Croatia Is Set for an Unusually Tight Race in the Second Round of Its Presidential Election
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The Croatian Parliament
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Croatian Parliament The Croatian Parliament building on St. Mark’s Square in Zagreb, opposite the seat of the Government. 1. At a glance Croatia is a parliamentary democracy. The Croatian Parliament (Hrvatski sabor) is a unicameral body. According to the 1990 Constitution, the Croatian Parliament may have a minimum of 100 and a maximum of 160 Members (MPs). They are elected directly by secret ballot based on universal suffrage for a four-year term in 12 constituencies: 140 MPs are elected from 10 constituencies in the country, each providing 14 MPs chosen from party lists or independent lists. Seats are distributed according to the d’Hondt method and the electoral threshold is 5%. Three MPs are elected in a special constituency by Croatians residing abroad, and eight are elected by members of the national ethnic minorities in the country, in a special (national) constituency. Currently the Croatian Parliament has 151 members who were elected in the snap elections on 11 September 2016, only 10 months after the previous polls. No party won an outright majority. The Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ/EPP) and its allies, led by Mr. Andrej Plenković, came first, ahead of the People's Coalition, led by the Social Democratic Party (SDP/S&D). The current coalition government, led by Prime Minister Andrej Plenković, is formed by the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ/EPP) and the Croatian People's Party-Liberal Democrats (HNS/Not affiliated). 2. Composition Results of the elections of 11 September 2016 Party EP affiliation % Seats Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (HDZ) and its allies 36,27 61 Croatian Democratic Union Socijaldemokratska partija Hrvatske (SDP) and its allies (People’s Coalition) 33.82 54 Social Democratic Party Most nezavisnih lista (Most) Not affiliated 9,91 13 Bridge of Independent Lists Turnout: 52,59% The next Parliamentary elections must take place in autumn 2020 at the latest. -
Croatia: Three Elections and a Funeral
Conflict Studies Research Centre G83 REPUBLIC OF CROATIA Three Elections and a Funeral The Dawn of Democracy at the Millennial Turn? Dr Trevor Waters Introduction 2 President Tudjman Laid To Rest 2 Parliamentary Elections 2/3 January 2000 5 • Background & Legislative Framework • Political Parties & the Political Climate • Media, Campaign, Public Opinion Polls and NGOs • Parliamentary Election Results & International Reaction Presidential Elections - 24 January & 7 February 2000 12 Post Tudjman Croatia - A New Course 15 Annex A: House of Representatives Election Results October 1995 Annex B: House of Counties Election Results April 1997 Annex C: Presidential Election Results June 1997 Annex D: House of Representatives Election Results January 2000 Annex E: Presidential Election Results January/February 2000 1 G83 REPUBLIC OF CROATIA Three Elections and a Funeral The Dawn of Democracy at the Millennial Turn? Dr Trevor Waters Introduction Croatia's passage into the new millennium was marked by the death, on 10 December 1999, of the self-proclaimed "Father of the Nation", President Dr Franjo Tudjman; by make or break Parliamentary Elections, held on 3 January 2000, which secured the crushing defeat of the former president's ruling Croatian Democratic Union, yielded victory for an alliance of the six mainstream opposition parties, and ushered in a new coalition government strong enough to implement far-reaching reform; and by two rounds, on 24 January and 7 February, of Presidential Elections which resulted in a surprising and spectacular victory for the charismatic Stipe Mesić, Yugoslavia's last president, nonetheless considered by many Croats at the start of the campaign as an outsider, a man from the past. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Croatia's Parliamentary Elections
106th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 2nd Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe CROATIAS PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS JANUARY 3, 2000 A Report Prepared by the Staff of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe WASHINGTON:2000 Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 234 Ford House Office Building Washington, DC 20515-6460 (202) 225-1901 [email protected] http://www.house.gov/csce/ LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HOUSE SENATE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, Chairman BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, Colorado, Co-Chairman FRANK R. WOLF, Virginia KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON, Texas MATT SALMON, Arizona SPENCER ABRAHAM, Michigan JAMES C. GREENWOOD, Pennsylvania SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania TIM HUTCHINSON, Arkansas STENY H. HOYER, Maryland FRANK R. LAUTENBERG, New Jersey BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland BOB GRAHAM, Florida LOUISE MCINTOSH SLAUGHTER, New York RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin MICHAEL P. FORBES, New York CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS HAROLD HONGJU KOH, Department of State EDWARD L. WARNER III, Department of Defense PATRICK A. MULLOY, Department of Commerce COMMISSION STAFF DOROTHY DOUGLAS TAFT, Chief of Staff RONALD J. MCNAMARA, Deputy Chief of Staff BEN ANDERSON, Communications Director ELIZABETH CAMPBELL, Office Administrator OREST DEYCHAKIWSKY, Staff Advisor JOHN F. FINERTY, Staff Advisor CHADWICK R. GORE, Staff Advisor ROBERT HAND, Staff Advisor JANICE HELWIG, Staff Advisor MARLENE KAUFMANN, Counsel KAREN S. LORD, Counsel for Freedom of Religion MICHELE MADASZ, Staff Assistant/Systems Administrator MICHAEL OCHS, Staff Advisor ERIKA B. SCHLAGER, Counsel for International Law MAUREEN WALSH, General Counsel ii ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION (OSCE) The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki process, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada. -
The Rise and Decline of the New Czech Right
