THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

A Case Study

by

MICHAEL OLIVER FISHER

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Theology)

Acadia University Spring Convocation 2010

© by MICHAEL OLIVER FISHER, 2010.

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS………………………………………………...... …………… vi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………….………………..…. vii

ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………………….…...… viii

INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………………....……………..... 1

CHAPTERS:

1. BAPTIST LIFE AND THOUGHT AS CONTEXT…………………………………………... 5 1.1 The Polygenetic Nature of Baptist Origins……………….…………… 7 1.2 A Genetic History of Baptist Thought…………………………………… 13 1.3 General Patterns in Baptist Thought…………………………….…….... 25 1.4 Relevant Themes in Baptist Life and Thought……...... ………...…... 34

2. THE HISTORY OF IN ………………….…………………………...... 41 2.1 A Chronological ………………..…………..………… 42 2.2 An Introduction to the Baptist Mission……....……………….………… 51 2.2.1 American Influences…………………..…………………………….. 53 2.2.2 British Influences……………………...……………………………… 59 2.3 The Development of the Baptist Mission in Jamaica...………….…. 72

3. FOUNDATIONS OF AFRO‐CHRISTIAN THOUGHT IN JAMAICA……………….… 91 3.1 Bases of Jamaican Religious Thought………………………...………..... 93 3.1.1 African Religious Traditions……………………………...….…… 94 3.1.2 Missiological Religious Thought…………………………….…... 101 3.2 The Great Revival and the Rise of Afro‐Christian Theology...... 118 3.3 Features of Jamaica Religious Thought…………………………...….…. 129

iv

4. A GENETIC HISTORY OF JAMAICAN BAPTIST THOUGHT………………………... 137

4.1 Missionary Theologians………………………………………………….……. 139 4.2 Highlighting Notable Jamaican “Hermeneutists”………………….… 144 4.3 Sources of Jamaican Baptist Thought……………………………………. 156 4.4 Major Themes and Practices in Jamaican Baptist Thought……... 174

CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 193

WORKS CITED………………………………………………………………………………………………... 199

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am indebted for the unflagging support, constructive criticism, and encouragement of my supervisor, Dr. William Brackney. First, thank you for recommending this work. It has helped me to develop a greater appreciation for the religious beliefs and practices that are so significant in my home country of Jamaica. Also your wealth of knowledge and critical advice has contributed greatly to the final copy of this work and has created much interest in related topics. In addition, I would like to thank Dr. Eleanor Wint of Dalhousie University. Your wealth of knowledge on

West Indian culture and society added significant credibility to the final work. Also, thank you to Emmanuel Anom for your tedious hours of revision. Thanks also to the examiners whose critique has helped to make this thesis a more refined presentation.

I am also very appreciative of the support and patience that the staff at Emmanuel

Baptist have demonstrated as I labored in this venture. Also, thanks to the numerous friends and family members who encouraged me to “hurry and get this thesis done.” Finally, I am thankful for the encouragement of the Holy Spirit in all those times when the work seemed overwhelming. His comfort and close companionship has aided me in the times I needed it most. In this, as in all things,

He has been my most faithful and constant supporter and I am indebted to Him for his fellowship.

vi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BMS Baptist Missionary Society ()

BWA

CCJCA Caribbean Council for Joint Christian Action

JBMS Jamaica Baptist Missionary Society

JBU Jamaica Baptist Union

JCC Jamaica Council of Churches

JEMM Jamaica Ecumenical Mutual Mission

JLP Jamaica Labour Party

JBWF Jamaica Baptist Women’s Federation

LMS London Missionary Society

MCCA Methodist Church in the Caribbean and the Americas

PNP People’s National Party

UCJCI United Church in Jamaica and the

UCWI University College of the West Indies

UTCWI United Theological College of the West Indies

UWI University of the West Indies (Mona Campus)

WCC World Council of Churches

vii

ABSTRACT

The development of theology in Jamaica must be understood in the broader context of Baptist thought. In highlighting Baptist contribution to Jamaica we discover that

Baptist missionaries often opposed the aristocrat oligarchy and sided with the marginalized slave population. In doing so, Baptists rejected English nationalism and pledged their support to the establishment of churches, educational institutions, and native settlements in Jamaica. Furthermore, missionary efforts helped procure the abolition of and subsequently, the nation’s independence from colonial rule. A variety of native movements resulted in the establishment of an independent

“Native Baptist” church and the formation and development of religious traditions that continue to practice a syncretism of African and Christian religious beliefs. This produced a unique theological tradition which transcended the borders of Jamaica and effected similar development throughout the Caribbean and later, to other parts of the world.

viii INTRODUCTION

“Out of Many One People” is the motto underscoring the Jamaican National Crest.

The sentiment these words evoke is deeply enshrined in the fabric of Jamaican culture. Moreover, the syncretic religious pluralism it suggests dominates every facet of Jamaican existence and, more pertinently, the theological framework of

Jamaica’s religious lifestyle. Thus, while there are many different denominations represented throughout Jamaica, there is an indelible feeling of consensus that says

“we are one,” and that, regardless of our differences, our history and ensuing experiences have managed to fuse us together into one common whole, to the glory of the Father.

The population of Jamaica is strongly Christian, but a large number of islanders adhere to other faiths. According to Jamaica’s 2001 census date, 61.3% of the population is Protestant while over 10% appeal to other beliefs, including spiritual cults. Baptists (7%) rank fourth among protestant denominations after the Church of God (24%), Seventh‐Day Adventist (11%), and Pentecostal (10%) traditions.

Within the Jamaica Baptist Union there are over 322 churches, with 118 and approximately 40,000 “communicant” members.

Since the arrival of the first American and British missionaries to the island, Baptists have continued to be a significant thread in the rich tapestry of Christian thought in

Jamaica. This study aims to evaluate and highlight the invaluable contribution that

Baptists have made in the historical and ongoing syncretistic development of

Jamaican religious life and thought. It also provides a clear representation of the

1 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Jamaican religious model and gives a skeletal formula for further developing a systematic representation of theology in the Caribbean region.

The contextual history of Baptist theology is essential to understanding Baptist development in the Jamaican cultural climate. Investigating the “evolution” of

Baptist life and thought helps us to develop an appreciation for the polygenetic nature with which Baptists must now define their identity. In addition, we learn to further comprehend the impact that various sources have had on the formation of certain doctrines specific to the Baptist tradition. One must also take into consideration that such sources originated in different geographical cultures and contexts. By so doing, we become more sensitive to the rich diversity that exists within the family of Baptist organizations. As a prolegomenon, this survey is an important, informative supplement of the analysis of Jamaican religiosity.

The history of religious thought in Jamaica is intimately related to the history of

Jamaica as a nation. Because Baptist thought was practiced in a culture countercurrent to either the American or English missionary system, it is important to look at the institution of slavery as relevant to the whole discussion. By looking at the chronological history of Jamaica, the development of the Baptist mission and the overall progress of Afro‐Christian thought after emancipation, a clear case is laid out for further understanding of Christian thought in Jamaica.

The denominationally pluralistic theology of Jamaican society is not solely the work of Baptist missionaries. Africans, Moravians, Methodists, Presbyterians, and others also made valuable contributions to the overall makeup of the island’s religious

2 Introduction culture. has since occupied a central place in the life of .

However, this achievement was not without its share of conflicts. In particular, the

European religious model often sought to eradicate the evidences of African expressions in favor of a more “civilized” society. Nevertheless, Africans saw great value in the coexistence of both traditions. Furthermore, revivalistic fervor led to a greater increase in the proliferation of many immature who considered it suitable and acceptable to practice concomitantly, both religious traditions. This dilemma was central in the formation of relationships between the different missionary institutions. The necessary cooperative partnerships produced numerous essential educational, social, and religious institutions that continue to aid in producing clergy and missionaries of African descent and the overall development of the native population.

As we evaluate the development of Baptist life and thought in Jamaica, we must understand that the Jamaican religious society is the result of syncretism. Hence, much like the development of Baptist theology throughout the years, it is imperative that we identify the heterogeneous nature of sources that inform Jamaican Baptist thought. To do so, it is important that we consider the theology of missionaries

(American and British), the ideals of native hermeneutists, and the impact of other doctrinal material as central to this development. Together, these sources help to define a unique contextual application of various themes within the Baptist tradition. Furthermore, they help to distinguish the idiosyncrasies of Jamaican

Baptists as relevant in the overall understanding of Baptist life and thought, both in the Caribbean and even to the ends of the earth.

3

“History with its flickering lamp stumbles along the trail of the past, trying to reconstruct its scenes, to revive its echoes, and kindle with pale gleams the passion of former days.”

‐‐ Sir Winston Churchill, former British Prime Minister (1940‐45, 1951‐55)

CHAPTER 1: BAPTIST LIFE AND THOUGHT AS CONTEXT

In his recent work, A Genetic History of Baptist Thought (2004), Dr. William

Brackney, Distinguished Professor of Christian Theology and Ethics at Acadia

University, defined theology as a “structured study of thinking about God that is expressed in communal and consensual forms.”1 In layman’s terms, Brackney is suggesting that different communities exercise certain religious liberties and freedom of conscience when formulating theological beliefs relevant to their respective contexts. Among the major Christian groups, this statement is nowhere more relevant than within the Baptist tradition. In truth, Baptists often pride themselves on the “freedoms” with which they express their religious beliefs.2 In fact, this diversity and heterodoxy help to distinguish Baptists the world over. In addition, such heterogeneity has liberated Baptists from conforming to a particular

1 William H. Brackney, A Genetic History of Baptist Thought, (Atlanta, GA: Mercer University Press, 2004), 4.

2 See Walter B. Shurden, The Baptist Identity: Four Fragile Freedoms, (Macon, GA: Smyth and Helwys Publishing Inc., 1993).

5 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT creed or cognition3 while making allowance for the emergence of a belief system more diversely elaborate than most other religious traditions. In the context of our study, such freedoms present historical and theological analysts with an intricately challenging task. However, we must understand that theology is informed by culture and by the contextual influences that shaped such practices. Therefore, before attempting to define Baptist life and thought it is necessary to trace the historical development of the tradition.

Baptist Beginnings: A Complex Dilemma

The study of Baptist historical and theological development is plagued by certain ambiguities. This is primarily because of their polygenetic origination and later development. In other words, the Baptist tradition originated with a diversified leadership base, at varied times, and in different geographical epicenters.

Additionally, attempts to propose methodologies that help to define Baptist identity fail to be comprehensive enough to capture the rich diversity that is embodied in such a broad spectrum of beliefs and practices. This difficulty is further attributed to the fact that Baptists share an amalgam of beliefs and practices that have been influenced by other Reformed religious traditions.4 Furthermore, a number of theologians agree that the breadth and diversity of the Baptist movement is undiscoverable in a simple “metanarrative of Baptist Life.” Further complicating the

3 Stephen D. Glazier, Marching the Pilgrims Home: A Study of the Spiritual Baptists of Trinidad, (Salem, WI: Sheffield Publishing Company, 1983), 23.

4 Mel Hawkin’s, “foreword”, The Baptist River, ed. W. Glenn Jonas, Jr., (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2008).

6 Baptists Life and Thought as Context problem, is the fact that Baptists share many doctrines and practices with other

Protestants. Also, the tradition has become more diversified because of the impact of cultural and social anthropological influences.

The Polygenetic Nature of Baptist Origins

Of all the different Protestant traditions, Baptists appear to be the most polygenetic.

In this regard, they resemble their Anabaptist cousins.5 Unlike other ecclesiastical traditions, Baptists did not originate as the vision of one individual or from one generic group of believers. Instead, Baptist thought is a compendium of religious beliefs expressed by various individuals in different phases and at different times.

Although it is widely accepted that John Smyth (c. 1570‐1612) founded the earliest branch of Baptists in Holland (1609), earliest evidence points to the Anabaptists as the first to adhere to a plain sense interpretation of Scripture (particularly, the

Sermon on the Mount) and believer’s . Smyth’s “General Baptist“ group agreed to the same premise but arose completely independently and a number of years later during the Puritan . After Smyth’s transition to the

Mennonite church, (c. 1550‐1615), Smyth’s colleague, returned to

England and founded the first Baptist Church on English soil in 1611. However, after publishing accusations against the Church of , Helwys was likely imprisoned until his death. While a prisoner, Helwys’ companion, John Murton

5 The “polygenetic” view was presented as an alternative to the Harold S. Bender’s “monogenesis” viewpoint, which suggested that had only one point of origin, in Zurich. This new theory was proposed in the essay: James M. Stayer, Werner O. Packull, and Klaus Deppermann, “From Monogenesis to Polygenesis: The Historical Discussion of Anabaptist Origins”, Mennonite Quarterly Review, 49, no. 2, (April, 1975), 83‐86.

