DOCSLIB.ORG

Freedom, Reason, and Tradition Author(S): F

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Freedom, Reason, and Tradition Author(S): F Freedom, Reason, and Tradition Author(s): F. A. Hayek Reviewed work(s): Source: Ethics, Vol. 68, No. 4 (Jul., 1958), pp. 229-245 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2379464 . Accessed: 16/03/2012 11:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Ethics. http://www.jstor.org ETHICS AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND LEGAL PHILOSOPHY Volume LXVIII JULY 1958 Number 4 FREEDOM, REASON, AND TRADITION* F. A. HAYEK I with its flattering assumptions about powers of human reason, T IHOUGH freedom is not a state of the unlimited nature but an artifact of civiliza- which has progressively gained influ- less articulate and less tion, it did not arise as a result of ence; while the on which English free- design. The institutions of freedom, like explicit tradition dom was based has been on the decline. all that freedomhas created, were not es- the political conceptions of tablished because people foresaw the As a result, French Age of Reason are today benefits they would bring. But once its the regarded as representative advantageswere recognized,efforts com- erroneously eighteenth century in general. menced to perfect and extend the reign of the is obscured by the of freedom and, for that purpose, to This distinction have called the learn how a free society worked. This facts that what we liberty arose largely development of a theory of liberty took French tradition of British insti- place mainly in the eighteenth century in an attempt to interpret conceptions which and began in two countries-of which tutions, and that the of British insti- one knew liberty and the other did not other countries formed de- -England and France. tutions were based mainly on their two As a result, we have to the present scription by French authors. The when day two differenttraditions in the theory traditions became finally confused in the liberal movement of of liberty:1 one empirical and unsys- they merged and even leading tematic, the other speculative and ra- the nineteenth century drew as much on the tionalist-the first based on an inter- British liberals British tradition.2 It pretation of traditions and institutions French as on the the victory of the Ben- which had spontaneously grown up and was, in the end, Radicals over the were but imperfectly understood, the thamite Philosophical that concealed a second aiming at the construction of a Whigs in England difference which in more utopia which has often been tried but fundamental has reappearedas the con- never worked. Nevertheless, it has been recent years democracy and the rationalist,plausible, and apparently flict between "liberal" totalitarian democracy.3 logical argumentof the French tradition, "social" or This differencewas better understood * This article is substantially the same as a chap- a hundred years ago than it is today. ter in the author's book, The Constitution of Liberty, now in preparation. In the year of the European revolutions 229 230 ETHICS in which the two traditions merged, the Encyclopedists and Rousseau, the Phys- contrast between "Anglican"and "Gal- iocrats and Condorcet are their best lican" liberty was still clearly described known representatives. Of course, the by a distinguished German-American division does not fully coincide with writer. "Gallican Liberty," wrote Fran- national boundaries. Frenchmen like cis Lieber in 1848, Montesquieu, Turgot (in his youth), is thought in the government, and according to and, later, Benjamin Constant, and an Anglican point of view, it is looked for in the above all Alexis de Tocqueville, are wrong place, where it cannot be found. Neces- probably nearer to what we have called sary consequences of the Gallican view are that the "British" than to the French tradi- the French look for the highest degree of po- And, in Thomas Hobbes, Britain litical civilization in organisation, that is in the tion. highest degree of interference of the public has provided at least one of the founders power. The question whether this interference of the rationalist tradition, not to speak be despotism or liberty is decided solely by the of the whole generation of enthusiasts fact who interferes, and for the interest of which for the French Revolution, like Godwin, class the interference takes place, while accord- Priestley, Price, and Paine (or Jefferson ing to the Anglican view this interference would always be absolutism or aristocracy, and the after his stay in France), who entirely present dictatorship of the ouvriers would ap- belong to it.7 pear to us an uncompromising aristocracy of the ouvriers. II He adds: Though these two groups are now The fact that Gallican liberty expects every- commonly lumped together as the an- thing from organisation while Anglican liberty cestors of modern liberalism, there is inclines to development, explains why we see hardly a greater contrast imaginable in France so little improvement and expansion than that between their respective con- of institutions: but when improvement is at- ceptions of the evolution and function- tempted, a total abolition of the preceding state of things, a beginning ab ovo-a rediscussion of ing of a social order and the role played the first elementary principles.4 in it by liberty. The differenceis directly the of an Since this was written, the French traceable to predominance view of the world, tradition has everywhere progressively essentially empiricist a rationalist approach, displaced the English. To disentangle in England, and these terms