church in Toronto on a weekly basis.1 Using emigrant letters and reminiscences of Scots in Otago, New Zealand, Tom Brooking actually downplays the role of St. Andrew's and Caledonian Societies, showing that there was little reference to such organizations. The same sources do however reveal the extent to which people were involved in the activities of the Presbyterian Church, which Brooking argues was able to meet the spiritual and social needs of the Scottish community.2 This is supported by Marjory Harper who states that "for innumerable Scots the cultivation of religious roots was the crucial way to maintain memories of the old country, and until the end of the nineteenth century founding or joining a Scottish church was probably the major mechanism through which Scots throughout the world acknowledged themselves in a new community."3 Despite recognition of its importance, as Stuart Macdonald points out, little research has been done 1 The Globe, 7 February 1882. 2 Thomas Brooking, "Weaving the Tartan into the Flax: networks, identities, and Scottish migration to nineteenth century Otago, New Zealand," in A Global Clan: Scottish migrant networks and identities since the eighteenth century, ed. A. McCarthy (Tauris Academic Studies: New York, 2006), p. 192. 3 Marjory Harper, Adventurers and Exiles: the great Scottish exodus (London: Profile Books Ltd, 2003), p. 337. 227 specifically on the role of the Presbyterian Church in relation to Scotland's overseas communities. He states that "ethnicity is rarely subjected to analysis or even casual discussion - neither in the churches nor in academia. The reason, one suspects, is that assumptions have been made both by those inside these churches as well as those outside, that there is nothing to study. According to what one might call the master ethnic narrative about Presbyterians in Canada, the community has been understood as mono-culturally Scottish."4 This is not a new perception. As early as 1846 Presbyterian missionary and church leader, Reverend William Proudfoot, complained, "We are too Scotch - our habits, our brogue, our mode of sermonizing are all too Scotch."5 Furthermore, in his authoritative history of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, John Moir argues that the historical identification on the part of Canadian Presbyterianism with Scotland and Scottish traditions, to which Proudfoot alluded were still apparent in the early twentieth century.6 Although Moir acknowledges that not all Presbyterians were Scots (just as not all Scots were Presbyterian), to date there has been little detailed analysis of the actual ethnic make up of the Presbyterian Church overseas.7 Toronto in the late nineteenth century was a city undergoing profound change. In a physical sense this was most noticeable in the addition of large scale manufacturing plants to the already established commercial facilities indicative of its growing local and national influence. Amidst this industrial, urban landscape was the more serene sight of church steeples, 4 Stuart Macdonald, "Presbyterian and Reformed Christians and Ethnicity," in Christianity and Ethnicity in Canada, eds. P. Bramadat and D. Seljak (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), p. 170. John S. Moir, Enduring Witness: a history of the Presbyterian Church in Canada (Toronto: Eagle Press, 1987), p. 122. 6 Moir, Enduring Witness, p. 214. Macdonald also makes this same point and indeed the onus of his paper is on the ethnic diversity in the Presbyterian Church in Canada today. 228 the only thing which overtowered the mass of commercial buildings. During this period Toronto was described as a deeply religious city, with one writer noting that it could appropriately be referred to as "The City of Churches."9 Indeed, The Globe's religious census carried out on February 5,1882, found that there was seating capacity among the city's churches for more than half its population. More significantly the census found that the majority of these seats were being filled, with almost 45 per cent of the population actually attending church. As well as being a higher average than most Canadian cities, The Globe declared the figure to be greater than that recorded in any Scottish borough and only exceeded in three instances in England.10 Based on the leading denominations, the breakdown of Church membership in Toronto, according to the 1881 census, was as follows:11 Anglican 30,920 Roman Catholic 15,579 Methodist 14,862 Presbyterian 14,546 Baptist 3,648 As can be seen, Anglicanism dominated, with Roman Catholics, Methodists and Presbyterians all having memberships much the same. A breakdown of the Presbyterian figures was presented in chapter 1, showing that while Scots could not be considered to be uniformly Presbyterian, and the Presbyterian Church not uniformly Scottish, there was a very strong connection between the two. Christopher Armstrong and H. V. Nelles, The Revenge of the Methodist Bicycle Company: Sunday streetcars and municipal reform in Toronto, 1888-1897 (Toronto: Peter Martin Associated Limited, 1977), p. 3. 9 Charles Pelham Mulvany, Toronto: Past and Present (Toronto: W. E. Caiger, 1884; 1970), p. 147. 10 The Globe, February 7,1882. All 1881 Canadian census data in this chapter has been compiled by the author using date made available by the North Atlantic Population Project and Minnesota Population Center, http://www.nappdata.org. 229 Presbyterianism as an organized religion in Toronto began in 1820 when Rev. James Harris of Belfast, Ireland founded the first Presbyterian congregation. With the opening of a small wooden structure on Richmond Street in 1822, the Presbyterian Church of York, Upper Canada remained the only Presbyterian church in the city until the establishment of St. Andrew's Church eight years later. Sometimes spoken of as Toronto's "Cathedral of Presbyterianism," St. Andrew's was to be the city's first associated with the Church of Scotland. The official history of the church states that on Wednesday, March 3,1830 "certain prominent Scotsmen, together with representatives of the 71st (Highland) Regiment... met in John Bradley's Hotel, York, for the purpose of forming a congregation 'in connection with the Church of Scotland.'"12 It is of note that those founding members came not from the Richmond Street church, with its association with the Presbyterian Church in Ireland but rather the Anglican church of St. James. As in Scotland the Disruption in 1843 had a strong influence on the development of Presbyterianism in Toronto, with 83 members withdrawing from St. Andrew's and merging with the Richmond Street Church to form Knox Presbyterian Church, in association with the Free Church. Completing the city's early matrix of Presbyterianism were the United Presbyterians, who built their first church in 1848, called the Bay Street Church, having grown from humble beginnings in 1837 when seven members and twenty-one adherents of the United Secession Church of Scotland (later to become United Presbyterian) met in a carpenter's shop on Adelaide Street. Thus by 1850, Presbyterianism had firmly established itself and was an expanding (albeit disjointed) force in the city. The following decades saw further growth in both church building and membership. By the time of The Globe's religious census in 1882, there were twelve Presbyterian churches in 12 Stuart C. Parker, The Book of St. Andrew's: a short history of St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church, Toronto (Toronto: Centenary Committee of the Congregation, 1930), p. 1. 230 Toronto, which compared favourably with other denominations within the city.13 While the initial growth in church building could in part be explained by the three separate Presbyterian denominations, by 1875 all were united under the Presbyterian Church in Canada. In 1861 the Free Church Synod in Canada and the United Presbyterian Church had merged to form the Canadian Presbyterian Church, which in 1875 united with the Established Church of Scotland in Canada to form the Presbyterian Church in Canada. With the exception of Carlton Street Church, which left in 1886 and allied itself with the somewhat obscure Reformed Presbyterian Church presbytery based in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, all Toronto's Presbyterian churches remained members of the Presbyterian Church in Canada until the formation of the United Church of Canada in 1925.14 That being said, during the period when efforts were underway to bring the various denominations together, there was an attempt to form a new branch in connection with the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland when in 1851 a group of Irish members left Knox Church. Although they were unsuccessful in drawing a minister from the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, leaving them to apply to the Canadian Presbyterian Church for membership, the church did remain committed to its Irish roots, in both naming itself after the Rev. Henry Cooke, a key figure in the development of Presbyterianism in Ireland, and in appointing a series of Irish born ministers. What specifically led to the decision to breakaway from Knox is not clear, but it is quite possible that the Irish members did not feel comfortable in what could in some respects be seen as a Scottish church. Apart from its initial connections to the Free Church of Scotland, Knox was home to meetings of the Gaelic Society of Toronto bible classes, with Gaelic According to the same census, there were eighteen Anglican churches, fourteen Methodist, eight Baptist, four Congregational and five Roman Catholic. Claris Edwin Silcox, Church Union in Canada: its causes and consequences (New York: Institute of Social and Religious Research, 1933), p. 66. 