7 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

(1585‐1626), became the interim leader of the Baptist Church in England but in

1626, Murton suffered the same fate as Helwys. The Baptist movement soon found other leaders.

During the seventeenth century, various groups were established in England. Most notably, the 1630s saw the formation of a group of believers known as “Particular Baptists”. As early as 1616, Henry Jacob (1563‐

1624), and later John Lathrop (1584‐1653), followed by Henry Jessey (1601‐1663), pastored an Independent church in Southwark, London. In 1633, John Spilsbury,

Samuel Eaton, Mark Lucar and Richard Blunt, and other believers—who desired to be re‐baptized—broke away from the Southwark church and formed their own congregation. Later, in 1638, William Kiffin, Thomas Wilson and others also followed suit and joined with Spilsbury.6 By the mid‐seventeenth century, another group of Baptists arose independently at the Mill Yard Church in England. These

“Seventh‐Day Baptists” believers committed themselves to observing the Sabbath.

Early founders include James Ockford, William Saller, Peter Chamberlain, Francis

Bampfield, along with Edward and Joseph Stennett.7

Undoubtedly, the variegated nature of Baptist origins increases the difficulty of conclusively substantiating Baptist identity. Historians like Bill J. Leonard, Dean of

6 Joseph Ivimey, The History of the English Baptists, (London, 1811), The Reformed Reader, Available online from: http://www.reformedreader.org/history/ivimey/contents.htm, [Accessed on Dec., 20, 2009.] See also, Joseph Ivimey, A History of the English Baptists, IV, (London: Holdsworth & Ball, 1830). The practice of immersion is often credited to the in the Netherlands. It later became the normative mode of baptism for Baptists the world over.

7 Don A. Sanford, A Choosing People: The History of , (Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1992).

8 Baptists Life and Thought as Context the School of Divinity and professor of Church History at Wake Forest University, credits this dilemma to the constant motion of evolution with which Baptist theology has developed over the centuries. Despite Leonard’s suggestion to consider the Baptist identity as exhibiting “an evolving history, shaped by archetypal beliefs but adapting through a variety of social and cultural contexts,”8 there is still much debate over an acceptable theory of Baptist origins.

Concerning Baptist origins and identity, there are a few divergent theories and difficulties. Among these is the Successionist theory, which suggests that the Baptist tradition began with the Baptism of Christ by . Other Baptists suggest that their foundation is found within the 16th‐century Anabaptist movement that came out of the . However, among other views, the most credible theory identifies the Baptist movement as an outgrowth of English

Separatism. Other difficulties arise because there are multifarious sources of Baptist theology. In particular, the mediums that have helped to shape Baptist thought are oral as well as written and the tradition has been shaped primarily through writing and rewriting confessions of faith, by engaging in hymnody, by preacher theologians and through academic research. Also, because Baptists have a history of collaboration with other religious traditions, their distinctive doctrinal beliefs and practices are often not easily delineated. Together, these factors often work against legitimate attempts to credibly define “Baptist”.

8 Bill J. Leonard, Baptist Ways: A History, (Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 2003), 7.

9 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Theories of Baptist Origin and Identity

Some Baptists maintain that there has been a continuous succession9 of Baptist congregations since the time of John the Baptist, , and the

Apostles. Successionist theories were widely popularized because of James Milton

Carroll’s (1852‐1931) The Trail of Blood, first published in 1931.10 Carroll’s work sought to highlight the “true” marks of the church as based solely on his interpretation of the Scriptures. As such, Carroll’s doctrine of the church held the

New Testament as the sole rule of faith; that Jesus was the only head and founder of the church; that the ordinances were believer’s baptism followed by the Lord’s

Supper; and that each congregation was autonomous. Further, congregations were seen as “congregational, [and] democratic: A government of the people, by the people, and for the people”11 and therefore, independent of the state. Its membership was comprised only of saved people and the work of the ministry was to evangelize and baptized those who met these requirements.12

9 See Robert G. Torbet, A History of Baptists, 1st ed., (Philadelphia, PA: Judson Press, 1950), 18‐ 19. Torbet indicates that there are many ways to view successionism. Among them are: (1) apostolic succession, which assumes a succession of ; (2) baptismal succession, a chain of by those person having undergone authentic baptisms; (3) church succession, which emphasizes a string of churches which bore the true marks of the believers’ church; and (4) a succession of principles, which are evident in individuals or groups who have been Baptist in their polity, even if not in name.

10 James Milton Carroll, The Trail of Blood: Following the Christians Down through the Centuries, or The History of Baptist Churches from the Time of Christ, Their Founder, to the Present Day, 3rd ed., (Lexington, KY: Ashland Avenue Baptist Church, 1931).

11 Carroll, The Trail of Blood, 8. Interestingly enough, this quote is not scriptural. It is rather taken from President Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address in Abraham Lincoln, The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, ed. Roy P. Basler, (Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953).

10 Baptists Life and Thought as Context

Another theory cites the Anabaptists as the progenitors of the Baptist movement.13

This premise is based solely on the fact that Baptists replicated some of the earlier teachings of the Anabaptist tradition (believer’s baptism in particular).14 While it is true that Baptists have shared certain principles with Anabaptists, and other ecclesiastical traditions, Baptists arose independently of Anabaptists. Furthermore, if we take into consideration the impact of culture and other social and political influences on the Baptist tradition we will see they have always been shaped by their own beliefs, connected to their interpretation of Scripture as their context demanded. This will be important for us when we begin to look at the influences of the missionary tradition on the Jamaican context and what has resulted from a combination of African and Christian religious beliefs. Despite these theories, the

12 See W. Morgan Patterson, Baptist Successionism: A Critical View, (Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1969), 5. Patterson’s work is the authoritative text on Baptist Successionism. In this work Patterson shows the motivations of the movement and explains why it failed. He does so by showing the rise of the successionist movement, explaining the questionable histories of the times during which this movement rose. In Patterson’s point of view, not only was there a misreading of the evidence but also fallacies constructed to reassure people of the validity of the Baptist movement. See also James E. Tull, A Study of Southern Baptist in the Light of Historical Baptist Ecclesiology, (New York, NY: Arno Press, 1980). See also See James Edward McGoldrick, Baptist Successionism: A Crucial Question in Baptist History, (Metuchen, NJ: American Theological Library Assoc., and Scarecrow Press Inc., 1994). Helwy’s also refuted the theory of successionism: see Champlin Burrage, The Early , II: In light of recent Research (1550 – 1641), Vol. 10, in the Dissent and Nonconformity Series, (Texarkana, TX: Baptist Standard Bearer, Inc., 2001), 185.

13 C. Arnold Snyder has disputed the argument that Anabaptists had a single origin. Instead he has suggested that Anabaptists have a plurality of origins stemming from the South German influence, the Swiss influence, and the Melchiorites. The former was a diluted form of Rhineland mysticism, the second the product of Reformed congregationalism and the third directly resulting from the influence of Melchior Hoffman. Landmark Baptists, the Church of Christ, and the Mennonite churches favor the “true church” argument in this regard. They suggest “true” churches are similar to New Testament in their doctrine, polity, and practice. See C. Arnold Snyder, Anabaptist History and Theology: Revised Student Edition, (Ontario: Pandora Press and Herald Press, 1997), 448‐50.

14 For theories on the origin of the movement, see B. J. Kidd, ed., Documents Illustrative of the Continental Reformation, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1911), reprinted in The European Reformation Sourcebook, ed. Carter Lindberg, (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2000), 127; also Albert Henry Newman, A History of Anti­Pedobaptism: From the Rise of Pedobaptism to A. D. 1609, (Philadelphia, PA: American Baptist Publication Society, 1869), 107.

11 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

“best” historical evidence points to English Separatism as the foundations of Baptist thought.15

The consensus among major historians is that Baptists, both General and Particular, are products the Separatist movement that resulted from the seventeenth century

Puritan Revolution.16 “Puritanism” arose out of the need to “purify” the Church of

England and to return to Biblical religion. rejected many of the Church’s traditional elements of worship such as the use of the cross, certain priestly garments, and certain practices involved with communion—such as the use of an altar or kneeling for the ordinance. Puritans also ordered their lives by sobriety, strict adherence to scripture and by rejecting various luxuries, ostentations, and licentious acts—even deeming visiting the theatre as immoral.17 In addition,

Puritans rejected the idea of hierarchical church governments and chose to disregard certain rubrical formulas outlined in the .

Consequently, Puritan believers formed congregations based on the voluntary fellowship of believers; all of whom they believed should be free to communicate with God independently. This diversity has led to a greater appreciation for differences in religious beliefs and practices. This is most clearly demonstrated in

15 See William Thomas Whitley, A History of British Baptists, 2nd ed., (London: Kingsgate Press, 1932).

16 I. K. Cross, The Battle for Baptist History, (Columbus, GA: Brentwood Christian Press, 1990), 174.

17 See Justo L. Gonzalez, The Story of Christianity, Vol. 2: The Reformation to the Present Day, (New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, 1985), 149‐63. Gonzalez gives a useful depiction of the Puritan Revolution and explains that it was not so much the morality of theatrical productions that Puritans rejected but the “duplicity” that was implicit in acting (151).

12 Baptists Life and Thought as Context the various sources that have been employed in the development of Baptist religious thought.

Genetic History of Theological Development

Since their multiple beginnings in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,

Baptists have sought to articulate their theology using various vehicles. At first,

Baptist leaders articulated their faith with preaching and public debates. From these orations, “hundred of sermons, booklets, pamphlets, debates, and lengthy books and treatise proclaimed, advanced, defended, and explained the Baptist faith.”18 However, Baptists saw the importance of codifying their beliefs—often as an apology to religious opposition. In addition, Baptists needed substantial, tangible evidence in order to refute accusations of being a religion that insinuated treason.

Furthermore, they needed a definitive way of distinguishing themselves from other protestant faiths. This resulted in various confessions of faith.

Confessions

Confessions of faith were the single most influential source of Baptist theological formation during the seventeenth century. Unlike creeds that standardized how churches functioned, confessions affirmed the diversity of believers and helped to elucidate . They also helped to formulate and solidify the doctrines of the tradition because they reflected a consensus among congregations about major theological beliefs about God, Jesus Christ, the Bible, the Church, salvation, humanity

18 H. Leon McBeth, The Baptist Heritage: Four Centuries of the Baptist Witness, (Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1987), 65.

13 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT and other theological doctrines.19 In certain instances, confessions were apologetic in nature. Other confessions had different purposes. For instance, after having formed associations and issued confessions of faith by 1650, General and Particular

Baptists sought to unite the tradition with the formulation of the Orthodox Creed of

1678. However, up until the nineteenth and into the twentieth century, these confessions were a defining feature of Baptist life.

General Baptist Confessions

Sources indicate that John Smyth wrote the earliest Baptist confession of faith.20

Most notably, Smyth wrote A Short Confession in Twenty Articles in 1609. Helwys and his group issued a “Synopsis Fidei” or A Short Confession of Faith in 1610 and then A Declaration of Faith of English People Remaining at in 1611. Both confessional statements reflected the Mennonite position on redemption, atonement, and free will and received general acceptance from Symth, Helwys and their group of Separatists. After Helwys left Smyth, he went on to write The Mystery of Iniquity (1612). This work became significant in the life of Baptists because it established a foundation for religious liberty and free will. later produced a series of collaborative works including The Faith and Practice of Thirty

Congregations, in 1651, and their Standard Confession, in 1660. The latter sought to defend against allegations of impending Baptist attacks and subsequent treason

19 William H. Brackney, Historical Dictionary of Baptists, in The Historical Dictionaries of , Philosophies, and Movements Series, No. 25, (Lanham, MD: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2009), 419.

20 Jason K. Lee, The Theology of John Smyth: Puritan, Separatist, Baptist, Mennonite, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2003) is an important resource on Smyth’s theology.