the two traditions it is necessary to in France-whether we take their more look at the relatively pure forms in in their popular or in precise meanings. The main con- which they appeared in the eighteenth philosophical conclusions to century. What we have called the British trast in the practical lead has re- tradition was made explicit mainly by which these approaches as follows: "one a group of Scottish moral philosophers cently been well put, of freedom in sponta- led by David Hume, Adam Smith, and finds the essence the Adam Ferguson,5 seconded by their neity and the absence of coercion, in English contemporariesJosiah Tucker, other believes it to be realized only Edmund Burke, and William Paley, and the pursuit and attainment of an abso- drawing largely on a tradition rooted lute collective purpose,"8 and "one in the jurisprudence of the common stands for organic, slow, half-conscious law.6 Opposed to them was the tradition growth, the other for doctrinaire delib- of the French Enlightenment, deeply erateness; one for trial and error pro- imbued with Cartesian rationalism: the cedure, the other for an enforced solely FREEDOM, REASON, AND TRADITION 2 31 valid pattern."9It is the second which, ciples-and to show with how little contrivance and as J. S. Talmon has shown in an impor- or political wisdom the most complicated apparently artificial schemes of policy might be tant book from which this description erected.'" is taken, has become "the origin of totali- tarian democracy." This "anti-rationalistic insight into The sweeping success of the political historical happening that Smith shares doctrines which stem from the French with Hume, Adam Ferguson, and tradition is probably due to their great others"' enabled them for the first time appeal to human pride and ambition. clearly to see how institutions and mor- But we must not forget that the political als, language and laws, have evolved conclusions of the two schools derive by a process of cumulative growth, and from different conceptions of how so- that it is with and within this framework ciety works; and in this respect the that human reason has grown and alone British philosophers had laid the foun- can successfully operate. Their argu- dations of a profound and essentially ment is directed throughout against the valid theory, while the rationalist school Cartesian conception of an independ- was simply and completely wrong. Their ently and antecedently existing human rather silly rationalist conception of the wisdom that has invented these insti- nature of a free society has discredited tutions, and the conception that civil liberalism with sensible people and has society has been formed by some wise rapidly led those who accepted it to the original legislator or an original "so- opposite of a free society; the British cial contract." The latter idea of intel- have given us an interpretation of the ligent men's coming together for delib- growth of civilization which is still the eration about how to make the world indispensable foundation of the argu- anew is perhaps the most characteristic ment for liberty. outcome of those design theories. It What they have given us in an account found its perfect expression when the of the origin of institutions, not by con- leading theorist of the French Revolu- trivance and design, but by the survival tion, Abbe Sieyes, exhorted the revolu- of the successful. Their account of so- tionary assembly "to act like men just cial evolution runs in terms of how "na- emerging from the state of nature and of tions stumble upon establishmentswhich coming together for the purpose are indeed the result of human action signing a social contract."'3 understood the condi- but not the executionof human design"10 The ancients tions of liberty better than that.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Liberty and American Experience in the Eighteenth Century
    Liberty and American Experience in the Eighteenth Century Liberty and American Experience in the Eighteenth Century Edited and with an Introduction by David Womersley Liberty Fund Indianapolis Amagi books are published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a foundation established to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. The cuneiform inscription that appears in the logo and serves as a design element in all Liberty Fund books is the earliest-known written appearance of the word ‘‘freedom’’ (amagi), or ‘‘liberty.’’ It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 b.c. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash. © 2006 by Liberty Fund ‘‘Federalism, Constitutionalism, and Republican Liberty: The First Constructions of the Constitution’’ reprinted from Lance Banning, ConceivedinLiberty(Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004), 35–70. © 2004 by Rowman and Littlefield. ‘‘The Dialectic of Liberty’’ reprinted by permission of the publisher from Robert Ferguson, Reading the Early Republic (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 51–83. © 2004 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 10 09 08 07 06 p 54321 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Liberty and American experience in the eighteenth century/edited and with an Introduction by David Womersley. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn-13: 978-0-86597-629-0 (pbk.: alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-86597-629-5 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Liberty. 2. Civil rights—United States—History—18th century. I. Womersley, David. II. Liberty Fund. III. Title. jc585 .l424 2006 323.440973'09033—dc22 2005034720 liberty fund, inc.