231 church services also taking place from time to time. Still, Knox's relationship with Toronto's Scottish community was less conspicuous than that of St. Andrew's Church. With regards to the creation of the city's eldest Scottish association, the St. Andrew's Society, it is stated "we can well imagine an idea taking root, first, in a casual remark on one of Toronto's muddy streets, a conversation as Scots family met Scots family at St. Andrew's Church "skailed," - the idea of forming a St. Andrew's Society."15 The relationship between the two was further fostered during the Society's first St. Andrew's Day celebration which took place on November 10,1836, when the procession headed to St. Andrew's Church, where a sermon was preached by the church minister and Chaplain to the Society, the Rev. William T. Leach.16 That the St. Andrew's Day sermon became an annual event at the church, created a formal link between both parties. As well as its connection with the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto, the church also had a strong association with the city's Highland regiment. Formed in 1891, the first roll of the 48th Highlanders shows the majority of senior positions were filled by members of St. Andrew's, as were a significant proportion of those among the "other ranks."17 Stuart Macdonald has suggested that the perception of the Presbyterian Church in Canada today as being an ethnically Scottish denomination may be reinforced by specifically "Scottish" celebrations such as Burns suppers, Tartan Sundays, and celebrations of the "Kirking of the Tartan."18 Yet in spite of the obvious connections between Knox and St. Andrew's to the Scottish community, there is no indication of any such celebrations until after 1925. Macdonald's two latter examples are relatively recent creations and with regards to Burns, the Church may not have wanted to be complicit in celebrating a man who in many respects was the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto, One Hundred Years of History, 1836-1936; The Hundredth Annual Report From Nov 30,1935 to Nov 30,1936 (Toronto: Murray Printing Company, 1936), p. xix. 16 St. Andrew's Society of Toronto, One Hundred Years of History, p. 8. 17 Parker, The Book of St. Andrew's, p. 60. Macdonald, "Presbyterian and Reformed Christians and Ethnicity," p. 334. 232 epitome of what it abhorred, but it is surprising that there were no overtly Scottish celebrations and seemingly no conscious effort at fostering a sense of Scottish identity. This is even more perplexing when there was precedent for ethnic commemoration. With regards to the establishment of a Chinese class at Knox Church in 1901, the following year's annual report states: Class was started in March of last year, with the assistance of the pastor who has valuable experience amongst the Chinese and is also well acquainted with their language. A very successful social was given by the teachers to the scholars and their friends. The program consisted of lantern views and musical pieces, after which refreshments were served.19 Why when both churches had clear connections to the Scottish community was there no equivalent Scottish club or even mention of a social event to celebrate Scottish culture? It would appear that in this regard church union in 1925 was the real turning point. Although a United Protestant church was supported by most Presbyterians, about one third resolved to preserve Presbyterianism in Canada. John Moir argues that while there were many reasons for their opposition, the threat against Scottish identity was one of them. He claims that as union approached the resistance movement among Presbyterians became more openly ethnic to the extent of being racist: Annual Report of the Trustees and Deacons Court of Knox Church for Congregational Year Ending 1902. (Toronto: Globe Printing Co., 1903). 233 Opinions were heard about the superiority of all things Scottish and of people raised on oatmeal. Canada was, they proudly announced, what Scots, loyal Scots, had made it, and the dissidents were determined to preserve those distinctive Scottish characteristics and distinctive loyalty.20 Notably after union the Presbyterian Church in Canada exhibited a much greater sense of Scottishness than before, the most blatant gesture being the renaming of their church sessions to "kirk session" as they were termed in Scotland.21 It is similarly not coincidental that the earliest confirmed Burns Supper took place not very long after union in 1933, signifying that the forces of Scottish identity had superseded misconceptions about celebrating the wayward Scot.22 The only known exception to this lack of pre 1925 displays of Scottishness among Toronto's Presbyterian churches was a Scotch entertainment evening around about St. Andrew's Day held by Erskine Church in 1898, in an "endeavour to promote sociability."23 Although this continued for the next few years, and according to the church's annual reports was a repeated success, that no other church carried out a similar event, the question still remains as to what their relationship was with the Scottish community. As has already been established, around 60 per cent of Toronto's Presbyterians were Scottish, but to what extent was this ethnic breakdown replicated within individual churches? Although church records for John S. Moir, "Loyalties in Conflict: Scottish and American Influences on Canadian Presbyterianism" in Early Presbyterianism in Canada: Essays by John S. Moir, ed. Paul Laverdure (Gravelbourg, SK: Gravelbooks, 2003) p. 186. 21 Ibid. Jeremy Bellsmith, "Robert Burns' Suppers - Traditions of Identity" unpublished paper given at University of Guelph Scottish Studies Spring Colloquium, April 2009. My thanks to Jeremy Bellsmith for sharing his research. 23 Erskine Presbyterian Church, Annual Reports, 1898-1901. 234 the most part do not contain the ethnicity of their members, it is possible to link individuals to their entry in the Canadian census which does provide such information. Using the 1901 census, this was done for all members of Presbyterian church sessions and their Boards of Management as published in the same year.24 The lowest form of court within the Presbyterian Church, church sessions were responsible for the spiritual and educational needs of the congregation and were made up of the minister and a body of elected elders, which in theory were representative of the church as a whole, while managers were concerned with the fabric and finances of the church. Elsewhere it has been shown that in socio economic terms these office bearers were not necessarily all that representative of the congregations they served, however with regards to ethnicity the overall results are broadly similar to the census breakdown of Toronto Presbyterians in 1881.2S The proportion of Scots was 59 per cent (compared to 60% in 1881), the English 22 per cent (compared to 11%) and the Irish 17 per cent (compared to 26 per cent). The differing proportions of English and Irish Presbyterians can be explained by the underrepresentation of the lower socioeconomic groups on church sessions and boards of management and the higher proportion of Irish in these categories.26 Linkage was carried out by matching names (first and last) and religion of the church officers as published in J. R. Robertson's Landmarks of Toronto in 1904 to entrants in the 1901 Canadian census who were living in the Toronto census districts. Where there was more than one person in the census with the same name, who was also Presbyterian, no link was made. Church officers were published in J. R. Robertson, Robertson's Landmarks of Toronto: a collection of historical sketches of the old town of York from 1792 until 1833 and of Toronto from 1834 to 1904 (Toronto: J. R. Robertson, 1904), pp. 120-302. 25 Peter Hi His makes the argument in "Presbyterianism and Social Class in Mid-Nineteenth Century Glasgow: a Study of Nine Churches," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 32,1 (January 1981), pp. 47-64. 26 Whereas 17 per cent of Toronto's 1881 population as a whole occupied the lowest socioeconomic group, the proportion of Irish in the same category was 27 per cent. 235 Although the linkage rate was for all churches at least 50 per cent, that it was not higher is in part down to the limitations of only being able to link through the aforementioned variables. Bearing in mind the relatively small numbers involved, as can be seen from table 5.1, all but three churches were made up predominantly of Scots. St. Andrew's and Erskine had the highest proportion, with 87.5 per cent of their office bearers being Scottish. Knox, Charles Street and St. James were also particularly high, with a Scottish representation of over 70 per cent. Of the three churches in which the Scots were underrepresented, it is significant that the proportion was considerably less than the others, suggesting that ethnicity was a relevant factor in deciding which Presbyterian church people attended. Cooke's Church as previously mentioned was formed by a number of Irish Presbyterians who had previously worshipped at Knox Church. 236 Table 5.1 Ethnic origin of church sessions and boards of management of Toronto Presbyterian churches in 1900 Linkage Church Links Scots (%) English (%) Irish (%) Other(%) Rate (%) St. Andrew's 16 50 87.5 6.3 6.3 0.0 Knox 12 71 75.0 25.0 0.0 0.0 Old St. Andrew's 12 55 58.3 41.7 0.0 0.0 Cooke's 21 66 14.3 9.5 76.2 0.0 Leslieville 7 54 28.6 42.9 28.6 0.0 St. James 14 93 71.4 7.1 14.3 7.1 St. John's 9 47 22.2 44.4 33.3 0.0 Charles Street 13 62 76.9 15.4 7.7 0.0 Erskine 16 62 87.5 6.3 6.3 0.0 Central 9 43 66.7 22.2 11.1 0.0 College Street 17 59 58.8 23.5 5.9 11.8 Total 146 60 58.8 22.2 17.2 1.7 Source: Linkage carried out by author using data from J. R. Robertson, Robertson's Landmarks of Toronto: a collection of historical sketches of the old town of York from 1792 until 1837 and of Toronto from 1834 to 1904 (Toronto: J. R. Robertson, 1904), pp. 120-302, and 1901 Canadian census. An examination of its session confirms that Cooke's was a predominantly Irish Church with more than three quarters being of Irish origin, the remainder being Scottish. It is worth noting that according to the Cooke's annual reports, they also catered to the Chinese community, having established a Chinese Endeavor Committee which met every Sunday when the whole meeting with the exception of the bible lesson, was conducted in Chinese, although reference is also made in the records to the annual Irish night which consisted of "music, song, story and humour."27 The historical ties to an ethnic group are less obvious for Leslieville and St. John's, Cooke's Church Annual Report, 1899. 