14 Baptists Life and Thought as Context against the establishment. Notable Baptist historians, Thomas Crosby and E. B.

Underhill both view the Standard Confession as “the high water mark of the General

Baptist confessional tradition.”21

Particular Baptist Confessions

In England Particular Baptists were also defining their faith. As their relations with the monarchy continued to deteriorate, resulting in a succession of civil wars between 1642‐1649, it became necessary for Particular Baptist to codify their beliefs. Specifically, in 1644, efforts to refute charges of encroachment upon the

Reformed tradition and to differentiate themselves from General Baptists led seven congregations to formulate the First London Confession. This work affirmed the work of the in repudiating sin and rejected the rule of law in such matters. It also rejected theories that suggested the eternal regeneration of Christ. Particular

Baptists also produced the Midland Confession of Faith in 1655, The Somerset

Confession of Faith in 1656, and revised the 1644 confession in 1677 as the Second

London Confession, one of the most important Reformed confessions. The Second

London Confession (which reaffirmed the Baptist position on believer’s baptism) served as an invaluable formal Baptist perspective of the Christian faith.22 Early in the eighteenth century, the Second London Confession became less significant and, by

21 Brackney, Genetic History, 20. See also, Edward Bean Underhill, Confessions of Faith and Other Public Documents Illustrative of the History of the Baptist Churches of England in the 17th Century, (London: Haddon Brothers, and Co., 1854).

22 The Second London Confession followed the 1646 Westminster Confession of Faith (and its modified form, the Savoy Declaration), which was a kind of systematic theology of the Reformed churches. Baptist revisions emphasized both their understanding of Associations and their relationship with individual congregations. Due to persecution and oppression, this revision was published later in 1689, after the passing of the Toleration Act.

15 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

1832, the confessional era ended among British Baptists.23 Ultimately, in 1904, the

Baptist Union’s “Statement of Principle” acknowledged that Christ was “the sole and absolute authority in all matters pertaining to faith and practice as revealed in Holy

Scripture.”24

By the turn of the eighteenth century, the confessional tradition had made its way to the American Colonies. In Philadelphia, where one of the first association of Baptist churches was formed, the Second London Confession was accepted, along with two additional articles (on the singing of psalms and the laying on of hands). The amended document was issued in 1742 as The Philadelphia Confession of Faith. Up until the Great Awakenings in the eighteenth century, this confession served as the primary policy for individual congregations and Associations throughout the United

States. It later became the unifying document of the American Regular and Separate

Baptists in 1787.25 However, Particular and other Calvinistic expressions of

Christianity soon came under attack from popular evangelicals such as Charles

Finney and theologians such as Nathaniel Taylor. As a result, many Particular

Baptists accepted a form of Hyper‐. This led to the creation of tract societies, Sunday schools, theological schools, and organized mission agencies.26

23 Brackney, Genetic History, 34. The Particular Baptist General Union “dropped the confession as a requirement for participating churches, in favor of a statement ‘who agree in the sentiments usually understood to be evangelical.’”

24 Quoted in Roger Hayden, “The Particular Baptist Confession of 1689 and Baptists Today,” Baptist Quarterly, 32/8, (October 1988), 407; also reprinted in Brackney’s Genetic History, 35.

25 Brackney, Genetic History, 36.

26 Brackney, Genetic History, 39.

16 Baptists Life and Thought as Context

Mediating Baptist Confessions

Not all confessions supported the position of a particular group. Some intended to bridge the gap between different Baptist groups. It appears:

The “common sufferings” of all Nonconformists in England after the Stuart restoration and after the Fifth Monarchy uprising in 1661 led such groups to seek “close relations” with each other and to stress their “points of agreement” more than their “differences.”27

The earliest attempt at unifying the Baptist tradition came with the adoption of the

Somerset Confession in 165628 of which Thomas Collier seems to have been the primary author.29 Later, in 1679, a more noteworthy attempt came in the form of the Orthodox Creed. Seemingly, Thomas Monck, a farmer and messenger, was the mastermind behind its creation. Partly apologetic, this document sought to confute the Hofmannite Christology, which early British General Baptist preacher and evangelist Matthew Caffyn, was adamantly advocating.30 Also, it sought to unite all

Protestants—General, Particular and otherwise—and as such, it included statements best suited to the Calvinist and the Arminian sentiments. Theologically, the confession dealt with the issues of predestination and election, perseverance,

27 James Leo Garrett, Baptist Theology: A Four­Century Study, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2009), 39.

28 See William L. Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, (Philadelphia, PA: Judson Press, 1959), 201‐02.

29 Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, 200‐01.

30 The Hoffmanite Christology stressed that Jesus did not have a human body but was a purely divine being with celestial or angelic flush. Thus, Jesus’ body passed through the Virgin Mary as water passes through a pipe. Helwys however emphasized that Jesus did in fact have a human body. See Joe Early, Jr., The Life and Writing of Thomas Helwys, in the Early English Baptist Text series, eds. Rady Roldan‐Figueroa and C. Douglas Weaver, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2009), 27; Garrett, Baptist Theology, 39.

17 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT and the invisible church. Seventh Day Baptists31 also contributed to this confessional tradition. Sabbatarians sought to create a link between both General and Particular Baptists and even supplied pulpits in other congregations such as Mill

Yard and Pinner’s Hall in London.32 From this period, the Mill Yard congregation affirmed the Lordship of Christ and the authority and primacy of Scripture. During the nineteenth century, Baptists in America were also involved in the mediating confessional tradition. For example, the New Hampshire Confession of 1833 sought to unify the Baptists in New England, the and the Freewill Baptist

Connexion. Following the approval of the Baptist Bible Union in 1922, this confession became the standard template for Baptists in America.33

Resurgent Confessionalism

During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in America, there was a plethora of resurgent Baptist confessions.34 Beginning with the Philadelphia Confession, this period saw the formation of the New Hampshire Confession in 1833 and The Abstract of Principles in 1858. In addition, Strict Baptists produced The Articles of Faith of the Gospel Standard Aid and Poor Relief Societies in 1878; produced the Fulton Confession of Faith in 1900; and the Baptist Union of America

31 See William H. Brackney, Baptists in North America: An Historical Perspective, (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), 11 for the development of the Seventh‐Day Baptist tradition in America.

32 Brackney, Genetic History, 25

33 Brackney, Genetic History, 40‐42.

34 This renaissance occurred in the Baptist Bible Union and the (U.S.) Northern Baptist Convention during the early twentieth century. For example, the Baptist Missionary Association of Texas (1900) and the State Association of Missionary Baptist Churches in Arkansas (1902) both became the American Baptist Association.

18 Baptists Life and Thought as Context published the 1923 Articles of Faith. Also, Baptists produced the Baptist Faith and

Message—which began in 1925 and was later revised in 1963, 1998 and 2000—and the 1935 Treatise on the Faith and Practice of the Free Will Baptists.

Within Baptist traditions, some Baptists see the need to systemize their theology while others see no need for confessional statements. The latter position viewed confessions as an imposition on the individual’s freedom of conscience. Notable theologians and historians such as Edward B. Underhill, Albert H. Newman, Henry C.

Vedder, W. H. Whitsitt and W. J. McGlothin have been supportive of the latter position.35 Later in the twentieth century as the ethos of the confessional tradition began to place greater emphasis on addressing social and ethical concerns, Baptists began to realize there was no need to conform to any uniform confessional tradition.

Moreover, Baptists have found other ways to articulate their theological beliefs.

Hymnody

Another important contribution to the development of Baptist thought during the seventeenth century was hymnody. During this period, practically all English churches debated whether hymns belonged in congregational worship. Isaac

Marlow for example, one of the chief adversaries against the practice, contended that any evidence of New Testament singing was by divine inspiration of the Spirit, whereas what was being introduced into the church had no resemblance to it.36

35 Brackney, Genetic History, 42.

36 See Isaac Marlow, The controversie of singing brought to an end, or, A treetise in three parts, in the Early English books series, 1641‐1700, 1388:1, [Microfilm.] (Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1983); and A Brief discourse concerning singing in the public worship of God

19 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Despite early fears, hymns made their way into Baptist theology rather slowly and with much caution. At the inception of music into the church, Baptist employed neither the use of musical instruments nor women in singing. There were no worship materials and choirs were restricted. Congregations accepted nothing other than Biblical texts or the Psalms, which they often considered “the only divinely inspired hymnody of the church.”37 Furthermore, all songs had to be sung audibly by persons “gifted” to do so.38 Solos, other compositions, and musical instruments were later additions to Baptist hymnody. Yet, their poems and hymns gave life to several prominent themes of theology not limited to God, Christ, the Holy

Spirit, and the life and mission of the Christian. By the middle of the seventeenth century, hymnody became more attractive to some Particular Baptist churches.

General Baptists did not include singing of any kind into their worship services until after the influence of the Wesleyan revivals.

Although traditional hymns are often used to enhance the liturgy of special occasions, such as baptismal or funeral services, apart from choirs, today, more

“fresh,” “simple” language is used in worship settings. This has found new life

in the Gospel­Church, in the Early English books series, 1641‐1700, 1763:6, [Microfilm.] Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1983), 6, 5‐50.

37 Leonard, Baptist Ways, 58. From its early inception, General Baptist leader Thomas Grantham, in his notable work, Christianismus Primitivus: or The Ancient Christian Religion in Its Nature, Certainty, and Excellency, above any other Religion in the World, (London: Printed for Francis Smith, 1678), in the Early English books series, 1641‐1700; 564:1, [Microfilm.] (Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1975), argued that congregational hymn signing was an encroachment on the Early Church’s teaching pertaining to Psalms and Hymns. He further suggested that the only proper singing of hymns was the singing of Psalms or Prayers and argued that singing in an assembly required certain ‘gifting’

38 See Joseph Jackson Goadby, Bye­paths in Baptist History, (London: Elliot Stock, 1871), 322‐30.

20 Baptists Life and Thought as Context especially among younger audiences, most of whom have become hymnodist theologians in their own right. In the Jamaican and Caribbean experience in particular, hymnody has been modified and tailored to suit the context of the culture.

During the revival era and especially during the slavery system, the “spirituals” were instrumental in the theological development of the oppressed. Hymns were particularly instrumental in the experience of slaves who were not trained theologians, especially those who had difficulties articulating their faith or understanding the rhetoric of scripture, confessions, sermons, debates and pamphlets. Specifically, hymns articulated the centrality of the cross, articulated the need and means of salvation, and pointed to Jesus as the sole authority and headship of the church. More importantly, hymns advocated the promise of freedom and complete liberation by Going Up Yonder (E. M. Latham, 1954) to forever dwell In the

Sweet By and By (Sanford Bennett, 1868). The promise that this would happen Soon and Very Soon, and When the Role is Call Up Yonder (James Milton Black, 1894) was enough to place a resounding “Hallelujah” in the hearts and minds of those who were slaves in the colonial era and invite them to partake in the promises of the proclaimers of the Christian faith.

21 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Pastors and Theologians

English Pastors and Theologians

From the middle of the seventeenth century, Baptist pastors have been key theologians beyond the context of their pulpit ministry. According to Brackney, “the pastoral theologian was defined according to the Puritan tradition as one who had oversight over a congregation, who preached, taught, and acted as a shepherd for a congregation.”39 Implicitly, Brackney continues, “this had obvious implications for theological articulation and interpretation, and pastors became the primary exponents in oral and written form of Baptist thought.”40 As we have previously mentioned, early Baptist pastors such as Helwys, Spilsbury, and Keach played an important role in formulating Baptist confessions of faith. Others contributed to

Baptist theology through their writings, through public debates, and through disputations with other Baptists. The most important contribution made by Baptist pastors throughout the centuries has been their commitment to ensuring all matters of church doctrine and polity found their precedence in Scripture.

One of the most widely‐known preachers of the age was Charles Haddon Spurgeon

(1834‐1892). Spurgeon possessed great literary skill and had an unusual gift for delivering his message with such fervor that he attracted audiences from all walks of society. Some attended his meetings not so much for the message but just to hear

39 Brackney, Genetic History, 105. Brackney’s work gives a more complete autobiographical description of the individuals briefly mentioned here. It also presents a more complete understanding of their contributions to Baptist theology throughout the centuries.

40 Brackney, Genetic History, 105.

22 Baptists Life and Thought as Context him speak. His strength was his ability to appeal to the common people. This was because, unlike his contemporaries, Spurgeon’s “personal narrative played a more significant role in shaping his thought than educational preparation or mentoring by another.”41 Even today, Spurgeon’s sermon notes and commentaries are an invaluable resource in various Christian traditions. Another notable theologian of this era, John Clifford (1836‐1923), the first president of the Baptist World Alliance

(BWA), made significant contributions to Baptist identity and theology.

American Pastors and Theologians

Baptist pastors and theologians in the follow a similar trend as their

British contemporaries. In the Americas, “Pastors played a crucial role…through preaching and writing, by their personal efforts in mentoring young men for the ministry, and with their efforts to establish schools of higher education.”42 The eighteenth century saw greater expansion of Baptist influence in America, partly due to the effects of the Great Awakening revivals. This meant an increase in Baptist missionary endeavors and an ever‐increasing diversification of Baptist theology.