    [Show full text]
  • Market, Modernity, and the Enlightenment on James
    BARBARIAN PHILOSOPHE: MARKET, MODERNITY, AND THE ENLIGHTENMENT O N JAMES SMITH'S FRONTIER Michael B. McCoy SUNY Orange Uncivilized!" "Little better than barbarians!"1 This is how Patrius, /an scat otherwise anonymous writer, described the "savages" tered throughout the dark forests of Pennsylvania's border lands. Years later, another Philadelphian, Dr. Benjamin Rush, picked up where Patrius left off, and denounced the people of as Pennsylvania's marchlands "rude", "licentious," and "half civilized."2 Outlandish in their habits and habitations, strange in were an their appearance, such savages abomination requir ing immediate attention. Immediate attention indeed, for these were not just any savages, theywere white men. It iswell known that one of the main justifications used by European elites in their conquest of the world was that they were "civilized" while those were Yet they encountered "savages" and "barbarians."3 these men were writing neither about Indians nor Africans; these barbarians where members of Patrius and Rush's own culture, poorer frontier dwellers of European descent who revealed their backwardness by resisting market integration and the expansion PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY: A JOURNALOF MID-ATLANTIC STUDIES, VOL. 76, NO. 3, 2009. Copyright ? 2009 The Pennsylvania Historical Association This content downloaded from 128.118.152.206 on Fri, 6 Feb 2015 11:01:02 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY of commerce. But they did much more. Distant though they were from the salon culture of Paris, Edinburgh, and Philadelphia, rustics actively partici in pated the transnational exchange of ideas?the Enlightenment?operating within and against the framework of European progress, and enlightened notions of commerce.
    [Show full text]
  • Adam Ferguson Bibliography
    Adam Ferguson, An Essay on the History of Civil Society (1767) Bibliographie établie par Isabelle Bour (Université Paris 3 Sorbonne Nouvelle) Sources primaires Œuvres de Adam Ferguson Ferguson, Adam. An Essay on the History of Civil Society. Ed. Fania Oz-Salzberger. Cambridge : Cambridge UP, 1996.—. An Essay on the History of Civil Society. Ed. Duncan Forbes. Edinburgh : Edinburgh UP, 1966. [BnF ; texte de 1767 ; Introduction pp. xiii-xli ; Index non paginé de 37 pages] + —. An Essay on the History of Civil Society. Ed. Louis Schneider. New Brunswick, NJ : Transaction, 1980. —. Essai sur l’histoire de la société civile. Trad. M. Bergier. Paris : Desaint, 1783. [Version numérisée sur Gallica] —. Essai sur l’histoire de la société civile. Trad. révisée, annotée et introduite par Claude Gautier. Paris : PUF, 1992. [Introduction de 92 pages] + —. The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic. 3 vols. London : Strahan, Cadell & Creech, 1783. —. Institutes of Moral Philosophy. For the Use of Students in the College of Edinburgh. Edinburgh : Kincaid & Bell, 1769. —. Institutions de philosophie morale. [Trad. E.S.P. Reverdil] Genève : Philibert et Chirol, 1775. [Version numérisée sur Gallica] —. Principles of Moral and Political Science, being chiefly a retrospect of Lectures delivered in the College of Edinburgh. 2 vol. Edinburgh : Strahan, Cadell & Creech, 1792. —. The Correspondence of Adam Ferguson. Ed. Vincenzo Merolle; intr. J.B. Fagg. 2 vols. London : Pickering and Chatto, 1995. —. The Manuscripts of Adam Ferguson. Ed. Vincenzo Merolle, with Eugene Heath and R. Dix. London : Pickering and Chatto, 2006. Anthologies (Adam Ferguson et penseurs des Lumières écossaises) Broadie, Alexander, ed. The Scottish Enlightenment : An Anthology.