237 however the high proportion of English members would suggest that these were specifically of a non-Scottish nature. Geography is of course one explanation. It is possible that both Leslieville and St. John's were located in areas with few Scots. This however seems unlikely as a spatial analysis of two of the city's Presbyterian church memberships demonstrates that parishioners were willing to walk (at least up until 1897 before the arrival of Sunday street cars) reasonable distances to attend church, in some cases passing other Presbyterian churches on their way. Figure 5.1 shows the address points of members of Knox Church using its 1882 Communion roll, in relation to Knox and the other Presbyterian churches in the vicinity of congregants. Figure 5.2 likewise shows the dispersal of St. James Presbyterian Church in relation to it and other churches using its communion roll between 1880 and 1890. While both show some concentration of congregants around the church, it is striking how many do not live within close proximity to their church. As has been shown in Scotland, there was considerable mobility between churches and indeed people would "shop around" for a church in which they felt comfortable.28 The same was true among Toronto's churches. Analysis of St. James Church Communion Rolls shows that on average the church received around seventy five new members a year, yet the church's overall numbers did not rise in unison. While deaths in the congregation may go some way to explaining this, it is likely that people moved away from the area or simply switched between churches in the city, while some may have even stopped attending church altogether. Knox Church for example claimed newspaper proprietor George Brown as one of their own, yet he is also found in the St. James Church Communion Rolls.29 Brown, Religion and Society, p. 113. William Fitch, Knox Church, Toronto: Avant-garde Evangelical Advancing (Toronto: John Deyell, 1971), p. 21. 238 Figure 5.1: Dispersal of Knox Church members in relation to Knox and other Presbyterian churches in Toronto, 1882 (Source: Knox Presbyterian Church Communion roll M W ID J Presbyterian Churches J Knox Presbyterian Church o 0.375 0.75 1.5 Kilometers X u i i i I J l_ Figure 5.2: Dispersal of St. James Presbyterian Church members in relation to St. James and other Presbyterian churches in Toronto. 1880-1890 (Source: St. James Presbvterian Church Communion rolls) tj, •— ". -i i. ' v -~7* T—'—' •<*•* N) o -v* ; •£>- *U*V A; . v • N. » ^<*'" \I ,\ ,, <• V J Presbyterian Churches J St. James Presbyterian Church 0 0.375 0.75 1.5 Kilometers I i i i I 1 i _J As Similarly, St. Andrew's claimed Sir Oliver Mowat as a member, yet according to the record of St. James Church, the Mowats were handed their certificates in July 1863, and Sir Oliver kept his connection unbroken until his death in April 1903.30 Social class could be another factor in determining which church to attend. John Moir writes of the Established Church of Scotland, "generally its members supported the Conservative party in politics, whereas the Free Church Secession groups usually could be counted as Liberals. The Kirk somehow represented social prestige and superior respectability, and this was an image that it deliberately fostered."31 That the pew rents for St. Andrew's Church were higher than those of Knox goes some way to supporting this assertion. Whereas pew rents per quarter ranged between seventy five cents and a dollar twenty five at St. Andrew's, the lowest pew rent was fifty cents at Knox and the highest one dollar twenty five.32 Analysis of members occupations for two of the city's formerly secessionist churches demonstrates that even here it was the middle classes that dominated.33 Table 5.2 shows that both St. James and Knox had a higher representation of small businessmen and skilled non- manual labourers (SOCPO level 4) than the wider Scottish population in Toronto, with similar combined numbers in the skilled and semi-skilled manual labourer categories (SOCPO levels 2 and 3). What is perhaps most surprising is the underrepresentation of unskilled workers (SOCPO level 1). They accounted for almost 16 per cent of the Scots in Toronto, with less than three per cent at St. James, and six per cent at Knox. Although they could have been taking advantage of 30 Parker, The Book of St. Andrew's, p. 33; St. James Square Presbyterian Congregation, Historical Sketch of Saint James Square Presbyterian Congregation, (Toronto: Brown-Searle Printing Co., 1903), p. 57. 31 Moir, Enduring Witness, p. 136. The figures for St. Andrew's Church appear in the minutes for a meeting of the managers held on January 24,1876, located in the St. Andrew's records in the Presbyterian Church in Canada Archive; the figures for Knox Church appear in a book of seat rents for 1882-1887, also held in the Presbyterian Church in Canada Archive. The Communion rolls for St. James and Knox contained the names, addresses and occupations (where applicable) of all members of the congregation. 241 "free seats," the occupants of which were not recorded, Callum Brown has argued that while the working classes as a whole have been shown to account for the largest number of churchgoers in Scotland, unskilled occupations such as labourers were grossly underrepresented in lists of Scottish Presbyterian church members. This is supported by Peter Hills who contends that factors of dress, pew rents, discipline and financial contributions created an environment which put off many of the lower working class. "Put more simply, they could not afford to go." Table 5.2 Occupational profile of Toronto Scots compared to members of St. James and Knox churches SOCPO (%) Toronto (%) St. James (%)Knox Occupational Description Level Scots 1881 1853-1905 1882 Large-scale Businessmen, Property 5 owners and Highly Skilled Professionals 8.9 5.6 7.9 Small Businessmen and Skilled Non- 4 manual Labourers 38.1 53.5 48.6 3 Skilled Manual Labourers 28.3 14.4 29.9 2 Semi-Skilled Labourers 8.1 24.4 3.4 1 Unskilled Labourers 15.8 2.2 5.6 - Unclassified 0.7 0.0 4.5 Source: St. James Presbyterian Church Communion Rolls, 1853-1905, and Knox Presbyterian Church Communion Roll, 1882 Therefore while class may have been a barrier to those at the bottom of the social ladder, it would seem that it was not a major factor determining which church to attend. While it is impossible to determine exactly what those factors were, it can be said with some confidence that in searching for a suitable church, for Scots, being among their own countrymen was a primary consideration. Hillis, "Presbyterianism and Social Class," p. 61. 242 A Transplanted Institution Having established that there was a definite connection between Toronto's Scottish community and the Presbyterian Church, the question remains as to why it did not embark on overt displays of Scottishness. The most obvious answer is that unlike the St. Andrew's and Caledonian Societies, it was not a creation of the diaspora but rather a transplanted institution which sought to replicate the same role it had in Scottish society. The Presbyterian Church was a Scottish institution which saw no need to foster a sense of Scottishness but rather focus on carrying out its evangelical goals among the communities it served. The extent to which the Presbyterian Church in Toronto should be considered a mirror of Presbyterianism in Scotland can be seen through a comparison of the churches' respective role, which in nineteenth-century Scotland had undergone a significant change brought about by industrial growth. Callum Brown argues that the urban middle classes developed a new social system of which the distinguishing feature was evangelicalism. The effect, he states, "was to turn the cities into the vibrant focus of aggressive Christianity with endless and very successful appeals for money for building churches, manses and mission stations, for mounting foreign missions, and for the publication of tracts. [Furthermore] Evangelicalism demanded personal commitment through voluntary effort in Sunday schools, Bible classes, tract distribution, home visiting, the temperance soiree, and hundreds of other related activities."35 Nowhere was this more evident than in Glasgow, where by the end of the nineteenth century most churches were offering a huge range of activities. One church for example could boast Sunday schools, bible classes, a Literary Society, male and female fellowship associations, Christian Endeavour societies, a Company of Boys' Brigade, Gospel Temperance Meetings, a Penny Savings Band, and branches of the YMCA. On top of this there was a large band of Home Mission workers to 35 Brown, Religion and Society, p. 102. 243 undertake door-to-door visitations to the parish's working class residents. The middle classes interpreted urban social problems as being interrelated to the spiritual failures of the individual, and the agencies developed were a means of addressing moral shortcomings. According to Brown, "this mammoth panoply of religious voluntary organizations became the vehicle for implementing social reform amongst the working classes and the poor, and for improving the quality of urban life generally."37 Contemporary sources would suggest that such efforts, along with the attitudes which drove social reform in Scotland's town and cities, were also prevalent in Toronto. An article from 1887 in the Knox College Monthly commenting on the large percentage of non-church going population states: In Toronto the number is probably about one half, and of this number a great many belong to the working class. It is true that many who are honest, hardworking and frugal in their habits, who are moral and respectable and 'good enough' to sit in the best pew in any church in the city, attend no place of worship; but it is true also of another class, a class which is neither moral nor respectable, a class or 'ne'er do weels' - poor drunkards and immoral persons who are sinning away their lives in gratification of sinful passions. Now it is for the benefit of persons belonging to the working class in general and the poor and degraded in particular that City Mission work is being carried on.38 Brown, Religion and Society, p. 106. 