During the , pastors such as (1724‐1806) were very significant in the formation of an American Baptist identity. Backus made many efforts to expand the influence of Baptists in America. He was also a strong advocate for religious liberty and a fervid campaigner against state‐established churches in New England. Regarding the latter, Backus argued: “Now who can hear

41 Torbet, A History of Baptists, 150.

42 Torbet, A History of Baptists, 202.

23 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Christ declare, that his kingdom is not of this world, and yet believe that this blending of church and state together can be pleasing to him?”43

The theological position of Richard Thurman (1755‐1825) followed the missional mindset of Baptists in the nineteenth century. Thurman was very much concerned with the direction of missions and the education of future Baptist ministers.

Brackney suggests: “For Thurman, that perspective may have been a by‐product of his revival experiences where the increase of conversions and the spread of the revival seems to suggest the wholesale Christianization of America.”44 Thurman was also influential in the formation and establishment of academic institutions in various states. John Newton Brown (1803—1868) was also influential during this era. He was the principal author of the New Hampshire Confession of Faith. Also in this category is John R. Graves (1820—1893) who founded the “Landmarkist” movement in the South.45

During this era, Baptist pastors played a central role in the overall understanding of

Baptist thought. However, from the close of the nineteenth century and beyond, academic‐theologians became the principal voice of Baptist theology. Baptists found

43 William A. Henry, “Isaac Backus”, The Dictionary of American Biography, Vol. 1, ed. Allney Johnson, (New York, NY: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1943), 471. Later Backus served as a trustee of Rhode Island College (later Brown University). Among his notable works were A Seasonal Plea for Liberty of Conscience (1770) and an Appeal to the Public (1968). During the period, both Samuel Jones (1735—1814) and Morgan Edward (1722—1795) were known for their contributions as a part of the Philadelphia Association and to a greater theological understanding of the nature of the church.

44 Brackney, Genetic History, 235.

45 Brackney, Genetic History, 241‐42.

24 Baptists Life and Thought as Context it increasingly important to have trained ministers who were erudite in their understanding of Scripture and the doctrinal themes that materialized from it. In their early years, college professors were mainly pastors who often mentored candidates for the ministry. As the transition progressed, Baptists began colleges at

Bristol and Stepney, in Britain and at Rhode Island and Maine in America. This same trend replicated itself throughout other regions of the world, most notably, throughout the Caribbean. Now that we have come full circle, we are better equipped to outline a more comprehensive—though still brief—outline of the history of Baptist theological development.

General Patterns in Baptist Thought

British Influences

One might say that English Baptist thought throughout the seventeenth century, had an apologetic fervor—both externally and internally—as Baptists continually fought to defend their doctrinal principles. The main concerns of the first Baptists converged on believer’s baptism, religious liberty, and autonomous separation from the society. Smyth and those who followed him sought to ensure that baptism followed the profession of one’s faith rather than have family ties as its foundation.

They also believed that all authority came from Christ; thus, individual congregations were answerable only to God. It is during this era that Helwys first addressed the subject of religious freedom with his work, A Short Declaration of the

Mystery of Iniquity (1612). In it Helwys stated:

25 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Let the King judge, is it not most equal that men should choose their religion themselves, seeing they only must stand themselves before the judgment seat of God to answer for themselves.

Even stronger, Helwys argued;

The King is a mortal man and not God, therefore hath no power over ye immortall soules of his subjects to make lawes and ordinances for them and to set some spiritual Lords over them.46

The latter half of the seventeenth century was concerned with issues relating to whether membership and communion within Baptist churches should be closed or open.47

Early in the eighteenth century, Baptists were still preoccupied with the subject of religious liberty. However, they became increasingly concerned with maintaining credible ministerial leadership. Hence, Particular Baptists established the “London

Fund”, later The London Education Society (1752), to assist needy ministers and to educate young men for the ministry.48 In addition, the subject of evangelism and foreign missions became increasingly central in the ministry of Baptists. Although some Baptists were opposed to this new direction,49 others took advantage of the

46 Whitley, A History of British Baptists, 33‐4; Torbet, A History of Baptists, 38.

47 See C. Douglas Weaver, In Search of the New Testament Church: the Baptist Story, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2008), 23.

48 Torbet, A History of Baptists, 70.

49 See Torbet, A History of Baptists, 71‐73; Whitley, History of Baptists, 211‐7. See also Alfred Clair Underwood, A History of the English Baptists, (London: Carey Kingsgate Press, 1947), 111‐48. Torbet argues here that Baptists were more concerned with consolidation than they were with evangelism. In his opinion, this was part of the reason why both General and Particular Baptists traditions suffered during the century. In Torbet’s evaluation, both General and Particular Baptists declined due to several factors. One reason was that General Baptists had old ways of conducting

26 Baptists Life and Thought as Context newfound freedom that had been gained with the passing of the Act of Toleration.

Baptists therefore took every opportunity to profit from the religious enthusiasm fostered by the evangelical flavor of the Great Awakenings.

While Anglicans such as George Whitfield and John Wesley were at the forefront of spiritual awakening, Baptists were experiencing a revitalization of their own. This renewed evangelistic zeal, particularly in such people as William Carey (1761‐

1834), who was instrumental in the formation of the Baptist Missionary Society

(BMS) in 1792, led to the establishment of missionary ventures in India50 and later in the West Indies, Jamaica in particular.51 Also, did much to promote the individual’s responsibility to missions and helped to pave the way for William

Carey and subsequently for the first Baptist Foreign Missionary Society (BMS).

Carey led the missionary enterprise of Baptists. He argued: “If baptism concerns us, world missions must no less”—else why baptize? His method was straightforward and simple: pray, plan, pay. And, after much pleading, and with the help of Fuller, Carey’s colleagues concluded:

associational meetings. Not only did they frown upon hymn singing in these meetings but the debates concerning doctrine and discipline was painfully long and uninviting. Another reason was that was on the rise. Finally, Torbet argues there was no evangelistic foresight. Particular Baptists declined for different reasons. First, they were more concerned with organization and consolidation than with evangelistic expansion. The preoccupation with fundraising and building projects sometimes overshadowed preaching to outlying communities. Second, the rise of anti‐ missionary Hyper‐Calvinism dampened the impetus to witness to others and third, there were many self‐appointed critics who sought to censor the brethren.

50 Reinhold J. Kerstan, “Baptists”, The 20th­Century Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, 2nd ed., ed. J. D. Douglas, (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker House Publishing, 1991), 59.

51 Equally significant was the work of Charles Whitfield, and other individuals such as Abraham Booth, John Rippon and John MacGowan who all brought a kind of energetic evangelistic fervor to the movement.

27 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Humbly desirous of making an effort for the propagation of the Gospel amongst the Heathen, according to the recommendations of Carey’s Enquiry, we unanimously resolve to act in Society together for this purpose; and, as in the divided state of Christendom each denomination, by exerting itself separately, seems likeliest to accomplish the great end, we name this the Particular Baptist Society for the Propagation of the Gospel amongst the Heathen.52

Such fervor led to the formation of the home missions movement, Sunday school work, Bible publications, new schools, as well as foreign missions.

By the close of the eighteenth century and into the nineteenth, Baptists made much headway in theological definition. For one, the era had produced the first Baptist systematic theologian in the Arminian General Baptist personage of Thomas

Grantham who had produced his famous work, Christianismus Primitivus.53

Ministerial education also received revived impetus that led to the formation of The

Bristol Education Society in 1770—an aid to the Baptist Academy in Bristol. Several societies provided financial assistance to ministers, churches and education societies.54

52 S. Pearce Carey, William Carey, (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1923), 90; Torbet, A History of Baptists, 82.

53 See William H. Brackney, “Thomas Grantham: Systematic Theology and the Baptist Tradition”, From Biblical Criticism to Biblical Faith: Essays in Honor of Lee Martin McDonald, ed. William H. Brackney and Craig A. Evans, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2007), 202‐15. See also, Fisher Humphreys, Baptists and Their Theology, (Nashville, TN: Southern Baptist Historical Society, 2000). Humphreys suggests that (1697‐1791) was the first systematic theologian but, as noted by Brackney, Grantham had produced his work over half a century earlier in 1678.

54 Dale A. Johnson, The Changing Shape of English Nonconformity 1825­1925, (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, Inc., 1999), 16.

28 Baptists Life and Thought as Context

American Development of Missions

During the seventeenth century, the first Puritans came to America—they settled in

Plymouth around 1620. It is widely believed that (ca. 1603‐1683), an English Puritan Separatist who later became a Baptist, founded the first Baptist church in America. As with their English counterparts, the highlight of seventeenth century Baptist thought was the theme of religious liberty. Pastors like Roger

Williams (1603‐1683), John Cotton (1584‐1652), and Isaac Backus (1724‐1806) lobbied for the cause and worked arduously to promote Baptists’ freedom to practice their beliefs55 separate from state intervention.56

Despite the antagonistic spirit of the eighteenth century, the , characterized by vehement evangelical proclamation, led to unprecedented growth in Baptist churches. Not only did the revivals strengthen the existing “regular”

Baptist churches, but also there was an influx of believers from other established

Puritan congregations such as the “Separate” Baptists. Persons like

(1706‐1771), a New England “Separate” Baptist, were responsible for the spread of the revivalistic spirit throughout the Southern region. By the end of the century in

1793, Baptists had founded the (American) Baptist Missionary Society and had raised enough money to send its first missionary, Adoniram Judson (1788‐1850) to

55 Before leaving the Baptist tradition (in search of a more authentic word), Williams had managed to secure a charter for the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in 1644. This charter supported the religious liberty of the colony’s settlers and appealed to many other immigrants, such as Anne Hutchinson (1591‐1643) who could not experience the same freedom of expression elsewhere.

56 Mark A. Noll, American Evangelical Christianity: An Introduction, (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2001), 100.

29 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Burma, India. In 1814, “The General Missionary Convention of the Baptist

Denomination in the United States of America for Foreign Missions” was founded in

Philadelphia. From this organization came the (Northern) American Baptist

Missionary Union dedicated to foreign missions and the Southern Baptist

Convention to home missions in 1845.

The nineteenth century saw a significant increase of African‐Americanism in the identity of Baptists.57 It seemed, “The lack of formality in Baptist churches, together with their absence of ritual and the democratic spirit in their congregations, appealed to African‐American believers more than the formal and priestly denominations”.58 Brackney however suggests that the African‐American thinkers were beginning to see the task of theology as more contextual and ecumenical.59

Later, “within fifteen years after the Civil War nearly one million African‐American

Baptists worshiped in their own churches.”60 By 1880, African‐American Baptists formed their first national organization known as the Foreign Mission Baptist

Convention. The National Baptist Convention, USA, was formed fifteen years later.

57 This unique stream of Baptist life had its origins in the slave system and therefore does not connect with English or early American Baptist origins. See William H. Brackney, “African American Baptists: Prolegomenon to a Theological Tradition”, The Quest for Liberation and Reconciliation: Essays in Honor of J. Deotis Roberts, ed. Michael Battle, (Louisville, KY: Westminster Press, 2005), 165‐78.

58 B. L. Shelly, “Baptist Churches in the U.S.A”, The Dictionary of Christianity in America, ed. Daniel G. Reid et. al., (Wheaton, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1990), 103.

59 William H. Brackney, “A Turn toward a Doctrinal Christianity: Baptist Theology, a Work in Progress”, Turning Points in Baptist History: A Festschrift in Honor of Harry Leon McBeth, ed. Michael E. Williams, Sr., and Walter B. Shurden, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2008), 87.

60 Shelly, “Baptist Churches in the U.S.A.”, 103.

30 Baptists Life and Thought as Context

The African American strain of Baptist life is of high importance to the development of Baptist identity in Jamaica.61

As we have seen thus far, the history of the Baptist tradition is a heterogeneous one.

Equally diverse are the modes that Baptists have used as vehicles of their theological tradition. No less different are the various beliefs that Baptists agree on based on their different interpretation of Scripture and the ever‐changing contexts in which they practice their beliefs. Oftentimes, Baptists have been equated with their Protestant counterparts and criticized for not having formulated an authentic theology of their own. However, as we shall see in this closing segment, the evidence proves differently.

