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Married Too Young? the Behavioral Ecology of 'Child Marriage'
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Review Married Too Young? The Behavioral Ecology of ‘Child Marriage’ Susan B. Schaffnit 1,* and David W. Lawson 2 1 Department of Anthropology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16801, USA 2 Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106, USA; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: For girls and women, marriage under 18 years is commonplace in many low-income nations today and was culturally widespread historically. Global health campaigns refer to marriage below this threshold as ‘child marriage’ and increasingly aim for its universal eradication, citing its apparent negative wellbeing consequences. Here, we outline and evaluate four alternative hypotheses for the persistence of early marriage, despite its associations with poor wellbeing, arising from the theoretical framework of human behavioral ecology. First, early marriage may be adaptive (e.g., it maximizes reproductive success), even if detrimental to wellbeing, when life expectancy is short. Second, parent– offspring conflict may explain early marriage, with parents profiting economically at the expense of their daughter’s best interests. Third, early marriage may be explained by intergenerational conflict, whereby girls marry young to emancipate themselves from continued labor within natal households. Finally, both daughters and parents from relatively disadvantaged backgrounds favor early marriage as a ‘best of a bad job strategy’ when it represents the best option given a lack of feasible alternatives. The explanatory power of each hypothesis is context-dependent, highlighting the complex drivers of life history transitions and reinforcing the need for context-specific policies Citation: Schaffnit, Susan B., and addressing the vulnerabilities of adolescence worldwide. -
American Cultural Anthropology and British Social Anthropology
Anthropology News • January 2006 IN FOCUS ANTHROPOLOGY ON A GLOBAL SCALE In light of the AAA's objective to develop its international relations and collaborations, AN invited international anthropologists to engage with questions about the practice of anthropology today, particularly issues of anthropology and its relationships to globaliza- IN FOCUS tion and postcolonialism, and what this might mean for the future of anthropology and future collaborations between anthropologists and others around the world. Please send your responses in 400 words or less to Stacy Lathrop at [email protected]. One former US colleague pointed out American Cultural Anthropology that Boas’s four-field approach is today presented at the undergradu- ate level in some departments in the and British Social Anthropology US as the feature that distinguishes Connections and Four-Field Approach that the all-embracing nature of the social anthropology from sociology, Most of our colleagues’ comments AAA, as opposed to the separate cre- highlighting the fact that, as a Differences German colleague noted, British began by highlighting the strength ation of the Royal Anthropological anthropologists seem more secure of the “four-field” approach in the Institute (in 1907) and the Associa- ROBERT LAYTON AND ADAM R KAUL about an affinity with sociology. US. One argued that this approach is tion of Social Anthropologists (in U DURHAM Clearly British anthropology traces in fact on the decline following the 1946) in Britain, contributes to a its lineage to the sociological found- deeper impact that postmodernism higher national profile of anthropol- ing fathers—Durkheim, Weber and consistent self-critique has had in the US relative to the UK. -
The Uniqueness of Humans and an Anthropological Perspective
Conferences and Lectures 2009 Maternal and Child Health Seminar The Uniqueness of Humans and an Anthropological Perspective JMAJ 54(4): 229–233, 2011 Mariko HASEGAWA*1 Key words Human evolution, Childhood, Communal breeding, Triadic representation, Language Introduction until 6 million years ago, chimpanzees remain in an ecological position similar to that of many Although I majored in physical anthropology other mammalian species, while humans have during my undergraduate and graduate studies, accomplished an “unnatural” success that may the focus of my academic interest was not human even endanger the global environment. Actually, beings. I studied the behavior of wild chimpan- no other animal species have caused such drastic zees in Africa during my years at the anthro- alteration to the planet’s surface in such short pology department because I wanted to explore time, driven many other species to extinction, virgin territories and observe wildlife in its natu- developed science, and deliberated about their ral state. Later, I studied deer, sheep, peacocks, condition. What have been the keys to the etc., and only after that did my interest eventually achievement of this ability? turn to human beings. This was because the study Anthropology is the study of the evolutionary of various animal species instilled in me a renewed history of humanity. It is often regarded as the understanding of the peculiarity of humans as a study of the past records of human evolution, strange species, and also because I felt a sense of such as fossils. Although this in itself is interest- responsibility as an anthropologist to study the ing, anthropology has been accumulating a large evolution of the human species. -