37 Brown, Religion and Society, p. 105. J. Argo, "City Mission Work: its benefits," in Knox College Monthly and Presbyterian Magazine, July 1887, p. 159. 244 Added to the City Mission were the efforts of individual churches, none of which were more active than St. Andrew's. In 1869 the church established its own Mission Church and Sabbath School on the corner of King and Simcoe Streets. After a somewhat precarious start, which saw it being relocated to make way for the new St. Andrew's Church building, and from 1876 undergoing a period of idleness, in 1884 St. Mark's Mission was reopened to address the needs of the surrounding community. Of greatest concern was the "intemperate use of intoxicants," which the missionaries claimed were responsible for "at least nine tenths of the poverty, wretchedness and indifference to religious things."39 In trying to tackle both the causes and resultant consequences, the mission organized a Gospel Temperance Society for adults, while a children's singing class was formed into a Band of Hope. Furthermore a rigorous programme of home visitations was carried out which in 1885 saw 450 families being visited, some of them more than once, resulting in 50 coming to regular services and over 150 coming occasionally.40 Within the bounds of its immediate parishioners, the missionary zeal was no less enthusiastic. The church's Ladies Association worked tirelessly to aid the less fortunate members of society. The type and extent of assistance provided by the association can be seen from its annual report of 1874: Cash $84.76 Wood 3 cords Coal 2 % tons Yarn 2lbs Boots 2 pairs 39 St. Andrew's Church (Church of Scotland) Toronto Annual Report for Year ending Dec 31,1885 (Toronto: Bell & Co. 1886). 40 Ibid. 245 Groceries $8.25 Rent and Board $33.50 Dress material $24 (besides a considerable quantity of cast-off clothing) In total the association aided fourteen families, the greatest quantity being given to one family amounting to $27 in cash, $2.75 worth of groceries and 20 yards of flannel.41 Seven years later the largest payment had increased to $61.91, although the association explained that "in this case the people are old and almost unable to help themselves."42 The full extent of St. Andrew's social and religious influence is demonstrated through the work of the Men's Association who were responsible for running the church's pioneering Nelson Institute. From humble beginnings, the Institute was the culmination of work begun in 1870 when a Saturday "Sunday School" was established in one of the city's poorest residential areas, after a Sunday School teacher discovered the misery in which one of her pupils lived. In 1877 Dorset House School was opened in association with the church which by the end of its first year of operation had an average attendance of 45, attracting both those living in the building and from neighbouring streets. The school also provided evening classes for boys and girls in which reading, writing, arithmetic and dictation were taught.43 In November 1890 the Institute was opened as a permanent replacement to Dorset House School which several years before had to vacate the premises and was subsequently located at various sites. Intended to serve as a social centre for the parish in which the "bodies and minds" could be cared for, the St. Andrew's Church, 1874 Annual Report. 42 St. Andrew's Church, 1881 Annual Report. St. Andrew's Church, 1877 Annual Report. 246 centre provided a vast array of services. In its first annual report, the Night School and Gymnasium claimed that there was not any branch of work carried on at the Institute which showed the advantage of the new building more than it. The average attendance since opening in November had been nearly double that of last year and we have scarcely begun to see what our possibilities are, as our work cannot be said to be more than organized yet. School is open at 7:45 every Tuesday and Friday night. The club room is practically open every night. The reading room is open on Monday, Wednesday and Thursday evenings. The Gymnasium and Swimming Bath are open on Monday, Wednesday and Saturday evenings.45 Other features of the Institute were the Bible Readers Association meetings, the Men's Association, the Sunday school, the sewing school, the Girls Own club, and the Girls Calisthenic Club. Of these latter two institutions, the Girls Own Club devoted the first Thursday of every month to mission work, on the second and third Thursday evening "practical cooking" cooking was taught, with the fourth evening being a social evening of which the girls were responsible for the proceedings. The Calisthenic Club on the other hand met every Monday evening in the school room, providing exercise for girls ten years old and under.46 The Sunday School also benefited from its new surrounding, also reporting higher than ever attendance. In 1898 it had Parker, The Book of St. Andrew's, p. 56. 45 St. Andrew's Church, 1890 Annual Report. 46 Robertson, Landmarks of Toronto, p. 301. 247 an average attendance of 170 and through contributions was able to raise the sum of $197.36, which was distributed as follows:47 Home missions $18.21 Foreign missions $18.22 Welland Canal mission $10.00 Klondike mission $4.50 Christmas dinner to 50 poor children $13.61 Sick Children's Hospital $30.00 Men's Association $10.00 School expenses $92.82 Another important feature carried out in association with the institute was the savings bank.48 Instigated at Dorset House, the St. Andrew's Church Penny Savings Association was the city's first Penny Saving Bank. Other churches followed suit, although they appear not to have had the same longevity as St. Andrew's. According to the Men's Association, who were responsible for running the bank, the "strictly conservative principles did not go in for show but deeds still lives, the Scotch Presbyterian blood stood the test and made a permanent success."49 The activity of the bank varied from week to week, with for example only $1.22 being taken in on the Saturday night of November 17,1877 from eleven depositors, as opposed to the 174 depositors who put in $174.27 and withdrew $139.80 on Saturday April 2,1878.50 Seen as great value to the poor as it enabled them to put aside a small sum which might otherwise have been Robertson, Landmarks of Toronto, p. 302. Gordon Pollock discusses Penny Savings Banks in Glasgow in "Aspects of Thrift in East End Glasgow: new accounts at the Bridgeton Cross branch of the Savings Bank of Glasgow, 1881," International Review of Scottish Studies, 32 (2007), pp. 117-148. 49 St. Andrew's Church, 1877 Annual Report. Ibid. 248 spent, the bank by 1898 had no less than 878 active accounts on the books, amounting to a total capital of $7,438.65.51 The principle was summed up by one of the bank's younger depositors who was reportedly heard saying to a companion "if you put the money in the Bank you cannot run and get it when you want to buy candy."52 What is of further significance is that these philanthropic endeavours were not restricted to the Scottish or indeed Presbyterian community. In trying to attract people to its services, St. Mark's Mission was intent on attracting "persons who were at one time members of the Presbyterian or some other Protestant Church, but who for years have been out of Church connection."53 Going further than this, the Penny Saving Bank was at the disposal of anyone who wished to take advantage of its services. According to the operators, "our depositors are cosmopolitan; Canadian, British, German, Jew, Italian and Negro, all colours, white, black and yellow."54 Similarly the Kindergarten which was established at the Nelson Institute in the early 1900s, was non discriminatory. Its 1907 report comments that "we have had fewer Jews, but more Finlanders and some Russians."55 This contrasts with the likes of the St. Andrew's Society who were not surprisingly more restrictive in their membership, stipulating that only Scotsmen and or the sons and grandsons of Scotsmen could join, but also as O'Conner points out, eligibility was restricted by ethnicity and to those who were considered "deserving poor." While the Presbyterian Church was upfront in making judgments about the "ne'er do weels," there is no evidence that it disallowed charity on that basis but to the contrary took extensive efforts to address what it saw as the underlying causes of such circumstances. Robertson, Landmarks of Toronto, p. 301. St. Andrew's Church, 1877 Annual Report. St. Andrew's Church, 1887 Annual Report. St. Andrew's Church, 1877 Annual Report. St. Andrew's Church, 1907 Annual Report. 249 In all, by the end of the century the Nelson Institute had a total of 94 teacher and officers, and 2,081 scholars and depositors. In addition the Bible Readers, who had their headquarters in the Institute, in the year 1898 made some 1,300 visits to the houses of the sick and needy in the parish. The annual report of the same year states, "we think that for an institution in charge of volunteers, we are doing a work which will compare favourably with any other in the city of Toronto."56 The praise does not seem unwarranted, although it is important to acknowledge that St. Andrew's was not alone in carrying out such work. Knox's Duchess Street Mission was situated in one of the poorest districts in the city, which did what it could to assist the local community. Commenting on the work of its sewing school, it was stated: Since our work began our endeavour has been to gather into our school the poorest and most neglected children of the neighbourhood, feeling that they especially needed any teaching we could give. In this aim we have been partly successful and while many have come to us from respectable homes, we are glad to say that among our number are many of the class we most wish to teach -the neglected children of ignorant mothers.57 From 1887 the church also ran a Penny Saving Bank and in 1901 began a Boys Brigade, an institution which originated in Scotland with the intentions of promoting habits of "obedience, reverence, discipline, self respect and all that tend towards a true Christian manliness."58 St. James Church had an extensive Sabbath school, a bible class, a missionary association, a 56 Robertson, Landmarks of Toronto, p. 302. 