Baptists in Community with Evangelical Christianity

Since the Protestant Reformation in 1517, Protestants have continued to differentiate themselves from each other. Generally, Protestants agree on the principles of (by scripture alone), sola fide (by faith alone), sola

Christus (Christ alone), sola gratia (grace alone), and soli Deo Gloria (glory to God alone). However, major denominations have forged an identity for themselves out of this tradition. Among Methodists, Presbyterians, Lutherans, Brethren,

Mennonites, Pentecostals, , Shakers and others, Baptists have emerged to define their own tradition. B. H. Carroll, founder and former President of

Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary illustrates this point well:

61 See Mechal Sobel, Trabelin’ On: The Slave Journey to an Afro­Baptist Faith, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979).

31 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

It is held by some that no doctrine or practice should be classified as distinctive which has at any time been shared, in whole or in part, by any other denominations. But this limited sense of the word distinctive is too narrow for ordinary speech or common sense. For example: The Greek Church and the Baptists both practice immersion, but their doctrine of baptism is widely different from ours. Authority, subject, and design all enter as much into the validity of this ordinance as the act itself. More than mere immersion is necessary to constitute New Testament baptism. Again, the Congregationalists agree with Baptists in the form of church government, but their doctrine of the church is widely different from ours. Yet again, the statement of Chillingworth, “The Bible, and the Bible alone, the religion of Protestants,” is widely different from the Baptist principle, “The New Testament, the only law of Christianity.”62

Protestantism owes much of its theological development to Baptists. Critics such as

James Wm. McClendon Jr. suggest that Baptist themselves have not done much theologizing but instead, they have allowed their tradition to be defined by other reformed groups.63 However, this is not entirely true. Many notable scholars agree that despite the “multifarious and sometimes conflictual” relations within Baptist theology, “Baptist do have an identifiable theological heritage.”64 In fact, Baptists have made important theological and ethical contributions to the overall meaning of

Protestantism.65 In particular, they introduced the idea of regenerate church

62 B. H. Carroll, Baptists and Their Doctrines: Sermons on Distinctive Baptists Principles, compiled by J. B. Cranfill, (New York, NY: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1913), 1. – Also available as A Baptist Historical Resource, from the Center for Theological Research, (Fort Worth, TX: Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2006), Available online from: www.BaptistTheological.org.

63 James William McClendon Jr., Systematic Theology: Ethics, (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1986), 23.

64 Brackney, Genetic History of Christian Thought, 2.

65 William H. Brackney, “Baptist Contributions to Protestantism”, Baptist Heritage and the 21st Century, in the Special 2005 Series, Baptist History & Heritage Society, [Accessed online on Dec. 6,

32 Baptists Life and Thought as Context membership dependent on believer’s baptism and discipline.66 Furthermore, their confessional statements suggest that, through their associations, they emphasized the need for greater fellowship beyond the local congregation.67

Around the world, Baptists are known for making contributions that affect nearly every aspect of their society. Baptists have contributed extensively to the advancement of evangelistic and missional endeavors. Baptists have also established and collaborated with many organizations for the greater good of humanity. Such organizations have included disaster‐relief efforts, counseling centers, care agencies, and other organizations that promote social and spiritual well‐being. Furthermore, Baptists have made great contributions to the advancement of education and the development of the marginalized. In addition,

Baptists have been on the frontlines of movements that seek to address poverty, racism, the abuse of women, slavery, and other injustices. Throughout Baptist history, similar missionary initiatives have been important in the promotion of women’s rights, educational initiatives, the abolition of slavery, and other nationalistic and socio‐religious projects. Particularly central to this study, is the work of Baptist missionaries and their influence in Jamaica. This is the subject of the next two chapters.

2009.] Much of the discussion in this paragraph is credited to this source; See also Torbet, A History of Baptists, 30.

66 Torbet, A History of Baptists, 31.

67 William L. Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, (Philadelphia, PA: Judson Press, 1959), 143‐ 334; Torbet, A History of Baptists, 31.

33 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Relevant Themes in Baptist Life and Thought

As we have discussed, the polygenetic nature of Baptist origins has led to varying opinions on the priority of doctrinal themes within the tradition. The task here is not to highlight them all but to make mention of those that take prevalence in the

Afro‐Jamaican construct, particularly during the age of missions. This position is justifiable because much of the consolidation and development of Baptist life and thought in Britain and America were insignificant to the Black Baptist experience.

Africans were more interested in understanding the Bible, forming a religious identity for themselves, and articulating their experiences primarily through preaching and song. Furthermore, the primary teaching of early missionaries in the colonial islands focused on themes that were central to the slave milieu. The primacy of Scriptural authority and the theory of religious freedom were two of the most central themes. Other beliefs and practices such as the separation of church and state and the administration of the ordinances were corollaries that missionaries later focused on.

Authenticity of Scripture

From their inception, Baptists have counted the supremacy of Scripture as the single most important criterion for their faith and practice. Throughout their development, Baptists have defended this principle with their lives, mostly against governmental agencies. Almost all confessions relied on Scripture to validate

Baptist beliefs and practices. For example, in his “Declaration of Faith” Helwys wrote:

34 Baptists Life and Thought as Context

That the scriptures off the Old and New Testament are written for our instruction, 2 Tim. 3:16 and that we ought to search them for they testifie off CHRIST, Io. 5:39. And therefore to bee used withal reverence, as conteyning the Holie Word off God, which onelie is our directon in al things whatsoever.68

Even more pertinent was the Calvinistic Baptist London Confession’s statement:

That the holy Scriptures is the rule whereby Saints both in matters of Faith, and conversation are to be regulated, they being able to make men wise unto salvation, through Faith in Christ Jesus, profitable for Doctrine, for reproof, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God may be perfect, throughout furnished unto all good works, 2 Tim. 3. 15, 16, 17. John 20:31. Isa. 8:20.69

American Baptists also valued the importance of Scripture in their confessions.

Many later Associations mimicked the pattern set by the Philadelphia Association of regarding Scripture as a litmus test for their faith and practice. The New Hampshire

Confession of Faith testifies to this in its first article. It reads:

We believe the Holy Bible was written by men divinely inspired, and is a perfect treasure of heavenly instruction; that it has God for its author, salvation for its end, and truth, without any mixture of error, for its matter; that it reveals the principles by which God will judge us; and therefore is, and shall remain to the end of the world, the true centre of Christian union, and the supreme standard by which all human conduct, creeds and opinions should be tried.70

On one hand Baptists have committed themselves to an unwavering belief in the authenticity of Scripture as the sole governing agent for every single Christian. On

68 William Joseph McGlothlin, Baptists Confessions of Faith, (Philadelphia, PA: American Baptist Publication Society, 1911).

69 McGlothlin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, 119.

70 McGlothlin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, 301‐02.

35 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT the other, Baptists have gone further than other Protestant traditions in practically applying this principle to their faith. For Jamaicans, this commitment to Scripture is demonstrated in a literal understanding of the text. The sentiment is prevalent within the island’s religious climate as can be seen from the liberty with which various non‐Christians, Christians and other religious traditions interpret the text.

Religious Liberty

Since their formation Baptists have adamantly and consistently promoted the concept of religious liberty.71 Interestingly enough, some Baptists see two forms of religious liberty. The first is Religious Liberty and the second is Soul Liberty. In the first instance, Baptists have always maintained that individuals and groups are free moral agents, created in the image of God, and as such are morally responsible to

God for their own choices and actions. Further, all humans should be free to believe or not to believe in God, to obey or to disobey him, to worship or not to worship him, according to the dictates of their own conscience and not by State directive. Smyth in his Confession of one hundred articles of faith (1612) wrote:

That the magistrate is not by virtue of his office to meddle with religion, or matters of conscience, to force or compel men to this or that form of religion, or doctrine: but to leave Christian religion free, to every man’s conscience, and to handle only civil transgressions (Rom. 13), injuries and wrongs of man against man, in murder, adultery, theft, etc., for Christ only is the king, and lawgiver of the church and conscience (James 4:12).72

71 Henry Clay Vedder, Baptists and Liberty of Conscience, (Cincinnati, OH: J. R. Baumes, 1884) 40.

72 McGlothin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, 82.

36 Baptists Life and Thought as Context

In the second instance, Baptists believe in the ability of human beings to approach

God directly without any human intermediary. As noted earlier, Helwys expanded on Smyth’s work with his famous work entitled A Short Declaration of the Mystery of

Iniquity. In England where the state‐governed church insisted upon religious conformity, this was believed to be the first claim for religious liberty and the freedom of worship.73 In it, Helwys stated:

Let the King judge, is it not most equal that men should choose their religions themselves, seeing they only must stand themselves before the judgment seat of God to answer for themselves.74

And again:

The King is a mortall man and not God, therefore hath no power over y immortall soules of his subjects to make lawes and ordinances for them and to set spirituall Lords over them.75

Helwys’ sentiments echoed in the confessional tradition and in the teaching of

Baptist pastors throughout the ages. The belief that human beings are created in the image of God and that God is a personal being who is able to reveal himself to mankind undergirds the notion that the state should refrain from interfering in

‘matters of conscience.’76 This was evident in the teachings of , John

Milton, Roger Williams, Isaac Backus and others. In countries such as the United

73 Torbet, A History of Baptists, 519; Underwood, A History of the English Baptists, 47.

74 William Thomas Whitley, A History of British Baptists, in The Angus lectureship series, Vol. IX, (London: C. Griffin & Co., 1923), 33.

75 Whitley, A History of British Baptists, 34.

76 Brackney, Baptists in North America, 41.

37 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

States where is practiced, individuals and denominations,

Protestants and otherwise, are indebted to this tradition.77 In the Jamaican context however, “religious freedom” was often conflictual because missionaries sometimes sought to dictate “appropriate” Christian beliefs as superior to African religious traditions. However, even though Baptists were not the only denomination involved in promoting religious liberty, they soon became the “most strenuous and sturdy in its defense.”78 Yet, in a society predominated by different cultural traditions and customs, it seems the only viable solution was a syncretistic one.

Summary

To describe the historiographical account of Baptist origins and identity is no easy undertaking. It is still debatable whether Baptists are a link in a long line of related churches or descendants of the Anabaptist tradition. However, major historical and theological evidences points to the English Separatist tradition as the foundation for the seventeenth century component of the movement. To this must be added the eighteenth century development of African American Baptists.

Further complications arise for students of Baptist identity because, in the areas of doctrine as well as in practice and polity, there is much diversity within the Baptist tradition. British and American influences have been the incubators for the formation of Baptist life and thought. Throughout the course of these

77 See Martha Craven Nussbaum, Liberty of Conscience: In Defense of America’s Tradition of Religious Equality, (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2008).

78 Sanford H. Cobb, The Rise of Religious Liberty in America: A History, (New York, NY: Macmillan, 1902), 64.

38 Baptists Life and Thought as Context developments, Baptists have distinguished themselves by going further than others in ensuring that Scripture was the sole rule of faith and practice within the church.

So important was the need that Baptists soon began to engage their culture as they sought to procure the right and liberty to practice their faith without State intervention and rule. Although this freedom led to extensive diversification within

Baptist circles, it has not resulted in “defections”, “schisms”, and “dissentions”79 or a weakening of the tradition as we might assume. Instead, while celebrating their differences, Baptists have ineffably clung to certain doctrinal beliefs and practices, such as the practice of believer’s baptism by immersion, together with other

“distinctives” that help to define Baptist life and thought. Baptists have also championed the cause of evangelism through missions in the world. As in the context of Jamaica, Baptists have always sought to engage the socio‐cultural aspect of the society in which they are situated. This has allowed for acceptance of diverse cultures and traditions unique to their indigenous contexts while remaining faithful to Scripture as the sole rule for faith and practice. In such settings, the tradition has proven to be flexible enough to embrace a certain amount of religious pluralism, and yet strong enough to remain uniquely distinct at the same time.

79 W. Glenn Jonas, Jr., ed., “Diversity through dissent”, The Baptist River: Essays on Many Tributaries of a Diverse Tradition, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2006), 3. Jonas is the Howard Professor of Religion and chairman of the department of Religion and Philosophy at Campbell University.