Dealing with Uncertainty: Shamans, Marginal Capitalism, and the Remaking of History in Postsocialist Mongolia
MANDUHAI BUYANDELGERIYN Harvard University Dealing with uncertainty: Shamans, marginal capitalism, and the remaking of history in postsocialist Mongolia ABSTRACT ore than 15 years have passed since the collapse of social- In this article, I explore the proliferation of ism in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and Mongolia.1 Most previously suppressed shamanic practices among people in these regions have been subjected to unexpected, ethnic Buryats in Mongolia after the collapse of contradictory, and often confusing transformations because socialism in 1990. Contrary to the Buryats’ of the “unmaking” (Humphrey 2002) of socialism and the si- expectation that shamanism would solve the Mmultaneous arrival of a market economy and implementation of neoliberal uncertainties brought about by the market economy, economic reforms. Because the economic transformations have been the it has created additional spiritual uncertainties. As most visible and pertinent aspects of the transitions to postsocialism, a rich skeptical Buryats repeatedly propitiate their angry body of work has discussed the restructuring of property and privatization, origin spirits to alleviate the causes of their state institutions, and the rethinking of political categories (Berdahl 1999; misfortunes, they reconstruct their history, which Borneman1992,1998;BurawoyandVerdery1999;Caldwell2004;Humphrey was suppressed by state socialism. The Buryats make 2002; Verdery 1996). Scholars elsewhere have also noted that the feelings of their current calamities meaningful by placing them uncertainty, insecurity, and anxiety that result from the dangerous volatil- within the shifting history of their tragic past. The ity, disorder, and opaqueness of the market are being articulated through sense of uncertainty, fear, and disillusionment the medium of popular religion, shamanism, witchcraft, and spirit posses- experienced by the Buryats also characterizes daily sion (Comaroff and Comaroff 2000; Kendall 2003; Moore and Sanders 2001; life in places other than Mongolia. -
The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: a Cautionary Tale
The “Fateful Hoaxing” of Margaret Mead: A Cautionary Tale Author(s): Paul Shankman Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 54, No. 1 (February 2013), pp. 51-70 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669033 . Accessed: 03/04/2013 14:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press and Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Current Anthropology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.138.170.182 on Wed, 3 Apr 2013 14:08:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Current Anthropology Volume 54, Number 1, February 2013 51 The “Fateful Hoaxing” of Margaret Mead A Cautionary Tale by Paul Shankman CAϩ Online-Only Material: Supplements A and B In the Mead-Freeman controversy, Derek Freeman’s historical reconstruction of the alleged hoaxing of Margaret Mead in 1926 relied on three interviews with Fa’apua’a Fa’amu¯, Mead’s “principal informant,” who stated that she and another Samoan woman had innocently joked with Mead about their private lives. -
ANT 333 Anthropology of Religion 1
ANT 333 Anthropology of Religion Tuesday/Thursday 12:30 – 1:45 Candelaria 0065 Section 001 Spring 2013 Instructor: Dr. Sally McBeth Office Hours: Mon 2:00 – 5:00 Candelaria 2200 Tues 11-12 – 2-3 (970) 351-1746 Thurs 11-12 – 2-3 [email protected] or by appointment Blair Mueller (TA) [email protected] Texts (Required): God Is Not One (2010) by Stephen Prothero (2 copies on reserve at Michener) Holy Ghost Girl (2011) by Donna Johnson E-Reserve Readings Required: listed in order of due date (see syllabus) Scanned in Weekly BB Folders “On the Origin of Religion” (Elizabeth Culotta) “On the Origin of Art and Symbolism” (Michael Balter) “Genesis “ “P’An Ku” “Bumba” “Emergence” “World on Turtle’s Back” “Amma and Nummu Prepare the World” “The Letter” (Shadi Eskandani) “Aztec Sacrifice” (Bernardino de Sahagún) “Mother Cow” (Marvin Harris) “A Buddhist Perspective on Nonviolence” (Sulak Sivaraksa) DSS Statement: Students with disabilities: Any student requesting disability accommodation for this class must inform the instructor by giving appropriate notice. Students are encouraged to contact Disability Support Services at UNC: 970-351-2289 to certify documentation of disability and to ensure that appropriate accommodations are implemented in a timely manner. Catalogue Description: Topics in Cultural Anthropology: Study of a global theme (art, religion, etc.) as represented in a variety of subsistence technologies and/or world cultures. Repeatable under different sub-titles. Course Description: Anthropology of Religion. This class is designed to challenge your assumptions about what religion is. I hope that you will encounter the ‘Other’ and interrogate the familiar. -
Mathematical Modeling and Anthropology: Its Rationale, Past Successes and Future Directions