57 Reports of the Affairs of the Congregation of Knox Church Toronto on 31st December 1886 (Toronto: Mail Job Print, 1887). 58 Reports of the Affairs of the Congregation of Knox Church 1902. 250 women's foreign missionary society, two mission bands and a young people's guild, all for a congregation which never exceeded 700 members. Elsewhere Bands of Hope tried to save children from the "drunkard's doom," sewing schools taught girls practical skills and to "be cleanly in their habits," and other Penny Savings Banks were also encouraging the young and old to save and provide for future want.59 All this was provided by a band of volunteers with a commitment to improving society, wholly reminiscent of the urban middle classes in Scotland, for whom evangelicalism had become an important part of their identity. Graeme Morton has referred to the culture of philanthropic intervention as being a fundamental characteristic among Victorian Scots, and it is evident that this continued to be the case overseas.60 As the primary mechanism through which this was achieved, the Presbyterian Church acted as a place where Scots could maintain a major part of their identity and in doing so help create an arena in which it could be reinforced and instilled among future generations. Toronto may have been able to boast numerous clubs and societies devoted to different aspects of Scottish culture and aimed at different sectors of the Scottish community, however none of them came close to replicating the success of the Church. Although not a singularly Scottish organization, with a membership which represented over 60 per cent of the city's Scottish population, Scots were the Presbyterian Church's largest ethnic group. The relevance of ethnicity is further evident within the churches themselves. By breaking down individual church memberships, it can be seen that they were often composed along ethnic lines, this being most apparent among Irish Protestants who favoured Cooke's Presbyterian Church over the many others dominated by Scots. In some cases there was a formal link between churches and the 59 Argo, "City Mission Work," p. 161. 60 Graeme Morton, "Ethnic Identity in the Civic World of Scottish Associational Culture," in Ties ofBluid, Kin and Countrie: Scottish Associational Culture in the Diaspora, eds. Tanja Bueltmann, Andrew Hinson and Graeme Morton (Guelph: Centre for Scottish Studies, 2009), pp. 33-50. 251 more blatant carriers of Scottish identity, the most notable example being St. Andrew's, with its ties to the St. Andrew's Society and the 48th Highlanders. For most Scots however, church was a place where they could maintain an everyday Scottish identity, which rather than being centred around nostalgia for their homeland was built on the foundations of morality and religion. As much, if not more than any of Toronto's Scottish clubs or societies, the Presbyterian Church helped sustain a distinct Scottish community, which in this most British of cities, enabled Scottishness to flourish. 252 Conclusion On September 10,1888, Canada's sixth governor general, Frederick Arthur Stanley, arrived in Toronto for his first official visit to the city, where he was greeted at Union Station by a large crowd eager to get a glimpse of the vice regal party. The Toronto Evening Telegram claimed that "during all the years that Toronto has been the capital and the metropolis of the greatest province in the Dominion, she has never honoured the coming of a distinguished guest with a more enthusiastic welcome than that which Lord Stanley has received from the citizens."1 Such enthusiasm continued throughout his three day visit, the main purpose of which was to officially open the Toronto Industrial Exhibition, where according to The Globe, "cheer after cheer went up as the distinguished visitors stood on the platform and looked at the sea of faces in the grandstand."2 Even upon his departure, the Queen's representative was given "a good British sendoff" involving a call for "three cheers and a tiger" to which the crowd responded with "Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!" followed by a rising growl.3 Acknowledging the affection with which he had been received, during a speech at Toronto's Allan Gardens, Lord Stanley delighted his audience when he stated: I feel certain that nowhere in Her Majesty's Dominions could her name be recognized with greater pride and patriotism, nowhere would it be received with greater warmth and fervor or with more sincere attachment and devotion, both to her person and to her crown.4 Toronto Evening Telegram, September 11,1888, quoted in Kevin Shea and John Jason Wilson, Lord Stanley: The Man Behind the Cup (Bolton, Ontario, Fenn Publishing Company, 2006), p. 113. 2 The Globe, September 12,1888, quoted in Shea and Wilson, Lord Stanley, p. 123. Toronto Evening Telegram, September 12, 1888, quoted in Shea and Wilson, Lord Stanley, p. 133. 4 The Globe, September 11,1888 quoted in Shea and Wilson, Lord Stanley, p. 119. 253 While such sentiments may have been part of the Governor General's customary rhetoric, there is little question of the city's genuine loyalty to both Queen and Empire. Indeed claims that a stronger common sense of British identity was formed in the Empire overseas than in the British Isles itself, are nowhere better epitomized than in Toronto.5 Yet to what extent did the city's strong sense of British identity indicate an erosion of national identities among the diaspora of the countries which made up the British Isles? Toronto in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century has been described as a "British city on American soil," its strong sense of Britishness being equated to ethnic homogeneity. In doing so however, little account is taken of the "sub" identities of the city's population. Further scrutiny of Lord Stanley's visit would suggest that within Toronto ties to these nations remained strong and distinct. As well as opening the Industrial Exhibition, Lord Stanley carried out several other civic engagements, among which were meetings with the St. George's Society, the Sons of England, the St. Andrew's Society, and the Irish Protestant Benevolent Society. During their separate audiences, all expressed their loyalty to the Empire, but also a commitment to their fellow immigrant countrymen. In the records of the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto is a copy of the address given to the governor general by Society President, Daniel Clark: We the members of the St. Andrew's Society of Toronto desire to take part with our fellow citizens of other nationalities in welcoming your Excellency, both personally and as the representative of her Majesty, on this your Excellency's first visit to the City of 5 Phillip Buckner, "Introduction: Canada and the British Empire," in The Oxford History of the British Empire: Companion Series, Canada and the British Isles, ed. Phillip Buckner(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 6. 254 Toronto. In approaching your Excellency we beg leave to express our sincere devotion to the person and Government of her Majesty. Your Excellency will find as all your Excellency's predecessors have found, that those of us who have crossed the sea have changed only our sky, not our mind, and that those of us who are native of this land inherit our fathers' loyalty to the glorious flag of the British nation. Your Excellency will also find that men of Scottish name and race occupy no mean place in the history of this Canada of ours, that in all walks of life the sons of the heather hold positions among the foremost. Though conscious that our first duty is to the land of our adoption, we cherish the memory of the Old Land, and think that no harm is done by striving to cultivate here some of the sturdy qualities of our forefathers.6 Here we see evidence not only of the comfortable coexistence of dual British and Scottish identities, but also an acknowledgment of loyalty to the country in which they now lived. Undoubtedly there was a degree of blurring between these identities, but assertions such as those made by Mackenzie King in his account of foreigners living in Toronto that with the exception of a few national societies immigrants from Scotland, England, Ireland and Wales were almost indistinguishable as a foreign population certainly go too far. Examination of Scots living in Toronto in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries demonstrates the existence of a distinct Scottish community within the city. Furthermore contrary to another misconception, it was not predominantly made up of successful businessmen, politicians and other high achievers. Such perceptions are often associated with the Scots overseas, typical being Lord Stanley's response to the St. Andrew's Society address, when he made reference to the Scots contribution to civilization, 6 October 11,1888 entry in St. Andrew's Society of Toronto Minute Book. 255 noting that they were pioneers who could be found in every corner of the globe.7 Not surprisingly met with a warm cheer from the Society's members, his sentiments were consistent with Clark's own claim that in Canada Scots held prominent positions "in all walks of life." While there are certainly many examples of high achieving Scots overseas, many of whom were members of the St. Andrew's Society, it was not the case for the majority of Scots, most of whom lived ordinary lives without ever achieving local, never mind national distinction. Using Canadian census data from 1881 it was seen that while Scots living in Toronto did have a slightly higher proportion of their own workforce in the highest occupational grouping than the other British groups, in numerical terms they were heavily outweighed. In reality Scots were just as likely to be to be unskilled workers (the lowest occupation category) as they were to be large-scale businessmen, property owners or highly skilled professionals (the highest category). More indicative of Toronto's Scottish workforce was its diversity, being represented across all occupational categories by a range of different occupations. This is succinctly illustrated by the top four occupations of Scottish males at this time which were clerk, merchant, carpenter and labourer, each of which belonged to different occupational categories. In other aspects too the Scots did not stand out among their fellow Britons. Being relatively evenly dispersed across the city, geographically they gave no indication of forming a distinct Scottish community. Although this is not the only determinant of community, in terms of sex ratios and age profile Toronto's Scots were also almost identical to the rest of the population. Demographically however, there were some indications that they were part of their own ethnic community. With regards to marriage, Scots were 7 Shea and Wilson, Lord Stanley, p. 117. 