39

“A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots.” ‐‐ Marcus Mosiah Garvey Jr., Jamaican National Hero (1887‐1940) “Don't forget your history nor your destiny”

‐‐ Bob Marley, former Jamaican Musician (1945‐1981)

CHAPTER 2: THE HISTORY OF BAPTISTS IN JAMAICA

In this chapter we attempt to trace the history of the Baptist denomination in

Jamaica. This discussion is limited to the events that were intimately related to both the arrival of Baptists on the island and their subsequent contributions to the

Jamaican society prior to and after emancipation. During these developmental phases, Baptist missionaries helped to mold the cultural and religious makeup of the

Jamaican landscape. They also helped in the establishment of self‐sufficient infrastructures such as the Jamaica Baptist Union (JBU) and the United Theological

College of the West Indies (UTCWI). The evidence of Baptist contribution to Jamaica is visible in the stellar educational institutions that are still in operation on the island. One cannot deny that during the pivotal stages of its development, Jamaica’s history was very much intermingled in the history of the Baptist denomination. The

41 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT outgrowth of such contributions today is that Jamaican Baptists continue to alter our understanding of theology, both at home and throughout the world.80

A Chronological History of Jamaica

Pre­Columbian history – Beginning in 1494

The history of Jamaica is often thought to have begun with the arrival of Christopher

Columbus who “discovered” the island on May 4, 1494.81 However, prior to the arrival of the Spanish, the Tainos, an Arawak‐speaking tribe who had journeyed from South America throughout the Caribbean, occupied the Jamaican shores. They lived in small communities sustained mainly by fishing, hunting and farming.

Because of the Island’s fertility, vegetation and numerous springs, the aborigines called it the “Land of Springs”.82 However, when the Spanish came in search of gold, they began enslaving the native population.

80 Kathleen E. A. Monteith and Glen Richards, eds., Jamaica in Slavery and Freedom: History, Heritage and Culture, (Kingston, JA: University of the West Indies Press, 2002) is an excellent resource for this study. The first article, Joan Vacianna’s “Some Primary Sources for the Study of Jamaican History: An Introduction to the Microform Collection of the University of the West Indies Library at Mona” highlights very salient resources described under the following groupings: Historiography; Official Document; The Seventeenth Century; Administrative Material, 1700‐1818; Estate and Pen Papers; Trade, Shipping and Commerce: The Slave Trade; Slave Insurrections; Emancipation and Apprenticeship; Church and the Missionary Societies; Education; and Twentieth Century Material. See also Kenneth E. Ingram’s Manuscript Source for the History of the West Indies: with special references to Jamaica in the National Library of Jamaica, and supplementary sources in the West Indies, North America and elsewhere, (Kingston, JA: University of the West Indies Press, 2000), 5‐252; and also Ingram’s Sources of Jamaican History 1655­1838: A biographical survey with particular reference manuscript sources, 2 vols, (Ag Zug, Switzerland: Inter Documentation Co., 1976).

81 Records indicate that Columbus and his companions were returning to Hispaniola and due to unfavorable weather, were forced to run aground on the shores of St. Ann’s Bay.

82 Peter Duncan, A Narrative of the Wesleyan Mission to Jamaica: With Occasional Remarks on the State of Society in That Colony, (London: Partridge and Oakley, 1849), 1.

42 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

Spanish Discovery and Occupation, 1494­1655.

Even though Columbus represented the interest of the Spanish Crown and the

Roman , the Spaniards in their 160 years of control over the Island did not contribute to the social development of the native population. Instead, they brought a kind of genocide so devastating that within eighty years there were no visible signs of Indians on the Island.83 Insistent plunder, uncommon new diseases, and repeated migration soon erased the indigenous population. An excerpt from the

Rev. F. A. Cox’s, History of the Baptist Missionary Society from 1792 to 1842 testifies to these circumstances:

In 1509, the Spanish court conferred the whole continent, as far as it had been discovered by Columbus, on Alfonzo de Ojeda and Diego de Nicuessa; authorizing them, jointly and severally, to make what use they pleased of the unoccupied land of Jamaica, as a garden whence provisions might be obtained, and as a nursery whence slaves might be procured to work in the mines. The result of such orders in such times may be easily imagined: a contest arose between the principal governors who should make the most of the unfortunate islanders and their country; towns and villages were laid waste and burned; the slightest resistance was revenged with indiscriminate slaughter; the chiefs were murdered in cold blood; the women became victims to their sensuality; torture of the most infernal nature were resorted to for the purpose of forcing a discovery of gold, for which the Spaniards eagerly thirsted; and the adults and children of Jamaica who were not fortunate enough to escape to the recesses of the mountains, there to perish, or suffer from lingering famine, were borne away into captivity, to wear out a brief existence in the rayless mine, where their merciless oppressor sought wealth at an incalculable sacrifice of human life and happiness.84

83 Aside from a small museum at White Marl, no evidences of Arawak occupation have been preserved throughout the development of Jamaica.

84 Excerpt from Part III: The Jamaica Mission, its commencement to the period of Freedom”, in Francis Augustus Cox, History of the Baptist Missionary Society from 1792 to 1841, Vol. II, (London: T. Ward & Co., and G. & J. Dyer, 1842), 3.

43 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Even by the time the Spanish arrived in Jamaica they were already accustomed to using imported slaves from West Africa. Furthermore, slaves were transported to

Hispaniola as early as 1503, and then to Jamaica (as well as and Cuba among other places) before 1517.85

In the absence of mines filled with gold and silver, the Spanish deemed the Island

“worthless”. By 1655 when Admiral William Penn and General Robert Venable landed at Harbour, the Spanish had little interest in the island. After defeating the Spanish, the British seized the island and the Spaniards fled to Cuba.

Soon after their invasion, the British erased any reminders of Spanish rule with a final battle at Rio Neuvo in 1658. Today, all that remains are Spanish place names— such as St. James (formerly St. Jago de la Vega), , Savana‐la‐Mar (the plain by the sea), and Oracabessa86—and architectural landmarks in .87

The Slave Economy, 1655­1838

Britain saw in Jamaica, as it did in other islands, wealth in what the soil could do for agriculture. The Jamaican land itself was arable, fruitful, and very valuable in meeting the domestic and foreign demands for food, especially sugar cane. These

85 Clinton V. Black, The Story of Jamaica: From Prehistory to the Present, (London: Collins Clear‐ Type Press, 1965), 90. The first publication was in 1958.

86 Frank Cundall, Jamaican Place­names, (Kingston, JA: The Institute of Jamaica, 1909), 3.

87 New Seville is one of Jamaica’s most significant historical sites. Founded in 1509, it was Jamaica’s first Spanish capital. Columbus’ son Diego lived there. His great house, now a museum contains Spanish carvings, ceremonial Taino bowls, African pots, agricultural tools and other relics. See “Sevilla la Nueva”, in Encyclopedia Britannica, Available online from: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/536804/Sevilla‐la‐Nueva. [Accessed on March 10, 2010.]

44 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

“sugar colonies” were “the most valuable possessions of the Empire, fiercely fought over in every war that broke out in Europe and as fiercely bargained for at the peace conference.”88 Britain first sought to use indentured European labor on the vast sugarcane plantations but when that became uneconomical, vast numbers of

Africans were captured and imported from the African West Coast and set to work on the sugar plantation of Jamaica as slaves. What existed was a triangular arrangement that saw Jamaica as the source for sugar, tobacco and coffee, Africa as the supplier of slaves to work on the plantations, and England as the distributor of manufactured goods. In fact, because of the prosperity of the plantations, Jamaica was often referred to as “the jewel in the English Crown.” Consequently, exploitation grew and the Caribbean, through repressive and dehumanizing acts, became the primary source of Europe’s wealth.89

Slavery had disastrous repercussions for Jamaica in the eighteenth century. Those who supported the practice of slavery thought it rational because many of the

Africans were Islamic and therefore regarded then as apostates and in need of evangelical Christian civility. Therefore, the deemed it necessary to keep such “heathen” in the company of Christians, to ensure they learned the truth faith.90 In any case, slaves were often forced to disregard their previous beliefs in favor of the more sophisticated ideas of their masters. Furthermore, slaves were

88 Black, The Story of Jamaica, 90.

89 Armet Francis, The Black Triangle: The people of the African diaspora, (London: Seed Publications, 1985), 33.

90 Horace O. Russell, “Jamaica”, The Encyclopedia of Christianity, 3, ed. Erwin Fahlbusch et. al., (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2003), 3.

45 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT treated very much like ordinary livestock and often slaveholders saw them as

‘multi‐purpose’ capitals that were more economical than agricultural implements.91

According to Rev. John Clarke, one of the first missionaries to the island:

The condition of the greater part of the surviving slaves was wretched in the extreme. They were treated as beasts of burden, bought, sold, branded, driven by the whip, and compelled to labour to the utmost extent of endurance; debarred from self‐improvement, shut out from religious instruction, rapidly dying off and perishing in ignorance, superstition, and sin.92

Overall, the interest of the Europeans was not to achieve acculturation or enculturation between the beliefs of the slaves and their own, but rather to deculturalize slaves enough so planters could exploit them at will.93 In the description of Michael Manley, former prime minister of Jamaica:

…this period of colonialism planted in the collective consciousness of the Caribbean people the notion that all virtue, all values of worth could be traced back to Europe. It was debilitating to the extent that it implied that nothing indigenous was significant, because anything of worth and value was European. The horror of slavery had planted the notion that to be black was to be involved in an irreversible and historically demonstrated degradation. From degradation it is a short psychological leap to the suspicion of inherent inferiority.94

91 Barry W. Higman, Slave Population and Economy in Jamaica, 1807­1834, (Kingston, JA: University of the West Indies Press, 1995), 1.

92 John Clarke, W. Dendy, and J. M. Phillippo, The Voices of Jubilee: A Narrative of the Baptist Mission, Jamaica, (London: Paternoster Row, 1865), 30

93 Melville J. Herskovits, The Myth of the Negro Past, (Cambridge, MA: Beacon Press, 1958), 20‐ 32.

94 Michael Manley, “In Honour of Professor Rex Nettleford, Pro‐Vice Chancellor of the University of the West Indies”, (Kingston, JA: Co., 1996). See also Higman, Slave Population and Economy in Jamaica, 1.

46 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

With the ascension of George III to the throne of Britain in 1760, the British parliament became the final rule in conflicts with established groups. The plantocracy used this to their advantage by buying seats in Parliament and boosting their numbers in order to ensure that nothing interfered with their vested interests in the colonies.95 Slaves in Jamaica reacted against these biases with various rebellions (such as ‘Tacky’s Rebellion’ of 1760).96 However, the landed gentry often succeeded in quelling the spirits of most slaves with more inhumane practices.97

The result was that Britain continued to prosper while Jamaicans became more enslaved.

Towards the Abolition of Slavery

Later in the eighteenth century, this issue of slavery became a controversial one.

Individuals such as John Carey, William Wilberforce, Bryan Blundell, and Foster

Canliffe were outstanding humanitarians among other protestors such as William

Cowper (the hymnist), Dean Tucker (the economist and political writer), and Adam

Smith (the political economist). Furthermore, the Declaration of Independence and the publication of Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations in 1776 at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, initiated a season of decline in the slave trade. In it, Smith maintained that slave labor was less efficient and more expensive than employing

95 J. S. Watson, The Reign of George III, 1760­1815, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), 55.

96 See Junius P. Rodriguez, ed., The Encyclopedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion, (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2006); Trevor Bernard, Mastery, Tyranny and Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and His Slaves in the Anglo­Jamaican World, (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 170‐72.

97 F. R. Augier, S. C. Gordon, D. G. Hall, & M. Reckford, The Making of the West Indies, (New York, NY: Longman Publishing, 1960), 88.

47 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT free persons.98 During the 1840s, “the maturity of capitalism and the advancement of science and technology made the labor of free men more productive and cheaper, while democracy with its emphasis on individual rights and freedom increasingly made the institution of slavery unacceptable.”99

Human freedom was at a high‐water mark of the anti‐slavery movement at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The humanitarian reform in Europe accentuated the inhumanity of slavery and sparked genuine interest into the rights of marginalized individuals. As human rights gained momentum, the idea of slavery became more and more absurd to many. Consequently, with increasing pressure from anti‐slavery advocates, England abolished the slave trade (1807). Also, the

Industrial Revolution provided other means of sugar production: “Both James Watts’ conversion of [the] steam engine into a source of motive power and Henry Cort’s padding process facilitated the massive development of British capitalism” and contributed to the movement for the abolition of the Caribbean slave trade.100 Over two decades later, after much revolt and significant decline in the sugar cane industry, slavery was abolished in Jamaica and throughout the British Empire in

1833.

98 Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, (Random House, Inc., 1937), 83. Available online from: the Adam Smith Reference Archive (Marxists.org, 2000), http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/smith‐adam/works/wealth‐of‐nations/index.htm.

99 Edmund Davis, The History of Theological : The United Theological College of the West Indies and Its four Antecedent Colleges (1841‐1966), doctoral dissertation, (St. Catherine, JA, September 1, 1998,), 22‐23.