Blue Velvet: The Rise and Decline of the New Czech Right Manuscript of article for a special issue of the Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics on the Right in Post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe Abstract This article analyses the origins, development and comparative success centre-right in the Czech Republic. It focuses principally on the the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) of Václav Klaus, but also discusses a number of smaller Christian Democratic, liberal and anti-communist groupings, insofar as they sought to provide right-wing alternatives to Klaus’s party. In comparative terms, the article suggests, the Czech centre-right represents an intermediate case between those of Hungary and Poland. Although Klaus’s ODS has always been a large, stable and well institutionalised party, avoiding the fragmentation and instability of the Polish right, the Czech centre- right has not achieved the degree of ideological and organisational concentration seen in Hungary. After discussing the evolution and success of Czech centre-right parties between 1991 and 2002, the article reviews a number of factors commonly used to explain party (system) formation in the region in relation to the Czech centre- right. These include both structural-historical explanations and ‘political’ factors such as macro-institutional design, strategies of party formation in the immediate post-transition period, ideological construction and charismatic leadership. The article argues that both the early success and subsequent decline of the Czech right were rooted in a single set of circumstances: 1) the early institutionalisation of ODS as dominant party of the mainstream right and 2) the right’s immediate and successful taking up of the mantel of market reform and technocratic modernisation. -
The Relevance of the Actual Values of the Political Actors of Georgia with the Ideologies Declared by Them
The Relevance of the Actual Values of the Political Actors of Georgia with the Ideologies Declared by Them Dr. Maia Urushadze1, Dr. Tamar Kiknadze2 1Caucasus International University 2Head of the Doctoral Program in Political Science, Caucasus International University Abstract The permanent ideological impact of the propaganda narratives of powerful political entities on the international community is perceived as one of the most important challenges of the 21st century. The international agenda is full of controversial interpretations, produced by powerful international political actors. As a result, the international media agenda is getting like the battlespace for the struggle of interpretations, where the ruthless kind of "frame-games" between the strongest global agenda-setting political entities takes place. The information field is open for all countries, including the small states, where political parties are not strong enough to have their propaganda to resist the ideological pressure from outside. Due to this, the societies of these countries are still easily influenced by the narratives of global political actors creating a suitable psychological environment for internal conflicts in societies. We consider Georgia among these states. Therefore, our research aimed to study the relevance of the actual values of local (Georgian) political actors with the ideologies declared by them. In this regard, our primary objective was to understand the specifics of strategic communication of local political actors, then, to compare their narratives with the rhetoric of international actors, and finally, to determine the strength of local society's resistance to these narratives. We hope that in this way we can assess the long-term impact of global actors’ propaganda communication could have on a small country. -
Fitting Croatia Within the Doughnut
IPE JUNIOR FELLOWSHIP PROGRAMME 2020 FITTING CROATIA WITHIN THE DOUGHNUT Tomislav Cik Institute for Political Ecology Preobraženska 2, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia EXECUTIVE SUMMARY TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 1 1.1. What on Earth is happening? ...................................................................................... 1 1.2. How we got here ......................................................................................................... 3 1.3. Risks and vulnerabilities on the European semi-periphery ......................................... 5 1.4. Theoretical aspects of measuring sustainability .......................................................... 7 2. METHODS .......................................................................................................................... 12 2.1. Segments and themes ................................................................................................ 15 2.2. Indicators ................................................................................................................... 20 3. RESULTS ............................................................................................................................ 46 3.1. Zagreb........................................................................................................................ 51 3.2. Slavonski Brod ......................................................................................................... -
ZAGORAA Cultural/Historical Guide to the Zagora (Inland) Region of Split
A cultural/historical guide to the Zagora (inland) region of Split-Dalmatia County ZAGORA THE DALMATIAN ZAGORA (INLAND) Joško Belamarić THE DALMATIAN ZAGORA (INLAND) A cultural/historical guide to the Zagora (inland) region of Split-Dalmatia County 4 Zagora 14 Klis Zagora 24 Cetinska krajina 58 Biokovo, Imotski, Vrgorac 3 Zagora THE DALMATIAN ZAGORA (INLAND) A cultural/historical guide to the Zagora (inland) region of Split-Dalmatia County Here, from Klis onwards, on the ridge of the Dinara mountain chain, the angst of inland Dalmatia’s course wastelands has for centuries been sundered from the broad seas that lead to a wider world. The experience of saying one’s goodbyes to the thin line of Dalmatia that has strung itself under the mountain’s crest, that viewed from the sea looks like Atlas’ brothers, is repeated, not without poetic chills, by dozens of travel writers. To define the cultural denominators of Zagora, the Dalmatian inland, is today a difficult task, as the anthropological fabric of the wider