256 considerably more likely to marry within their own ethnic group, which as a key determinant of ethnic assimilation, would suggest they did not blend as fully into the wider population as has been previously thought. The tendency to marry another Scot was certainly greater among immigrants than generational Scots, but even non-immigrant generations favoured Scottish partners, indicating that the ethnic community was not limited to immigrants Scots. While the pattern of marriage among Scots provides evidence of their being a Scottish community, where the Scots can be clearly distinguished through the 1881 Canadian census is in their religious persuasion. Although not all Scots were Presbyterian, nor indeed were all Presbyterians Scottish, it is evident through the census that religion more than any other category distinguished Scots living in Toronto from those of the other British nations. Once again this was strongest among immigrants, but even generational Scots were disproportionately drawn to Presbyterianism. The importance of the Presbyterian Church is also evident among future Scottish immigrants. Analysis using the 1911 Canadian census of the Scots who arrived after 1881 would suggest that this and many of the patterns which were evident from the earlier census were still so by 1911. During this period, Scottish arrivals in the city mirrored that of Canadian immigration as a whole, being slow throughout the last decades of the nineteenth century, but accelerating quickly beyond this point. The Scots who arrived were as varied as they had been in 1881, including almost equal numbers of men and women over a range of ages. The presence of children highlights the family component of the movement, although most arrived either alone, with only a spouse, or in some cases, as part of, or to take up residence with an extended family. Those who did come over single and subsequently married were, as in 1881, primarily drawn to Scottish partners. 257 Perhaps even more so than the 1881 census data, the occupational and earnings data from the 1911 census of Scottish immigrants undermines the impression of overseas Scots enjoying a position of elite in their adopted surroundings. The most common occupation among Scottish immigrants in Toronto was labourer, with the average income among the post 1881 arrivals being $700 per year. Beyond this however there was considerable variation. Although the domestic sector became even more dominant among female immigrants, men were drawn to a wide variety of occupations in all occupational groups. That the largest of these was manual skilled workers has led to suggestions that this was due to barriers faced by immigrants from entering certain occupations higher up the occupational hierarchy. These suggestions however seem unfounded, the most likely explanation being that Scots were taking advantage of higher premiums placed on skills gained in Scotland than they could get there. That many did enter into clerical positions would suggest that those who desired to gain the employment security which such occupations offered, could do so if they wished. It was in fact the diversity of Toronto's Scottish population which offers the key to why so many chose this city to immigrate to above any other. As one of the most advanced economies in Europe, Scotland produced a highly skilled workforce, where a tradition of mobility meant they were amenable to overseas opportunities which offered the prospect of a better standard of living than could be gained by remaining at home. The diversity of both Scotland's workforce and Toronto's economy combined with the earlier waves of migrants who formed the basis of Toronto's Scottish community in the latter decades of the nineteenth century, formed a channel through which information could be communicated regarding the availability of opportunities, creating the ideal conditions for a strong migratory stream. The power of such influences is evident from the number of 258 migrants who arrived contrary to the wishes of the Canadian authorities who were more intent on attracting agricultural workers to help people Canada's western frontier. Toronto's existing Scottish community undoubtedly eased the migration process in other respects too, most notably through its extensive associational network which was able to assist Scots on a whole variety of levels. The St. Andrew's Society for example existed to provide charitable assistance to Scottish immigrants in need of aid. By mostly giving small sums of money, the Society helped thousands of the city's new arrivals. In raising money for such purposes, the Society carried out its other primary function of organizing the annual St. Andrew's Day celebrations. As one of the highlights on Toronto's social calendar, the celebrations provided the Society with a means through which business networking could take place both among the Scottish community and with people of influence on the outside. Other examples include the Sons of Scotland Benevolent Association with its provision of affordable life insurance, the Toronto Gaelic Society, which catered to the city's Gaelic needs, and all the others which provided sociability, a means to engage with Scottish culture, and a continuing connection to the country from which they had left. Established in 1836, the St. Andrew's Society was the eldest Scottish association in the city. Although there did for limited periods exist other such Scottish organizations, it was not until the establishment of the Caledonian Society in 1869 that Toronto's Scottish associational culture really took off. Part of the city's wider development of clubs and societies, inspired by an emerging middle class trying to bring a sense of order in a city undergoing unprecedented industrialization, urbanization and general growth, in little over two decades Toronto's associational presence had risen to seven clubs and societies. By the outbreak of the First World War the number had reached twelve, much of this latter 259 growth being on account of the influx of Scots who from 1900 were arriving in unprecedented numbers. Serving a variety of purposes and made up of varying memberships, in many respects the clubs and societies reflected the diversity of the Scottish community. Composed of the city's Scottish elite, the St. Andrew's Society served their own needs while also catering to the poorest members of the community. With a slightly less exclusive membership the Caledonian Society probably did the most in engaging with the full community by making regular financial contributions to the poor, taking an involvement in Scottish sports by organizing Caledonian Games and providing trophies for sporting competitions, carrying out literary pursuits such as organizing the annual Burns concert and producing a book of Scottish Canadian poetry, and hosting various events aimed specifically at the society's own membership. Most of the city's other Scottish organizations were composed of those from either the upper and lower middle classes, or a combination of the two. The most notable exception was the Sons of Scotland, which may have emulated much of the characteristics of these middle class groups, but was predominately made up from the upper sectors of the working classes. Within each society also existed a highly stratified organizational structure reflecting members' different standing in society. While this was a community clearly aware of social diversity, it was equally one which when the need arose, was able to come together for the common good of the city's Scots. The most notable example of this occurring was the united fundraising effort for the memorial cairn on the St. Andrew's Society's burial plot for destitute Scots without family or means for a decent burial. The unveiling ceremony which took place on June 20,1891 marked a high point in Toronto's Scottish associational culture with every Scottish club and society being represented and an estimated two thousand in attendance. Similar united 260 efforts took place over the next decade for the establishment of the 48th Highland regiment and the erection of a statue to the nation's beloved bard, Robert Burns. Yet in spite of such achievements from Toronto's Scottish associational matrix, it was another institution which could boast the most central place among the Scottish community. With more than 7,500 attending a Presbyterian Church on a weekly basis, no other Scottish club or society came close to such a membership.8 As well as its larger membership, in contrast to the clear social divisions of Scottish clubs and societies, the Church was considerably more egalitarian. While subtle differences between the social make-up of different churches did exist and there was a definite underrepresentation of the lower working classes, this was not a consequence of regulatory policies. However where the Church differed most from the city's other Scottish associations was in how it reinforced a sense of Scottish identity among the community. Rather than embarking on specifically cultural pursuits, it simply replicated much of the role it had played in Scotland by providing theological guidance and carrying out a range of missionary activities to meet the needs of the surrounding community. By providing Scots living in a British city with an everyday Scottish identity, it was better able than any club or society to allow the community to maintain a genuine sense of Scottishness. 