    [Show full text]
  • Paganelli HOPE Adam Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment With
    Recent Engagements with Adam Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment by Maria Pia Paganelli CHOPE Working Paper No. 2015-06 June 2015 Recent Engagements with Adam Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment Maria Pia Paganelli Trinity University [email protected] Forthcoming, History of Political Economy, 2015 Abstract Recent literature on Adam Smith and other 18th Scottish thinkers shows an engaged conversation between the Scots and today’s scholars in the sciences that deal with humans—social sciences, humanities, as well as neuroscience and evolutionary psychology. We share with the 18th century Scots preoccupations about understanding human beings, human nature, sociability, moral development, our ability to understand nature and its possible creator, and about the possibilities to use our knowledge to improve our surrounding and standards of living. As our disciplines evolve, the studies of Smith and Scottish Enlightenment evolve with them. Smith and the Scots remain our interlocutors. Keywords: adam smith, david hume, scottish enlightenment, recent literature JLE: A1; A12; A13; A14; B1; B3; B30; B31; B4; B40; B41; C9; C90 1 Forthcoming, History of Political Economy, 2015 Recent Engagements with Adam Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment 1 Maria Pia Paganelli David Levy once told me: “Adam Smith is still our colleague. He's not in the office but he's down the hall.” Recent literature on Adam Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment shows Levy right. At the time of writing, searching Econlit peer review journal articles for “Adam Smith” in the abstract gives 480 results since year 2000. Opening the search to Proquest gives 1870 results since 2000 (see Appendix 2 to get a rough sense of the size of recent literature).
    [Show full text]
  • FANIA OZ-SALZBERGER Did Adam Ferguson Inspire Friedrich
    FANIA OZ-SALZBERGER Did Adam Ferguson inspire Friedrich Schiller’s philosophy of play? An exercise in tracking the itinerary of an idea I. The Scottish-German context of the Ferguson-Schiller link The impact of Scottish Enlightenment thinkers on their German contempora- ries has been recognized by recent scholarship as one of the most rewarding intellectual trajectories of the eighteenth century. The sheer volume of Scot- tish works translated into German tells a powerful bibliographical story of cultural reception.1 The qualitative effect of Scottish texts on German thought and letters is documented in numerous engagements of German writers with Scottish works, philosophical as well as belletristic. Scotland, a unique part of what many eighteenth-century Germans reverentially and inaccurately called ‘England’, left particular fingerprints on the high age of German Enlighten- ment, Sturm und Drang, and early Romanticism.2 Some of the greatest philosophers of the Aufklärung, including Immanuel Kant and Moses Mendelssohn, followed by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, were substantially affected by Scottish sources according to their own testi- monials, and in ways far transcending their own testimonials.3 David Hume most famously, but Thomas Reid no less effectively, were part of a sea 1. Mary Bell Price and Lawrence Marsden Price, The Publication of English humaniora in Germany in the eighteenth century (Berkeley 1934); Bernhard Fabian, ‘English books and their eighteenth-century German readers’, in The Widening circle: essays on the circulation of literature in eighteenth-century Europe, ed. Paul J. Korshin (Philadelphia 1976), p. 119- 195; Norbert Wazsek, ‘Bibliography of the Scottish Enlightenment in Germany’, Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth century 230 (1985), p.
    [Show full text]
  • The Scottish Enlightenment and the Problem of Individualism in Commercial Society
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 2012 The Road to Virtue and the Road to Fortune: The Scottish Enlightenment and the Problem of Individualism in Commercial Society Sarah Ramirez Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Ramirez, Sarah, "The Road to Virtue and the Road to Fortune: The Scottish Enlightenment and the Problem of Individualism in Commercial Society" (2012). Dissertations. 382. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/382 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 2012 Sarah Ramirez LOYOLA UNIVERSITY CHICAGO THE ROAD TO VIRTUE AND THE ROAD TO FORTUNE: THE SCOTTISH ENLIGHTENMENT AND THE PROBLEM OF INDIVIDUALISM IN COMMERCIAL SOCIETY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY PROGRAM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE BY SARAH RAMIREZ CHICAGO, IL AUGUST 2012 Copyright by Sarah Ramirez, 2012 All rights reserved. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would never have completed this dissertation “without the assistance and cooperation of many thousands,” as Adam Smith might say. Dr. John Danford, my committee chair, helped me to formulate the topic in the first place while I took his excellent course on the Scottish Enlightenment, and his continued guidance has been invaluable.