Dalmatian hinterland is still too often perceived through the utopian aspect of the Renaissance ideal, the cynicism of the Enlightenment, or the exaggeration of Romanticism and the 18th century national revival. After the fall of medieval feudalism, life here has started from scratch so many times - later observers have the impression that the local customs draw their roots from some untroubled prehistoric source in which the silence of the karst on the plateau towards Promina, behind Biokovo, the gurgling of the living waters of the Zrmanja, Krka, Čikola and Cetina Ri- vers, the quivering of grain on Petrovo, Hrvatac and Vrgorac Fields, on 4 Zagora the fat lands along Strmica and Sinj, create the ide- al framework for the pleasant countenance, joyous heart and sincere morality of the local population of which many have written, each from their own point of view: from abbot Fortis and Ivan Lovrić during the Baroque period, Dinko Šimunović and Ivan Raos not so long ago to Ivan Aralica and, in his own way, Miljenko Jergović today. -
International Election Observation Mission Preliminary Statement
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION REPUBLIC OF CROATIA ELECTION TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 2 - 3 January 2000 PRELIMINARY STATEMENT Zagreb, 4 January 2000 – The International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) for the 2-3 January 2000 election to the House of Representatives of the State Parliament of the Republic of Croatia issues this statement of preliminary findings and conclusions. The International Election Observation Mission is a joint effort of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA), and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Ms. Helle Degn, the OSCE Chairman-in-Office’s Special Representative for the election in Croatia and President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, leads the OSCE Election Observation Mission. Mr. Nikolai Vulchanov heads the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission. Mr. Daniel Goulet leads the Parliamentary Assembly delegation of the Council of Europe. The preliminary statement is issued before the disposition of complaints and appeals, before the announcement of official election results, and before an analysis of the International Election Observation Mission’s findings was completed. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive report on the parliamentary election within a month after publication of the final results. The Council of Europe delegation will report to the January session of the Parliamentary Assembly. The Election Observation Mission wishes to express appreciation to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Office for Cooperation with the OSCE, the State Election Commission, and the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia for their assistance and cooperation during the course of the observation. -
Illyrian Policy of Rome in the Late Republic and Early Principate
ILLYRIAN POLICY OF ROME IN THE LATE REPUBLIC AND EARLY PRINCIPATE Danijel Dzino Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Classics University of Adelaide August 2005 II Table of Contents TITLE PAGE I TABLE OF CONTENTS II ABSTRACT V DECLARATION VI ACKNOWLEDGMENTS VII LIST OF FIGURES VIII LIST OF PLATES AND MAPS IX 1. Introduction, approaches, review of sources and secondary literature 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Rome and Illyricum (a short story) 2 1.3 Methodology 6 1.4.1 Illyrian policy of Rome in the context of world-system analysis: Policy as an interaction between systems 9 1.4.2 The Illyrian policy of Rome in the context of world-system analysis: Working hypothesis 11 1.5 The stages in the Roman Illyrian relationship (the development of a political/constitutional framework) 16 1.6 Themes and approaches: Illyricum in Roman historiography 18 1.7.1 Literature review: primary sources 21 1.7.2 Literature review: modern works 26 2. Illyricum in Roman foreign policy: historical outline, theoretical approaches and geography 2.1 Introduction 30 2.2 Roman foreign policy: Who made it, how and why was it made, and where did it stop 30 2.3 The instruments of Roman foreign policy 36 2.4 The place of Illyricum in the Mediterranean political landscape 39 2.5 The geography and ethnography of pre-Roman Illyricum 43 III 2.5.1 The Greeks and Celts in Illyricum 44 2.5.2 The Illyrian peoples 47 3. The Illyrian policy of Rome 167 – 60 BC: Illyricum - the realm of bifocality 3.1 Introduction 55 3.2 Prelude: the making of bifocality 56 3.3 The South and Central Adriatic 60 3.4 The North Adriatic 65 3.5 Republican policy in Illyricum before Caesar: the assessment 71 4. -
THE ROLE of CROATIA in the EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Rolando Andrade Matamoro
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 20, No. 4 (HR) July 2019 Croatia external relations briefing: THE ROLE OF CROATIA IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Rolando Andrade Matamoro 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 THE ROLE OF CROATIA IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Summary Croatia elected twelve Members of the European Parliament (MEP) in the elections that took place in May 2019. Eleven MEPs have already taken their seats, while the twelfth MEP will go to the European Parliament (EP) once the United Kingdom leave the European Union. The eleven MEPs come from the following parties. Four are from the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and they will join the European Peoples Party (EPP) group in the EP. Four were elected on the Social Democratic Party (SDP) list and they will join Socialists and Democrats (S&D) group in the EP. The remaining four were each elected from the following parties: the anti-systemic Human Blockade (Živi zid) and he will be a non-attached member of the EP; Mislav Kolakušić who was elected as an independent candidate and will also be non-attached in the EP; Ruža Tomašić who served in the previous mandate of the EP and was now reelected on the list of coalition of conservative parties – Croatian Sovereigns – will join the European Conservatives and Reformists Group; and Valter Flego from the Istrian Democratic Forum (IDS) party who will join the Renew Europe group (former ALDE).