8 Religious Census, The Globe, February 7,1882. 261 Appendix 1: Variables in the NAPP 1881 Canadian census database Source: http://www.nappdata.org Geographic Variables (Household) Province, Canada Demographic Variables (Person) District, Canada Age Division number, Canada Marital status Household number, Canada Sex Subdistrict, Canada Age in months Subdistrict name, Canada Month of birth Technical Variables (Household) Ethnicity Variables (Person) Household index number Birthplace, detailed Number of people in household Country of birth Reel number Birthplace, Canadian domestic locations Volume Ethnic origin, first stated Ethnic origin, second stated Technical Variables (Person) Born in NAPP country Person index within household Individual identification number, Canada Work Variables (Person) Line number Occupation as transcribed Page number Occupation, NAPP-modified HISCO code Occupation language stated in Other Variables (Person) Relationship information in occupation Last name string First name Status information in occupation string Religion, first stated Product sold Religion, second stated Labor force participation 262 Appendix 2: Occupational Classification As an indicator of an array of socioeconomic characteristics, occupation is the key variable in determining social class. According to W. A. Armstrong, "for the most part it is clear he [the historian] will have to rely on simple statements of occupation, not because this is the best or sole means of social classification, but as the only one which will enable him to place in a systematic way all individuals under consideration".1 Yet with over two million distinct alphabetic occupational strings (unique orderings of alphanumeric characters and spaces - "black smith" and "blacksmith" are distinct strings because of the space in the first string), the need for a scheme to "code" such occupational information into a common classification scheme is apparent.2 The Historical International Standard Classification of Occupations (HISCO) is a relatively recent classification scheme for historical international data.3 Developed by a team of international researchers, who used occupational data derived from a variety of historical sources, including birth certificates, census records, and parish, civil and catechetical registers to produce an index of occupations; titles, based on a modified version of the 1968 version of the International Labour Organisation's International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISC068). HISCO is based on a four-level hierarchical code. These codes consist of a major group, a minor group, a unit group, and a heading. For example the heading "Bank Teller" (3-31.40) is found in the unit group "Bookkeepers and Cashiers" (3-31), in a minor group "Bookkeepers, W. A. Armstrong, "The use of information about occupation" in Nineteenth-century Society: Essays in the use of quantitative methods for the study of social data, ed. E. A. Wrigley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), p. 202. 2 Figure based on NAPP data 3 Marco H. D. van Leeuwen, Ineke Mass, and Andrew Miles, HISCO: Historical International Standard Classification of Occupations (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 2002). 263 Cashiers and Related Workers" (3-3), in the major group "Clerical and Related Workers" (3).4 HISCO has 8 major groups, 83 minor groups, 284 unit groups, and 1,881 headings. Recognising that HISCO will become an international standard for classifying historical occupational data, when coding the 2 million titles in their database, the NAPP project employ a modified version of HISCO, based on the same codes.5 Within HISCO, a large number of unit groups make fine distinctions among headings which use a degree of specificity rarely found in late-nineteenth century census data. The occupational responses in the NAPP data sets generally have insufficient detail to make use of such fine distinctions. To address this, the NAPP project compressed such HISCO headings into new aggregated headings with minimal loss of information, while retaining all categories with a significant number of responses. As a consequence NAPP utilise only 650 codes as opposed to HISCO's 1,881. Similarly, while the HISCO data includes occupations not found in the NAPP database, the NAPP project encountered occupations not dealt with by HISCO. In general they added categories based on a rough frequency threshold.6 For example, new codes were created for "machinist," "blacksmith" and "gardener," for which there is no single obvious code in HISCO. Several modifications were also introduced to accommodate the vague occupational titles often found in census data.7 According to the authors, these revisions resulted in mostly subtle differences, except in a few cases where there were significant changes.8 As the most sizable dataset for this project comes from NAPP, and for the sake of comparability, it is the classification developed by NAPP that has been used for all datasets utilised in this work. Van Leeuwen, Mass, and Miles, HISCO E. Roberts et al, "Occupational Classification in the North Atlantic Population Project", in Historical Methods 36, 2 (2003), p. 92. 6 Roberts et al, "Occupational Classifications," p. 94. 7 Ibid. 8 Roberts et al, "Occupational Classifications," p. 92. 264 Having determined that occupation is the best guide to social class, and settled upon a suitable classification system for historical occupational data, it is also necessary to determine a hierarchy of these occupations. In doing so one has the option of creating a new scheme or employing a ready-made scheme, with or without modifications. While the outcome of the former could lead to serious inconsistencies with other scholars' work, choosing from the array of previously established schemes could be equally problematic. Current day classification schemes for example, would not reflect the significant changes which have occurred in occupations since the nineteenth century, while older schemes such as employed by Peter Goheen in 1970 with regard to the Assessment Rolls of Toronto in the late nineteenth century are not particularly conducive for meaningful social study.9 In an attempt to address the lack of a method of translating historical occupational titles into a meaningful class or social scheme, Bart Van de Putte and Andrew Miles have created a possible solution to this problem called the Social Power (SOCPO) scheme. Taking social power as the fundamental organizational principle of their scheme, defining it as "the potential to influence one's destiny - or 'life chances' - through control of scarce resources", the authors see two main types of resources that determine one's ability to impose one's own will or to resist the will of others and therefore to influence life chances. Van de Putte and Miles state: First, there are material sources of power that determine one's level of (in)dependence. Among those who are not independent - the vast majority - there are degrees of dependency. The degree of dependency is determined by the level of formal, delegated authority, by which we mean the authority one has as an incumbent The occupational categories used by Goheen for the years 1880,1890 and 1899 are as follows: Unskilled, Semiskilled, Skilled, Clerical, Business, Professional, and persons of private means. Peter G. Goheen, Victorian Toronto, 1850-1900: Pattern and Process of Growth (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 229. 265 of a specific position within an organizational hierarchy... Second, the chance that one can impose one's will on another is also determined by nonmaterial power sources. The esteem in which individuals are held - their prestige - may help in imposing/resisting control over/of their destiny.10 In developing a method of assigning social power scores to occupational tiles, the authors distinguish between three characteristics of tasks; skill level; the ability to make decisions about organizational strategies and/or to direct other employees; and prestige characteristics.11 This is done using HISCO which as previously mentioned is a task-based classification of historical occupational titles. The resulting scheme distinguishes five levels of social class. Lower-class subgroups are SP (social power) level 1 (mainly unskilled workers), SP level 2 (mainly semiskilled workers), and SP level 3 (mainly skilled workers). SP level 4 is mainly composed of master artisans, retailers, clerks, and so on, and SP level 5 comprises white-collar and/or professional specialists (e.g., lawyers), wholesale dealers, factory owners and the like.12 Using a list of HISCO codes, HISCO status codes and corresponding SOCPO codes provided by Bart Van de Putte, with an SPSS syntax, the data was applied to the 1881 census data. Because SOCPO is based on HISCO rather than NAPP-HISCO several occupations went unclassified. The solution was to reclassify NAPP-HISCO into HISCO. For the most part this was straightforward, although at times judgement as to where a non-specific job title should be classified had to be exercised. Bart Van de Putte and Andrew Miles, "A Social Classification Scheme for Historical Occupational Data" in Historical Methods 38, 2 (Spring 2005), p. 63. Van de Putte and Miles, "A Social Classification Scheme," p. 66. Bart Van de Putte, "The Influence of Modern City Life on Marriage in Ghent at the Turn of the Twentieth Century: Cultural Struggle and Social Differentiation in Demographic Behavior" in Journal of Family History 32, 4 (2007), p. 442. 266 Appendix 3: Detailed cost of living enquiry breakdown of wages in 1911 CD 0n) CnD n> . . 