    [Show full text]
  • The Enlightenment a Sourcebook and Reader
    The Enlightenment A sourcebook and reader Edited by Paul Hyland with Olga Gomez and Francesca Greensides Routledge Taylor & Francis Group LONDON AND NEW YORK Contents List of illustrations ix Preface xi Acknowledgements xiii A note on the texts xvii PART ONE Sources 1 1 Human nature 3 Thomas Hobbes Leviathan (1651) 8 Alexander Pope An Essay on Man (1733-34) 11 Julien Offray de La Mettrie Man a Machine (1747) 14 Jean-Jacques Rousseau Discourse on Inequality (1755) 17 Denis Diderot 'Colour of the Inhabitants' and 'Wretched Condition of the Slaves in America' from Raynal's History of the „ Settlements ([1772], 1780) 20 Marquis de Condorcet Sketch of a Historical Picture of the Human Mind (1795) _ 27 2 The search for knowledge 33 Isaac Newton Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy (1687) 37 John Locke An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690) 40 David Hume A Treatise of Human Nature (1739) 45 Jean d'Alembert 'Preliminary Discourse'to the Encyclopedie (1751) 49 Immanuel Kant 'What is Enlightenment?' (1784) 53 3 Religion and belief 59 John Toland Christianity not Mysterious (1696) 64 Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Essays on Theodicy (1710) 68 VI CONTENTS David Hume 'Of Miracles' from An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1748) 71 Voltaire Poem on the Lisbon Disaster (1756); 'Theist' from Philosophical Dictionary (17'64) 75 Jean-Jacques Rousseau 'The Profession of Faith of a Savoyard Priest' from Emile (.1762) 83 Baron d'Holbach Common Sense (1772) 87 4 The natural world 91 Stephen Hales Vegetable Statics (1727) 95 Carolus Linnaeus
    [Show full text]
  • 12 Lifschitz 207..226
    207 The Enlightenment revival of the Epicurean history of language and civilisation AVI S. LIFSCHITZ Eighteenth-century thinkers renowned as physicists, mathematicians, political economists, aestheticians and theologians all took part in intense debates over the emergence of language as a social phenomenon and a cognitive tool. A very selective list of authors of essays on the origin of language would include Condillac, Diderot, Turgot, Smith, Rousseau and Herder. Language might have been the domain where crucial topics could be put to the test less dangerously than in other ®elds, as the issues involved in discussions of the origin of language were similar to those preoccupying authors of treatises on ethics, revealed religion and poli- tics: human agency in relation to providence and grace, natural emer- gence versus supernatural formation, or convention and arbitrariness compared to pre-established social values and cultural meanings. Language also played a major role in enquiries into the origins of society as a prerequisite for the emergence of politics, commerce, the arts and the sciences; discussions of the origin of language exempli®ed contem- porary attempts to draw the ®ne line between the natural and the arti®cial (or socially developed) traits of man. A common presupposition in most works on the topic was that language did have an origin, divine or natural. According to Genesis, it was God who endowed Adam with language; this perfect idiom, in which Adam named the beasts according to their nature, gave rise to early modern attempts to recuperate or recreate a universal language re¯ecting the essence of things.
    [Show full text]
  • 6. Ideas of Corruption in the Eighteenth Century: the Competing Conceptions of Adam Ferguson and Adam Smith
    6. Ideas of Corruption in the Eighteenth Century: The competing conceptions of Adam Ferguson and Adam Smith Lisa Hill Although the eighteenth century is generally conceived as the age of progress and optimism, many eighteenth-century thinkers believed the world was in its senility. Such fears focused on a concern for the dissipation of virtue and this became one of the most urgent problems of political philosophy in the eighteenth century (Pocock, 1975, p. 462). Like many of their contemporaries in the Scottish Enlightenment, Adam Ferguson (1723–1816) and Adam Smith (1723–90) were intensely interested in the development of commercialism and the accompanying social, political and material changes that were taking place in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Their resulting observations generated, arguably, the two most sophisticated early sociologies to date. But their approaches differed considerably. Although they both perceived in commercialism the potential for corruption, their aetiologies were vastly different. Ferguson, who is well recognised as a thinker absorbed with the problem of corruption, classically understood, was deeply ambivalent about progress. Though he welcomed many of its aspects as both natural and inevitable, he also expressed alarm at some of its effects on virtue and social intimacy. Drawing inspiration from classical sources, he was concerned with how much was lost in the seemingly inexorable march towards progress. By his account, community, social intimacy, intensely emotional friendships and alliances, martial vigour and civil vitality were all casualties of the commercial age. Smith, on the other hand, is rarely associated with standard classical themes of corruption, perhaps because he was basically optimistic about the effects of commercialism.