100 Davis, The History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 23

48 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

The 1830s era was an interesting period for Baptist missionaries in the colonies.

After a revolt of the slaves in 1831, led by (1801‐1832), a Baptist slave, missionaries endured greater persecution at the hand of the authorities.

However, three years later, with missionaries championing the cause, slavery was abolished. The Abolition Act, inadequate as it was, was passed—it gave freedom to all minors under age six, and promised everyone else ‘full‐freedom’ after a period of apprenticeship. It was so designed in order to civilize the slave.101 However, it led to further exploitation of slaves by slaveholders who owned the capital and resources.

As a result, missionaries became more active in “the humanitarian campaigns for amelioration, and by the intolerance of the imperial government towards slavery.”102 Despite previous cautions, they finally sided with the struggle for freedom. According to the Baptist Magazine:

It is high time for the British nation to awaken from its slumber. The abolition of slavery is not only to be devoutly wished by the friends of humanity, but it is the imperious duty of all persons who have the least claim to benevolence to use every effort to accomplish it.103

In 1838, after much pressure from anti‐slavery proponents (including Baptist and other churches), the British Parliament finally extended full freedom to the natives.

101 Davis, History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 23. Davis also recommends Hope Waddell’s Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and (1863), 70; Philip Curtin’s Two : The Roles and Ideas in a Tropical Colony (1970), 186; and Mary Turner’s Slaves and Missionaries (1982) as useful resources in understanding the slaves’ reaction to the denial of their full freedom. See also Patrick Bryan, The Jamaica People 1880­1902 (1991), 33‐66 for his description of how this approach was based on positivism, social Darwinism and imperialism.

102 Davis, History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 37.

103 “Essays on Slavery”, in The Baptist Magazine, (London, July, 1823), 278; Mary Turner, Slaves and Missionaries: the disintegration of Jamaican slave society, 1787­1834, (Kingston, JA: The University Press of the West Indies, 1998), 127.

49 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

The abolition of slavery in 1838 gave rise to the “” of Jamaica and consequently to the increase in farming by Jamaican people. It also began promoting a system of free education for the children of slaves, both free and otherwise. However, because many planters refused to comply with England’s ruling, they continued to have slaves.104 The escalating situation gave rise to the

Morant Bay Rebellion in 1865, which eventually led to a new system of government, the disestablishment of the Anglican Church, and the promotion of education.

In the second decade of the twentieth century, Jamaicans began achieving more exposure to the world around them. Many Jamaicans emigrated in search of work on the plantations of Costa Rica, Cuba, Honduras, and the Panama Canal. However, having moved from the production of sugar to bananas as its chief export, Jamaica began feeling the effects of the great depression in 1929. Continual decline in social conditions and ensuing labor riots in 1938 led to the formation of Jamaica’s two prominent political parties; the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) and the People’s

National Party (PNP) under the respective leadership of Alexander Bustamante and

Norman Manley. This marked the beginning of self‐government in Jamaica and on

August 6, 1962, Jamaica gained her independence from the Federation of the West

Indies and from British dominance.

104 During this time, many other groups of Europeans, Africans, Asians and East Indians were brought to the island to replace the labor that the plantocracy had lost.

50 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

An Introduction to the Baptist Mission

The BMS grew out of the mid‐eighteenth century revival of church growth, individual spirituality, and . Although William Carey fought for foreign missions alone for some time, his persistence was later rewarded with

Andrew Fuller’s support. Consequently, Carey produced An Enquiry into Obligations of Christians to use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens (1792). His actions along with others who shared his sentiments soon led to the formation of the

“Particular‐Baptist Society for propagating the Gospel among the heathen”—later, the BMS—by the Northamptonshire Association in 1792.105 By the middle of the mid‐nineteenth century, the Society played a key role in advocating the abolition of the slave trade. They also raised other “humanitarian” questions that challenged the administration of the British Empire. Moreover, the residency of Baptist missionaries in the colonies gave them greater credibility when they addressed the

British parliament in the nineteenth century. Thus, “missions played a major role in identity formation within the empire, ramifying through both empire and metropole and affecting both colonizer and the colonized.”106

105 Brian Stanley, The History of the Baptist Missionary Society 1792­1992, (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1992), 9‐15.

106 Kelly R. C. Elliot, Baptist Missions in the British Empire: Jamaica and Serampore in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century, [Master of Arts thesis], (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2007), 20.

51 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Commencement of the Baptist Mission in Jamaica

Baptists were not the first ecclesiastical bodies in the island of Jamaica. The Society of Friends (Quakers) was the first Protestant organization in Jamaica as early as

1671. The Moravians however were the first to begin missionary work in the island.107 They came to Jamaica in 1754 and settled in the parish of St. Elizabeth.

However, because Jamaica was chiefly dependent on agriculture, it was quite common for missionaries to employ and possess slaves. This created significant difficulties for the advancement of the Gospel:

Slaves had no time to hear the Word. At the close of the day they were too tired to visit the missionary, and were driven to work too early in the morning to have any opportunity. The old and the infirm could be reached; but too often their minds were rendered obtuse by hardship, while all lived in a state of degrading immorality…. [Furthermore], the opposition of planters and overseers became increasingly vigorous as the fruit of the missionaries’ labour appeared.108

Because the Moravian Brethren was more closely associated with the plantocracy, their success among the slaves was greatly restricted. It was not until 1823 when the missionaries disassociated themselves with slavery that they began to see some

107 David B. Barrett, ed., “Jamaica”, World Christian Encyclopedia: A comparative study of churches and religions in the modern world AD 1900­2000, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), 416‐19.

108 Edward Bean Underhill, The West Indies: Their Social and Religious Condition, (London: Jackson, Walford, and Hodder, 1862), 194.

52 The History of Baptists in Jamaica rewards for their labor.109 They later expanded from St. Elizabeth to the parishes of

Manchester, Westmorland, and St. James.

American Influences

The beginning of the Baptist movement in the West Indies finds their roots in the revivals prior to the American Revolution. During the Great Awakening many

Baptist churches, including some in South Carolina and , became zealous about increasing their evangelistic efforts.110 Later a small group led by Shubal

Sterns, Daniel Marshall, and others left the “” and began preaching in and Georgia in the 1750s.111 Both the free and enslaved heard the gospel and as a result many congregations were formed, some consisting entirely of black believers. One of these churches was the Silver Bluff Church in South Carolina noted as “the first Negro Baptist church in the western hemisphere”. It was founded between 1773 and 1775 and had for one of its members, .112 Records indicate that Liele’s master had granted him, based on his ordination in 1775 and

109 See J. H. Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica: History of the Mission of the United Brethren’s Church, (London: Longman, Brown, & Co., 1854) in which Buchner gives an account of the Moravian mission in Jamaica from 1754 to 1854.

110 David Benedict, A General History of the Baptist Denomination in America and Other Parts of the World, (New York, NY: Lewis Colby and Co., 1850), 724.

111 William L. Lumpkin, Baptist Foundations in the South: Tracing Through the Separates the Influence of the Great Awakening, 1754­1787, (Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1961), 1‐20.

112 Clement H. L. Gayle, George Liele: Pioneer Missionary to Jamaica, (Kingston, JA: Jamaica Baptist Union, 1982), 1‐47.

53 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT subsequent religious work, his freedom. He later became the of a church in

Yamacraw, a suburb in Savanna Georgia.113

George Liele (or Lisle ca. 1750‐1828) was the first and most prominent Baptist missionary to visit Jamaica. Liele was an emancipated slave preacher from Georgia who became a Baptist in 1773. He received his freedom in 1778 from his master, a fellow Baptist who was deacon in the church where he was converted. Liele’s arrival in Jamaica came by way of an invitation from Colonel John Kirkland who invited both him and his wife, Hannah, to join him on a visit to the island in 1782.

Approximately four to five thousand other slaves also fled America during its War of

Independence and came to Jamaica with their masters. Liele was accompanied by certain members of his congregation most notably Baker, George Gives (or

Gibbs) and Thomas Swigle (or Swingle). Being a former slave, Liele was so distraught to see others enslaved that he began evangelizing and ministering to the slaves a year after he arrived in Kingston. Liele later rented a room and began preaching to the few members who had accompanied him from America. His status as an ex‐slave, coupled with his itinerant preaching soon attracted many slaves.

Consequently, Liele purchased land near Kingston and built a chapel where he preached. Later, Liele built “Windward Road Baptist Church” in 1793, the first

Baptist church on the island, and baptized over 500 persons.114

113 Arthur Charles Dayfoot, The Shaping of the West Indian Church, 1492­1962, (Kingston, JA: The Press of the University of the West Indies, 1999), 128‐30.

54 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

The Baptist Mission in Jamaica had begun gloriously. Despite much persecution, factions, and imprisonment (after being accused of preaching sedition), Liele’s congregation continued to grow as he had baptized over 400 believers by the construction of the building.115 Perhaps it was Liele’s faithfulness to the gospel and his integrity that gave him such credibility because, as Gardner puts it; “It would have been well for Jamaica if all of the native preachers had been like him.”116 In addition to planting a church on the island, Liele soon published a small tract entitled The Covenant of the Anabaptist Church. Began in America, December 1777; in

Jamaica, December 1783. This work outlined their practices as it related to the ordinances and what they believed about the relationship between slaves, the law, and their owners. According to Underhill, the covenant was read once a month during the Lord’s Supper specifically for reminding the saints of their obligations.117

It also obtained sanction from the authorities and the masters of the slaves who attended his congregation. In Liele’s own words in 1792:

The chiefest part of our society are poor illiterate slaves; some living on sugar estates, some on mountains peaks, and other settlements, that have no learning; no, not to know so much as a letting in the book; but the reading this covenant once a month, when all are met

114 William James Gardner, A History of Jamaica: from its Discovery by Christopher Columbus to the present time, (London: Paternoster Row, 1878), 344. See also Randolph A. L. Knight, Liberty and Progress: A Short History of the Baptists of Jamaica, (Kingston, JA: The Gleaner Co., 1838), 2.

115 Underhill, The West Indies, 196‐99.

116 Gardner, A History of Jamaica, 344‐45. See also, Underhill’s account of Liele’s words regarding the church which he had started in Jamaica in The West Indies, 196‐197. See also Clement Gayle’s George Liele, pioneer missionary to Jamaica, (Kingston, JA: Jamaica Baptist Union, 1982).

117 Underhill, The West Indies, 199. Underhill also gives a good description of what the covenant entailed between pages 198 and 199.

55 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

together from the different parts of the island, keeps them in mind of the commandments of God.118

Next to Liele, Moses Baker (1755‐1822) may be credited as the most remarkable contributor to the cause of Baptists in Jamaica. Baker was a barber by trade and a

New York refugee who sailed to Jamaica in 1783. According to Clark, Moses Baker was “destitute of religion, and given to drunkenness and other bad habits.”119

However, after an illiterate but pious old man witnessed to both Baker and his wife, the couple received Christ and were baptized by Liele in 1787. In the following year, a Quaker named Isaac Lascelles Winn, the owner of Adelphi Estate in St. James, invited Baker to instruct slaves he had purchased from Liele’s church, in religion and other subjects pertaining to morality. Like Liele, Baker was deeply troubled by the conditions in which he found the slaves as well as by their practice of .

Regarding these events, Clark writes:

He found them imbued with the superstition known as obeah. Bottles filled with sea water, horns, old rags, and similar things were used for the purpose of witchcraft. Most of the adult were living in concubinage, and some men had two, four, and even five wives. He faithfully spoke to them of their sins, and warned them of their danger. At first they were unruly, but afterwards they became attentive to his preaching. He soon had access to about twenty other sugar estates. Multitudes of poor down‐trodden slaves joyfully listened to the sound of the gospel, and not a few abandoned their evil baits, consecrated themselves to God by baptism, and were formed into a church at Crooked Spring.120

118 John Rippon’s Register, i., 343, in Underhill, The West Indies, 199.

119 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 33.

120 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 34.

56 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

As a result, Moses Baker worked zealously among the slaves and soon introduced them to some form of covenant that Liele had prepared.121 By 1791, Baker established a second Baptist church on the island—at Crooked Spring in St. James.122

During the nineteenth century, the Jamaica mission continued to expand at a rapid rate. While certain dissenters from Liele’s church were not adequately prepared to lead a congregation, people continued to come to Christ under their ministry and later became exemplary individuals in Jamaican Baptist history. However, few of

Liele’s members are notable for having contributed to the expansion of the Baptist mission in Jamaica. Among them were George Gives (d. 1826) and Thomas Swigle

(d. 1811) who came from America with Liele. Gives left Liele to begin churches on the other side of the island in St. Thomas (formerly St. Thomas‐in‐the‐Vale) and St.

