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The Latin American Challenge THE LATIN AMERICAN CHALLENGE - SOCIAL COHESION AND DEMOCRACY - Bernardo Sorj Danilo Martuccelli 1 This book was written as a contribution to the New Agenda for Social Cohesion in Latin America project of the iFHC - Instituto Fernando Henrique Cardoso and CIEPLAN - Corporación de Estudios para Latinoamérica. The European Union and the UNDP provided support for the project. The information and opinions expressed herein are exclusively those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the institutions associated with the project or entail any commitment on their part. Project coordinators: Bernardo Sorj and Eugenio Tironi. Executive Team: Eduardo Valenzuela, Patricio Meller, Sergio Fausto and Simon Schwartzman. Translation from Spanish: Gretta K. Siebentritt © Instituto Fernando Henrique Cardoso – iFHC 2 CONTENTS Introduction: Social Cohesion and Democracy: between voice and exit (05) Chapter I. Transformations of the Social Bond 1. Introduction (23) 2. Religion and religiosity (27) The universe of religious affiliations Religion and state Religion and politics Religion, democracy and social cohesion 3. Interethnic relations and democratization (37) From societal dynamics to individual aspirations Social inequality, social bond and the ethnic question in the Andean world 4. Urban spaces and dynamics (42) The city as a setting for modernization and cultural fragmentation The city and social exclusion Urban space and virtual communication channels The city, reticence and social cohesion 5. The media, cultural industry and social cohesion (55) A new ligature of social cohesion? Youth identities and cohesion in the age of the media 6. Emigration (67) Emigration: a few figures Migratory flows of individuals, networks and cultures Emigration and social cohesion The political challenges of migration flows 7. Conclusions (75) Chapter II. Collective actors and forms of representation 1. Introduction: noises in the formation of voice (78) 2. Trade unions (79) Introduction Structural reforms and the decline of trade unions The situation today 3 Perspectives 3. Political parties (93) From the crisis of representation to institutional reformism Perspectives on the dissatisfaction with political parties Beyond political parties? 4. Civil society (100) Civil society and the political system NGOs in Latin America 5. The changing profiles of the militant (106) The demise of the classic militant The pragmatic activist 6. The emerging public (110) Public opinion The public space The public sphere 7. Conclusions (118) Chapter III. Problems and Promises: the Informal Economy, Crime and Corruption, Norms and Rights 1. Introduction: a culture of transgression (122) 2. Armed urban violence in Latin America (126) Burgeoning violence Victimization and at-risk groups 3. Drugs, organized crime and the state (133) Drug trafficking and delegitimization Organized crime and the perversion of social cohesion Organized crime and the patrimonialization of the state 4. The threats of corruption (139) Economic corruption and development Political corruption and democracy Corruption, norms and social cohesion 5. The judicial question (146) Judicial reforms The judiciary as a space for politics Justice and social cohesion 6. Conclusions (153) 4 Chapter IV. State, Nation, and Politics at the Dawn of the 21st Century 1. Introduction: State and society: a prismatic relationship (155) 2. The State: continuities and challenges (157) The long journey of Latin American states The state at the crossroads of globalization Challenges to the welfare state in Latin America 3. Consumption: individual and collective goods (165) Market and antimarket in Latin America Individual consumption and political dynamics Public goods and democracy 4. New political discourses and democracy: a return to populism? (176) The trajectory of the Chavez administration A new model for Latin America? The crisis of representation, populism and democracy 5. Nation and the challenge of identities (188) The nation and the challenges of the 21st century: an introduction Ethnic politics and citizenship Multiculturalism and democracy: beyond the rhetoric of diversity Types of victimization discourse The racialization of Brazil? 6. Conclusions: from technocratic reformism to democratic reformism? (207) General Conclusions (211) ANNEX 1: Background to the Concept of Social Cohesion (226) ANNEX 2: List of contributions (234) BIBLIOGRAPHY (236) 5 Introduction: Social Cohesion and Democracy: Between Voice and Exit In order to understand the dynamics of constructing social cohesion in Latin America we must bring a new perspective to approaches that focus mainly on the pervasive social problems on the continent. While it is true that disregarding these problems would be tantamount to adopting a conservative posture, we must by the same token identify the region’s wealth of positive resources for integration and sociocultural creativity in order to discern how our societies generate social cohesion and how this influences democracy building.1 Our continent is generally free of strong tensions between the state and the national culture and, compared to most regions of the world, is endowed with a high degree of linguistic and religious homogeneity as well as a deeply-rooted tradition of secularism and inter-religious coexistence. The conquest, followed by the nation states, destroyed the political and religious foundations that might have fostered the emergence of political-cultural movements based on alternative values to modernity. At the same time, the peoples of most Latin American countries self-identify as mestizos, or people of mixed descent, although this has not ruled out racism in various forms. Fratricidal struggles have not occurred among ethnic or religious communities and the inter-state wars of the 20th century were tangential and border conflicts largely resolved. In most countries, there is a solid national consciousness associated with shared forms of social relations, lifestyles and tastes with which the majority of the population identifies. Few regions in the world can lay claim to a similar socio-cultural heritage. Even from the economic standpoint, the sluggish growth in per capita income during the latter half of the 20th century did not reflect the enormous effort to increase production in many countries whose populations had quadrupled by mid-century. What is more, given the higher than average fertility rates of the impoverished populations of these countries, the fact that inequality indicators have held steady is indicative of significant processes of social mobility and wealth distribution. In addition to these longstanding factors of social cohesion, we must understand how individuals today, within their particular contexts and life conditions—including poverty and 1See Annex 1 for a discussion of the concept of social cohesion as it is used in the Latin American context (Discussion of the concept of social cohesion). 6 limited opportunities—, have become producers of meaning, individual strategies and innovative types of solidarity not predetermined by history or social structures. While this assertion could be misinterpreted as one of naïve individualism, our intention, in fact, is to go beyond the old structuralist determinism. Taking into account the power vectors and social determinants within, and based on, which people define their life strategies and meaning, social analysis must discover how individuals constantly reorganize their perceptions and practices to create new alternatives and possibilities. Basically, the idea is to accept the indeterminate as a fact of life in modern societies. Social analysis reveals the past and scrutinizes the present, but it cannot predict the future. By focusing on the richness and inclusive vitality of the social fabric in the new social processes underway in societies across the continent, we can pinpoint the contradictory dynamics they produce from the standpoint of social cohesion and democracy. We must include a caveat here with respect to the normative assessment of the progress, setbacks, and shortcomings in our societies. All of these things coexist in Latin America. If it is true that triumphalism is blind to the serious problems assailing the continent, a unilateral emphasis on our deficiencies that fails to acknowledge our achievements (which are real, if flawed) fosters a culture of collective failure and frustration that contributes to the neglect of the public space and encourages demagoguery. Social cohesion is a comparative concept in which the present situation is compared and contrasted with the past and with other societies. While comparisons with European and U.S. models (oftentimes stylized and somewhat idealized) are inevitable, we must take care that such comparisons do not lead to explanations premised on our shortcomings: we are what we are because we “lack” certain qualities (Sorj, 2005a). Comparisons with the past are also inevitable. As we know, the danger here resides in idealizing the past and, most importantly, in failing to understand the new mechanisms employed by social actors, and particularly youth, to give meaning to their lives. Maintaining a balanced perspective towards the forces of change and continuity in societies is the main intellectual and political challenge which we as social scientists are doomed to navigate. This is particularly important when we look at culture, where longstanding trends are continuously updated
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