    [Show full text]
  • Cosmopolitanism and the German Enlightenment
    CHAPTER 6 COSMOPOLITANISM AND THE GERMAN ENLIGHTENMENT FRANZ LEANDER FILLAFER AND )URGEN OSTERHAMMEL THE European Enlightenment has long been regarded as a host of disembodied, self-perpetuating ideas typically emanating from France and inspiring apprentices at the various European peripheries. Historians have demonstrated the. scope and depth of the Enlightenment's reach and have painted a variegated picture of a decentralized intellectual system with fulcrums as remote as Lima, Calcutta, and Batavia. There clearly was a set of overarching purposes of emancipation and improvement, but elaborating and pursuing 'the Enlightenment' also involved a 'sense of place.' We encounter sentimentalist empiricists, atheist republican hacks, Leibnizian metaphysicians, Kantian defenders of enlightened kingship, and Anglican Newtonians. Enlightened premises were reconfigured by translation, showing the disparities of audience and purpose. The German translators of Adam Ferguson's Essay on the History of Civil Society, for example, diluted his civic humanism and praise of commerce and placed it in the service of an advocacy of spiritual freedom and aesthetic inwardness. Civic participation was in this way transmuted into the striving for individual perfection.L By its very nature, the Enlightenment imposed identifiable modes of thought on those who used it, while it always remained an expression of particular desires and meanings, and a response to particular condi­ tions. What difference did the Enlightenment make? It maintained that human reason was able to understand nature unaided by divine revelation, but attuned to its truths; 120 FRANZ LEANDER FILLA FER AND f0RGEN OSTEJUIAMMEL COSMOPOLITANISM AND THE c;ERMAN ENI.TC:HTENMENT 121 many En lighteners agreed that God, like Newlon's divine clockrnaker, had created the Moser in his Of Gerrnan National Spirit (Vmn deutschen Nationalgeisl, t765) tended to universe, but thereafter intervened no more.
    [Show full text]
  • Scottish Political Ideas in Eighteenth Century Germany: the Case of Adam Ferguson
    Scottish Political Ideas in Eighteenth Century Germany: The Case of Adam Ferguson By Fania Oz-Salzberger Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Oxford Wolfson College Trinity Term, 1991 For Eli Abstract Fania Oz-Saizberger Submitted for the Wolf son College degree of D.Phil. Oxford Trinity Term, 1991 Scottish Political Ideas in Eighteenth Century Germany: The Case of Adam Ferguson This thesis examines the reception of the works of Adam Ferguson, a major thinker of the Scottish Enlightenment, by a range of German readers in the late eighteenth century. It provides a survey of Ferguson's main political ideas, and argues that many of his prominent German readers did not come to terms with them. The thesis contrasts the political realities and concerns of Ferguson's Scotland with the profoundly different political concerns of his German readers, and their often vague and inaccurate ideas of Scotland, and of the British constitution. Their documented responses to Ferguson's works are brought as evidence for a cumulative and complex case of misreception. The terms in which Ferguson expressed his political ideas can be fruitfully analyzed as a political language, a vocabulary of recognizable and mutually complementing political terms. After a close examination of this particular vocabulary, the thesis proceeds to show in detail how Ferguson's German translators, commentators, reviewers and readers unwittingly dismantled this vocabulary, lost or ignored its republican and activist elements, and sometimes shifted it into other vocabularies which were far removed from the author's political intentions. However, the differences between the individual readers are emphasized, not only with respect to their varied intellectual backgrounds and works, but also touching on their personal profiles as readers and thinkers.
    [Show full text]
  • Montesquieu's Moderation
    Montesquieu’s Moderation: Commercial Innovation and Public Responsibility in Eighteenth-Century Britain and France Book Prospectus Dr. Constantine Vassiliou Kinder Institute on Constitutional Democracy In Montesquieu’s Moderation: Commercial Innovation and Public Responsibility in Eighteenth-Century Britain and France, I consider Montesquieu’s conception of political moderation in the context of John Law’s economic system in France. (1716-1720) The book tells the story of how Montesquieu and key figures of the Scottish Enlightenment confronted the civic challenges associated with the gradual financialization of eighteenth-century European governments. In examining how the political thought of this period responded to the collapse of the Mississippi and South Sea Bubbles of 1720, the book recaptures a conceptual space in the famous eighteenth-century commerce and virtue debates, which rejects the dichotomy that politics must either wholly be grounded on genuine morality or on individual self-interest. I present Montesquieu as a pivotal figure in these debates, whose theoretical assessment of commercial society made him a powerful interlocutor to contemporaries who reconciled their own theories of politics with the lower moral possibilities of commercial modernity. I argue that Montesquieu was a deliberately ambivalent figure, who embraced the spirit of commerce, but warned about its dangers if left untamed. In detailing his Mandevillean enthusiasm for commerce on the one hand, and his nostalgia for the classical politics of the ancients
    [Show full text]