Mathematical Modeling and Anthropology: Its Rationale, Past Successes and Future Directions Dwight Read, Organizer European Meeting on Cybernetics and System Research 2002 (EMCSR 2002) April 2 - 5, 2002, University of Vienna http://www.ai.univie.ac.at/emcsr/ Abstract When anthropologists talk about their discipline as a holistic study of human societies, particularly non-western societies, mathematics and mathematical modeling does not immediately come to mind, either to persons outside of anthropology and even to most anthropologists. What does mathematics have to do with the study of religious beliefs, ideologies, rituals, kinship and the like? Or more generally, What does mathematical modeling have to do with culture? The application of statistical methods usually makes sense to the questioner when it is explained that these methods relate to the study of human societies through examining patterns in empirical data on how people behave. What is less evident, though, is how mathematical thinking can be part of the way anthropologists reason about human societies and attempt to make sense of not just behavioral patterns, but the underlying cultural framework within which these behaviors are embedded. What is not widely recognized is the way theory in cultural anthropology and mathematical theory have been brought together, thereby constructing a dynamic interplay that helps elucidate what is meant by culture, its relationship to behavior and how the notion of culture relates to concepts and theories developed not only in anthropology but in related disciplines. The interplay is complex and its justification stems from the kind of logical inquiry that is the basis of mathematical reasoning. -
What Is Anthropology?
Chapter 1 What Is Anthropology? nthropology is the scientific study of the origin, the behaviour, and the A physical, social, and cultural development of humans. Anthropologists seek to understand what makes us human by studying human ancestors through archaeological excavation and by observing living cultures throughout the world. In this chapter, you will learn about different fields of anthropology and the major schools of thought, important theories, perspectives, and research within anthropology, as well as the work of influential anthropologists. You’ll also learn methods for conducting anthropological research and learn how to formulate your own research questions and record information. Chapter Expectations By the end of this chapter, you will: • summarize and compare major theories, perspectives, and research methods in anthropology • identify the significant contributions of influential anthropologists • outline the key ideas of the major anthropological schools of thought, and explain how they can be used to analyze features of cultural systems Fields of Anthropology • explain significant issues in different areas of anthropology Primatology Dian Fossey (1932–1985) • explain the main research methods for conducting anthropological Physical Anthropology Archaeology Cultural Anthropology research Biruté Galdikas (1946–) Jane Goodall (1934–) Sue Savage-Rumbaugh (1946–) Archaeology Forensic Human Variation Ethnology Linguistic Anthropology Key Terms Prehistoric Anthropology Charles Darwin Ruth Benedict (1887–1948) Noam Chomsky -
The Self: a Transpersonal Neuroanthropological Account
International Journal of Transpersonal Studies Volume 32 | Issue 1 Article 10 1-1-2013 The elS f: A Transpersonal Neuroanthropological Account Charles D. Laughlin Carleton University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ciis.edu/ijts-transpersonalstudies Part of the Anthropology Commons, Philosophy Commons, Psychology Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Laughlin, C. D. (2013). Laughlin, C. D. (2013). The es lf: A transpersonal neuroanthropological account. International Journal of Transpersonal Studies, 32(1), 100–116.. International Journal of Transpersonal Studies, 32 (1). http://dx.doi.org/10.24972/ ijts.2013.32.1.100 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. This Special Topic Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals and Newsletters at Digital Commons @ CIIS. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Journal of Transpersonal Studies by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ CIIS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Self: A Transpersonal Neuroanthropological Account Charles D. Laughlin Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario, Canada The anthropology of the self has gained momentum recently and has produced a significant body of research relevant to interdisciplinary transpersonal studies. The notion of self has broadened from the narrow focus on cultural and linguistic labels for self-related terms, such as person, ego, identity, soul, and so forth, to a realization that the self is a vast system that mediates all the aspects of personality. This shift in emphasis has brought anthropological notions of the self into closer accord with what is known about how the brain mediates self-as-psyche. -
Seeing Like an Anthropologist: Anthropology in Practice
PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY SECOND EDITION Nina Brown, Thomas McIlwraith, Laura Tubelle de González 2020 American Anthropological Association 2300 Clarendon Blvd, Suite 1301 Arlington, VA 22201 ISBN Print: 978-1-931303-67-5 ISBN Digital: 978-1-931303-66-8 http://perspectives.americananthro.org/ This book is a project of the Society for Anthropology in Community Colleges (SACC) http://sacc.americananthro.org/ and our parent organization, the American Anthropological Association (AAA). Please refer to the website for a complete table of contents and more information about the book. Perspectives: An Open Introduction to Cultural Anthropology by Nina Brown, Thomas McIlwraith, Laura Tubelle de González is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted. Under this CC BY-NC 4.0 copyright license you are free to: Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. 1818 SEEING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: ANTHROPOLOGY IN PRACTICE Logan Cochrane, Banting Fellow, Carleton University [email protected] http://www.logancochrane.com Learning Objectives • Identify ways in which “seeing like an anthropologist” differs from the approach to local cultures used by international development agencies. • Explain why “harmful traditional practices” are prioritized for change by development agencies and describe how negative attitudes toward these practices can be examples of “bad for them, okay for us.” • Assess the reasons why anthropological perspectives and techniques tend to have a limited impact on the design or goals of international development projects. -
Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Report 2012
Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Report 2012 - 2013 Volume I Halle /Saale Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Report 2012 – 2013 Volume I Halle/Saale Table of Contents iii Table of Contents Structure and Organisation of the Institute 2012–2013 1 Foreword 7 Department ‘Integration and Conflict’ 9 Getting Back to the Basics 9 On Comparative Methods and Theory Building 10 Recent Developments in Theory Building 14 Identification and Marginality 15 The Empirical Dimension: reflections on the production of data, documentation, and transparency 25 Research Group: Integration and Conflict along the Upper Guinea Coast (West Africa) 27 Centre for Anthropological Studies on Central Asia (CASCA) 33 Department ‘Resilience and Transformation in Eurasia’ 39 Introduction: Hierarchies of Knowledge and the Gold Standard for Anthropology in Eurasia 40 Kinship and Social Support in China and Vietnam 46 Historical Anthropology 52 Economic Anthropology 58 Urban Anthropology 64 Traders, Markets, and the State in Vietnam (Minerva Group) 69 Department ‘Law & Anthropology’ 75 Introduction: The legacy of the Project Group Legal Pluralism 75 Four Research Priorities 76 Ongoing Research Activities at the Department 82 Legacy of the Project Group Legal Pluralism 101 Local State and Social Security in Rural Hungary, Romania, and Serbia 103 Siberian Studies Centre 105 International Max Planck Research School ‘Retaliation, Mediation, and Punishment’ (IMPRS REMEP) 115 International Max Planck Research School for the Anthropology, Archaeology and History of Eurasia (IMPRS ANARCHIE) 123 Publications 131 Index 181 Location of the Institute 186 Structure and Organisation of the Institute 1 Structure and Organisation of the Institute 2012–2013 Because questions concerning the equivalence of academic titles that are conferred by institutions of higher learning in different countries have still not been resolved completely, all academic titles have been omitted from this report. -
Introduction Godless People, Doubt, and Atheism
IntroductIon Godless People, Doubt, and Atheism Ruy Llera Blanes and Galina Oustinova-Stjepanovic Abstract: In the introduction to this special issue, we set the agenda for researching the aspirations and practices of godless people who seek to thin out religion in their daily lives. We reflect on why processes of disengagement from religion have not been adequately researched in anthropology. Locating this issue’s articles in the anthropological literature on doubt and atheism, we argue for the importance of a com- parative investigation to analyze people’s reluctance to pursue religion. Keywords: atheism, disbelief, disengagement from religion, doubt, god- less people, non-religion, unbelief Being Godless In the current climate of false prophecies of secularism and numerous theories of the resurgence of religions, it is rather unusual to study a way of disengag- ing from religion. A bulk of recent ethnographies tell stories about technologies of self and the adept cultivation of religious dispositions (Mahmood 2005), learning to discern God (Luhrmann 2007), and enacting divine presences in physical rituals, speech acts, dream visions, or materials (Engelke 2007). Ritu- als of presencing the transcendent, the divine, or the immaterial (e.g., Orsi 2005) and well-rehearsed arguments about the resilience of religious spiritu- alities in politics (Bubandt and van Beek 2012) seem to be the order of the day. Building on the growing interest in researching how people demarcate the boundaries of religion and what falls outside (Engelke 2012b, 2014), this special issue suggests that ‘being godless’ is an important empirical reality that encompasses processes, aspirations, and practices that purposefully or inad- vertently lead to the attenuation of one’s religious life.