3 fD CO -—* Ql X- rz o •—• Q. Q- Ol •z^ a. O a> :> 3 (TO Occupational Category Sub category Occupation (a) Grain, stock, dairy and mixed I. Agriculture farming (b) Fruit Farming All II. Fishing and Fish Canning III. Lumbering and Sawmilling (a) Camps (b) Drives (c) Sawmills (d) Shingle mills en All IV. Mines, Quarries and Smelters (a) Coal mines (b) Metal (c) Quarries Drillers day 2 1.8 3.5 2.46 Derrickmen day 2.1 1.6 3.5 2.23 Ordinary Labourers day 1.7 1.5 3 1.91 (d) Smelters All V. Building Stonecutters hr 50 30 62.5 48.32 Bricklayers hr 52.5 30 75 53.54 Rough Carpenters hr 37 17.5 50 35.13 Painters and Glaziers hr 35 17.5 50 32.52 Plumbers hr 40 20 62.5 39.25 Builders' Labourers hr 28 15 43.75 24.77 All VI. Metal VII. Woodworking (a) Planing, sash and door (b) Furniture (c) Carriage and wagon All VIII. Printing (a) Compositors Floormen wk 17 9 27 16.93 Linotype Operators wk 19.5 12 30 20.25 (b) Pressmen and stereotypers Pressmen wk 18.5 10 25 16.17 Stereotypers wk 18 12 27 18.78 (c) Binderies Bookbinders wk 17 10 22 16.2 Bindery Girls wk 6.5 2.5 12 5.7 All IX. Clothing (a) Tailors (b) Ready-made clothing en oo (c) Whitewear (d) Shirts (e) Furs Designers wk 60 40 60 50 Cutters wk 18.2 17 19 18.01 Blockers wk 9.35 8 10.5 9.28 Finishers wk 12.6 9 12.6 10.53 Machine Operators wk 12 9 12 10.17 (f) Boots and shoes Cutters wk 16 10 16.5 13.08 Lasters wk 15 10 16.65 12.75 Stitchers wk 8 8 18 16.4 Treers and Dressers wk 12 8 28.5 16.1 Edge Trimmers wk 18 10 22.6 16.72 Welters wk 18 11 18 14.2 Edge Setters wk 20 11 20.5 14.08 Machine Operators wk 15 9 26 15.4 Finishers wk 18 9 23 14.8 All X. Textile (a) Cotton (b) Woollen and knitting All XI. Leather (tanneries, horse goods) XII. Breweries and Distilleries XIII. Transportation (a) Steam railways Yard Helpers day 3 2.9 3 2.98 Machinists hr 0.3 0.3 0.435 0.35 (b) Electric railways Motormen and Conductors hr .18-.22 0.175 0.33 0.23 (c) Longshoremen All XIV. Municipal Employees (a) Police Policemen year 775-1000 450 1000 765 en ID (b) Fire department Firemen year 600-1000 520 1020 749.28 (c) General Unskilled Labourer hr 0.22 0.2 0.25 0.21 Street Foremen day 3-4.25 1.4 5 2.82 All XV. Domestic Service Housekeepers month 30 14 32 23.89 Cooks month 24 12 27 18.2 General Servants month 18 8 22 15.33 Cooks, General month 19 10 25 17.44 Tablemaids month 18 8 20 15.4 Housemaids month 18 8 20 15 Nursemaids month 15 7 18 12.33 Appendix 4: Detailed cost of living enquiry breakdown of working hours in 1911 co CnD nQ) 3 —\ 3 3 fD QJ QJ QJ QJ o 3 7? 3 CL CL CL QJ QJ o ,«•«»=T. 3 5" S -1- Occupational Category Sub category Occupation (a) Grain, stock, dairy and mixed I. Agriculture farming (b) Fruit Farming All II. Fishing and Fish Canning III. Lumbering and Sawmilling (a) Camps (b) Drives O (c) Sawmills (d) Shingle mills All IV. Mines, Quarries and Smelters (a) Coal mines (b) Metal (c) Quarries Drillers day 10 8 10 9.67 Derrickmen day 10 8 10 9.67 Ordinary Labourers day 10 8 10 9.6 (d) Smelters All day V. Building Stonecutters wk 44 44 60 49.86 Bricklayers wk 44 44 60 50.93 Rough Carpenters wk 44 44 60 53.14 Painters and Glaziers wk 44 44 60 52.79 Plumbers wk 44 44 60 51.93 Builders' Labourers wk 44 44 60 52.54 All wk VI. Metal VII. Woodworking (a) Planing, sash and door (b) Furniture (c) Carriage and wagon All VIII. Printing (a) Compositors Floormen wk 48 48 54 48.65 Linotype Operators wk 48 48 52 45.06 (b) Pressmen and stereotypers Pressmen wk 48 48 54 49.19 Stereotypers wk 48 45 48 47.67 (c) Binderies Bookbinders wk 48 48 54 49.57 Bindery Girls wk 48 48 54 50 ^1 All wk IX. Clothing (a) Tailors (b) Ready-made clothing (c) Whitewear (d) Shirts (e) Furs Designers wk 46.5 46.5 54 50.25 Cutters wk 46.5 46.5 54 50.83 Blockers wk 46.5 46.5 54 50.83 Finishers wk 46.5 46.5 54 50.83 Machine Operators wk 46.5 46.5 54 50.83 (f) Boots and shoes Cutters wk 52 52 60 56.5 Lasters wk 52 52 60 56.5 Stitchers wk 52 52 60 56.5 Treers and Dressers wk 52 55 60 56.5 Edge Trimmers wk 52 52 60 56.5 Welters wk 52 52 60 57 Edge Setters wk 52 52 60 56.5 Machine Operators wk 52 52 60 56.5 Finishers wk 52 52 60 56.5 All wk X. Textile (a) Cotton (b) Woollen and knitting All XI. Leather (tanneries, horse | XII. Breweries and Distilleries XIII. Transportation (a) Steam railways Yard Helpers Machinists (b) Electric railways Motormen and Conductors day 9.5 9 10 9.56 (c) Longshoremen All day XIV. Municipal Employees (a) Police Policemen (b) Fire department Firemen (c) General Unskilled Labourer wk 54 48 60 55.2 Street Foremen wk 54 48 60 54.67 All wk XV. Domestic Service Housekeepers Cooks General Servants Cooks, General Tablemaids Housemaids Nursemaids Appendix 5: Meetings of Scottish Societies in Toronto, November 1908 -January 1909 November Thurs 5 Dunedin Camp, SOS, Murray's Hall Robert De Bruce Camp, SOS, Temple Building Orkney and Shetland Society, Forum Building Fri 6 Christy Camp, SOS, Brierly's Hall Sat 7 Gaelic Society, Temple Building Mon 9 Robert Burns Camp, SOS, Temple Building. Thanksgiving concert, Massey Hall Scottish Lowland and Borderers Association, Simpson's Hall Tues 10 Caledonian Society, St. George's Hall Wed 11 Waverly Camp, SOS, Poulton's hall Wauchope Camp, SOS, Simpson's Hall Thurs 12 Strathclyde Camp, SOS, Brunswick Hall Lord Aberdeen Camp, SOS, Toronto Junction, James Hall Daughters of Scotland, Temple Building Fri 13 St. Andrew's Camp, SOS, Victoria Hall Thurs 19 Robert De Bruce Camp, SOS, Temple Building Dunedin Camps, SOS, Murray's Hall Orkney and Shetland Society, Forum Building Fri 20 Christy Camp, SOS, Brietly's Hall Sat 21 White Heather Pipe Band Ball, Temple Building Mon 23 Robert Burns Camp, SOS, Temple Building Wed 25 Waverly Camp, SOS, Poulton's Hall Wauchope Camp, SOS, Simpson's Hall Thurs 26 Strathclyde Camp. SOS, Brunswick Hall Lord Aberdeen Camp, SOS, Toronto Junction, James' Hall Sun 29 Annual Sermon St. Andrew's Society, Old St. Andrew's Church Mon 30 St. Andrew's Society Ball, King Edward Hotel December Wed 2 Waverly Camp, SOS, Poulton's Hall Thurs 3 Robert De Bruce Camp, SOS, Temple Building Orkney and Shetland Society, Forum Building Dunedin Camp, SOS, Murray's Hall Fri 4 Christy Camp, SOS, Brietly's Hall Sat 5 Gaelic Society, Temple Building Mon 7 Robert Burns Camp, SOS, Temple Building Scottish Lowland and Borderers Association, Simpson's Hall Thurs 10 Strathclyde Camp, SOS, Brunswick Hall 273 Lord Aberdeen Camp, SOS, Toronto Junction, James' Hall Daughters of Scotland, Temple Building Fri 11 St. Andrew's Camp, SOS, Victoria Hall Wed 16 Wauchop Camp, SOS, Simpson's Hall Waverly Camp, SOS, Poulton's Hall Thurs 17 Robert De Bruce Camp, SOS, Temple Building Dunedin Camp, SOS, Murray's Hall Orkney and Shetland Society, Forum Building Caledonian Society, St. George's Hall Fri 18 Christy Camp, SOS, Brierly's Hall Mon 21 Robert Burns Camp, SOS, Temple Building Harry Lauder, Massey Hall Thurs 24 Strathclyde Camp, SOS, Brunswick Hall Lord Aberdeen Camp, SOS, Toronto Junction, James' Hall Wed 30 Wauchope Camp, SOS, Simpson's Hall Thurs 31 Hogmany January Mon 4 Burns Camp, SOS, Temple Building Wed 6 Harry Lauder, Massey Hall Thurs 7 Harry Lauder, Massey Hall Bruce Camp, SOS, Murray's Hall Fri 8 St. Andrew's Camp, SOS, Victoria Hall Sat 9 Highland and Lowland Society At Home Tues 12 Caithness Society and Yule celebration Caledonian Society Meeting Wed 13 Wauchope Camp, SOS, Brierly's Hall Mon 18 Burns Camp, SOS, Temple Building Thurs 21 Bruce Camp, SOS, Temple Building Dunedin Camp, SOS, Murray's Hall Mon 25 Burns Anniversary Tues 26 Caledonian Society, At Home, St. George's Hall Wed 27 Wauchope Camp, SOS, Simpson's Hall Thurs 28 Strathclyde Camp, SOS, Brunswick Hall Lord Aberdeen Camp, Toronto Junction Sat 30 Highland and Lowland Society monthly meeting, IOOF Hall, College and Yonge Streets. 274 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Manuscripts Archives of Ontario Alexander Fraser Papers, Fonds 1015 Census Records Census of Canada, manuscript returns, 1881,1901,1911 City of Toronto Archives St. Andrew's Society of Toronto, Fonds 1283 The Presbyterian Church in Canada Archives, Bonar Parkdale Presbyterian Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds Cooke's Presbyterian Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds Faith Presbyterian Community Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds Knox Presbyterian Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds St. Paul's Presbyterian Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds Victoria-Royce Presbyterian Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds United Church of Canada Archives St. Andrew's United Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds, F 2505 St. James-Bond United Church (Toronto, Ont.) fonds, F 2510 Newspapers and Periodical Publications The Canada Scotsman The Canadian Monthly The Daily Mail and Empire The Globe Knox College Monthly and Presbyterian Magazine The Labour Gazette 275 Saturday Night The Scottish Canadian Government Publications Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. I (Ottawa: J. De L. Tache, 1915) Board of Inquiry into Cost of Living Vol. II (Ottawa: J. De L. Tache, 1915) Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, 1909, House of Commons Journals, Appendix 2 Sixth Report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, House of Commons Journal, 1903, Part 2, Appendix 2 Published Canadian census, 1871-1911 Published Scottish census, 1881 Contemporary Publications Adam, G. Mercer, Toronto Old and New: A Memorial Volume (Toronto: The Mail Printing Company, 1891) Burns Literary Society of Toronto, Constitution and By-Laws of the Burns Literary Society of Toronto, 1901 (Toronto: Imrie, Graham & Co., 1901) Caledonian Society of Toronto, The Constitution and By-Laws of the Caledonian Society of Toronto (Toronto: Globe Printing Company, 1871) Caledonian Society of Toronto, Constitution and By-Laws Revised and Adopted 9th July, 1895, to which is appended a list of the Members, showing the year in which they joined (Toronto: Imrie, Graham & Co., 1895) Caledonian Society of Toronto, Selections from Scottish Canadian Poets (Toronto: Imrie, Graham & Co., 1900) City of Toronto Planning Board, Ethnic Origins of the Population of Toronto (Toronto: City of Toronto, 1961) 276 Clark, C. S., Of Toronto the Good: A Social Study. 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