Mary. For this he underwent much persecution and imprisonment, which forced him to minister “in the shades of forest, in unfrequented places, in the caves of the surrounding mountains, and during the darkness of night”.123 Swigle, who served as a deacon at Windward Baptist, later pastored a congregation of about 700 members in Kingston.124 Two of his members, James Pascall and John Gilbert, later assisted

121 Richard Hill, Lights and Shadows of Jamaica History: being three lectures, delivered in aid of the mission school of the colony, (Kingston, JA: Ford and Gall, 1859), 77‐80; Gardner, A History of Jamaica, 354.

122 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 33‐38. See also Horrace O. Russell and G. Alonzo Hogg, The Baptist Witness: A Concise Baptist History, (El Paso, TX: Carib Baptist Publications, 1983), 21.

123 Underhill, The West Indies, 248. See also the footnote in Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 32‐33.

124 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee. 33‐34.

57 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT him in 1797 by planting other churches on the island.125 Other congregations were formed in Spanish Town and .

In 1802, success in the mission led Baker to solicit the help of Dr. John Ryland, pastor at Broadmead, Bristol, and president of Bristol Academy at the time, for more missionaries to Jamaica. Ryland, who had previously consulted Fuller on the matter of sending missionaries to represent the BMS, was excited at the prospect. In fact, it is well noted that at the bottom of a letter written to him by William Wilberforce and dated 19 November 1807, Ryland wrote in reference to Jamaica: “I cannot but think it is of great importance for us to send out some one speedily. I have waited with great anxiety several years for someone to send.”126

Like Liele, Baker faced many obstacles to the mission. He too was falsely accused and arrested for teaching sedition and advocating rebellion. However, he was released when those bringing the charges against him refused to show in court.

When his employer died, Baker continued to teach under the care of his new proprietor, the Hon. Samuel Vaughn. However, from 1802 onward, legislation prevented any teaching or preaching on the plantations. In the same year leading

British Baptists petitioned the Privy Council and argued that these laws were an infringement upon the Act of Toleration. Council revoked the laws and eventually repealed them in 1809. By this time the church was being attacked with various

125 Correspondence between Swigle and John Rippon was printed in the Baptist Annual Register between 1793 and 1802. See the Baptist Annual Register, 3:212‐14. See also, Ernest A. Payne, “Baptist Work in Jamaica before the Arrival of the Missionaries,” Baptist Quarterly 7, (194‐1935), 23‐ 24. 126 Cox, History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 20‐21. Cox’s account also contains a copy of the letter that was sent to Ryland by Wilberforce. See also Wilberforce‐Ryland Correspondence, MS. G.97a, in the Bristol Baptist College Library collection, (Clifton, Bristol).

58 The History of Baptists in Jamaica accusations from the plantocracy. Furthermore, the slaves sought to syncretize

African religious traditions with Christianity. Also, the success of the missionaries was causing the mission field to expand beyond their resources. Consequently,

Baker continued to plead with John Ryland and John Rippon for assistance. It was not until after more help came to Jamaica that Baker eventually returned to America before his death. Clarke noted well Richard Hill’s perception of Baker before his departure. Recounting Baker’s life, Clarke wrote:

“He came to visit my father, and bid him farewell, when departing with his family for England in 1813. He appeared a plain, home‐spun man, rugged as a honeycomb rock. His eyes were then failing; his head was bound with a handkerchief, for he had suffered torture in America, which had injured both eyes and ears. His appearance was that of no common man. His language was direct, and his deliverance was marked with simplicity.

“ ‘ Not seeking recompence from human kind, The credit of the arduous work he wrought Was reaped by other men who came behind; The world gave him no honour—none he sought; To one great aim his heart and hopes were given— To serve his God, and gather souls to heaven.’“127

British Influences

It was during this time that the BMS began its work in Jamaica. It also set precedence for the BMS, which continued to send missionaries to the island from that time onward. In essence, these missionaries inherited the fruits of the labor that had already been started by Jamaican and African Christians, some converted

127 Hill, Lights and Shadows as quoted, in Clarke’s The Voices of Jubilee, 37. See also John Ryland’s accounts of Baker in the Evangelical Magazine, No. 11 (1803), 365, 550; and No. 12 (1804), 469.

59 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT slaves and the other free black Christians. Therefore, when they arrived they found

“Native Baptist”128 congregations that had already been established by their predecessors.129 Liele, Baker and others had laid a strong foundation for the later work of British Baptist missionaries in Jamaica.

In 1814 the BMS sent the first British Baptist to Jamaica in the person of John Rowe

(1788‐1816), a student at Bristol and a member of the church at Yeovil in

Somersetshire. According to the testimony of Dr. Ryland; John Rowe, a member of the church at Yeovil, late a student in the Academy, married Sarah Gundry, and was ordained in the “Meeting House by prayer and laying on of hands,” before leaving as a missionary to Jamaica.”130 Rowe, under the auspices of the Society, left for Jamaica with his wife on December 31, 1813 “conducted by Mr. Sutcliff, Mr. Fuller, and Dr.

Ryland, and furnished with judicious instructions for the regulation of his conduct.”131 After arriving in , Jamaica, Rowe visited Baker and

128 See Devon Dick, The Cross and the Machete: Native Baptists of Jamaica, (Kingston, JA: Ian Randle Publishers, 2010). Distinctive Native Baptist version of the English Baptist tradition can be described as a creolized version of the English Baptist faith of the missionaries. It was developed in response to the English Baptist faith of the missionaries. It was developed in response to the racial prejudice experienced at the hands of those missionaries, and their acquiescence of the status quo with its emphasis on oppression of the native population. By contrast, the Native Baptists emphasized their African heritage, defended the use of Creole in the liturgy of the church and based the practice of the Faith on the Community’s reflection on its struggles in light of the Scriptures. It was this distinct, interpretive approach to the scriptures and other related sacred literature, which informed Bogle’s response in the 1865 Native .

129 James M. Phillippo, Jamaica: Its Past and Present State, (London: Dawson’s of Pall Mall, 1969.), 434. Note: Phillippo’s work was originally published in 1843.

130 See Timothy D. Whelan, ed., Baptist Autographs in the John Ryland’s University Library of Manchester, 1714­1845, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2009), 162; Broadmead Church Book, 1779­1819, 345. See also, Clarke’s The Voices of Jubilee, 138‐145 for a complete biographical sketch of John Rowe.

131 Cox, History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 21.

60 The History of Baptists in Jamaica preached at Flamstead to the congregation numbering over 500. From there he moved to Falmouth, Trelawney where he opened a school and began a Sunday school for children who were poor or enslaved. Because he had not yet acquired a license to preach in public, Rowe soon began preaching in his home to both colored persons and whites. As was the case of his predecessors, Rowe was initially prohibited from preaching because of false accusations of sedition.132 For a short time, Rowe was able to continue preaching under the legal protection of the parish magistrate.133 However, before receiving a valid license to preach in public, Rowe became ill and, not being able to get well, he died within two years of arriving in

Jamaica (1816), a victim of yellow fever. His wife returned to England shortly after.

Upon his death, Baker, writing to the Society recounted:

I have been labouring these thirty years in the work of the gospel, and when I reflect how long I have been crying to the Lord for help, and now this brother came—and a sweeter tempered man I never met with—and he is taken away, it seems to put me to a stand. ‘But the Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away, and blessed be the name of the Lord.’ Had I full liberty to call all my congregation together—I speak within bounds when I say I could call two thousand, all in a state of slavery. And now, if it pleases God to call me away to‐morrow, what is to be done for these people? I think that I feel my departure is at hand; but I trust that I can, in some degree, use the language of St. Paul: ‘I have fought a good fight.’ I must close, wishing you and all the Baptist Missionary Society every needful blessing from the God of all grace, whose fullness is sufficient to supply all our wants.134

132 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 143.

133 Cox, History of the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 22; Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 41.

134 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 144.

61 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

In 1815, shortly before Rowe’s death, Lee Compére (1833‐1895) together with his wife Susannah and two colleagues, was sent by the BMS to begin work on the southern side of the island. After obtaining a license to preach in 1816, Compére initially settled in Old Harbour—just a few miles from Spanish town but greater numbers soon attracted him to establish a church in Kingston. Within a few months the 200 congregants to whom he had served the first communion had more than doubled in size. Soon after, ill and fatigued, Compére returned to the United States in 1817 where he ministered to the Indians in Georgia for some time.135 Before he left, he wrote to the Society appealing to them to send more missionaries for the

“many souls continually heaving a sigh to England, and in their broken language continually crying out, ‘O buckra, buckra, no one care for poor black man’s soul!

Buckra know God in England. O buckra, come over that great big water, and instruct me, poor black negro!’ “136

In the years that followed, many other missionaries migrated to the island. James

Coultart (c. 1787‐1836), a former student at Bristol, arrived in Jamaica in 1817.

During his time there, he opened a school in Kingston and ministered to an extensive number of slaves at the East Queen Street Baptist Church. Within seven months of his arrival Coultart’s wife died of fever and being likewise afflicted, he

135 For a brief bio of Lee Compére and a more detailed bio of his son Ebenezer see the “Ebenezer Lee (E.L.) Compére Papers Ar. 2”, in the Southern Baptist Historical Library and Archives, (Nashville, TN: Revised, 1992). It states that Lee Compére returned to South Caroline and from there went as missionaries of the “ to the Creek Indians” from Alabama to Mississippi. Available online from: http://www.sbhla.org/downloads/2.pdf, [Accessed on Dec. 10, 2009.] See also the Itawamba Settlers Quarterly, XXIX No. 1, (Mantachi, MS: The The Itawamba Historical Society, Spring 2009).

136 Extensive details of the letter dated October 7th, 1816 is quote in Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 147.

62 The History of Baptists in Jamaica returned to England. Coultart later remarried and upon returning to the island in

1820, he soon opened a new chapel at East Queen Street in 1822. The congregation there grew to over 2700 members.137 In 1823 Coultart’s second wife became ill and he left the island to accompany her to Liverpool, England. Upon arriving again in

1824, Coultart visited Thomas Knibb (’s elder brother) who later died of incurable illnesses. Coultart and his wife visited England on two more occasions before returning with who was to take his post at the East Queen

Street chapel.138 Coultart later relocated to pastor churches in St. Ann’s, Ocho Rios and Brown’s Town where his beloved colleague Samuel Nichols had labored before his death in England in 1832. John Clarke arrived in 1835 to assist him in his sizable ministry. Shortly after, on July 12, 1836, Coultart died.139

Other notable missionaries to Jamaica included Christopher Kitching (1788‐1819),

Thomas Godden (d. 1823) and Joshua Tinson (1794‐1850) who arrived in Jamaica in 1818, 1819 and 1822 respectively.140 During this period, missionaries either died in Jamaica or returned home to England. As with the previous missionaries, there were many obstacles to overcome, notwithstanding the severe threat of malaria and other diseases. Both Kitching and Godden came during Coultart’s absence but both they and their families fell victim to diseases on the island. Tinson also appealed to

137 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 35‐44.

138 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 154‐57.

139 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 160. Clark highlights the tablet that was erected in the chapel as St. Ann’s in memory of both Coultart and Nichols.

140 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 161‐181.

63 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT the Society for leave to America because of failing health.141 It was a similar case for

Henry Tripp who aided Baker in the mission at Crooked Springs and Phillips who had began a church at Annatto Bay. However, the Baptist mission was on the brink of what would culminate in its lasting legacy in the Jamaican country.

The most significant efforts of British missionaries in Jamaica began in 1823 with the arrival of , James Phillippo, and later William Knibb. Others such as Ebenezer Phillips, Edward Baylis, James Mann and Samuel Oughton also did groundbreaking missionary work on the Island. Phillips, who first served as a replacement for Coultart in Kingston, later began a church in where he served for three years until his death in 1826. However, Phillips did vital missionary work during his short time on the island. Both Baylis and Mann were ordained as missionaries at Keppel Street, London in 1826. Baylis later joined

Phillippo at Spanish Town and Old Harbour where he also managed a school. In

1827 Baylis began his own church at Mount Charles while ministering bi‐weekly in

Old Harbour, nearly forty miles away. Baylis also ministered at where he founded a church and later at and Bray Head where he established two other places of worship. Baylis later took charge of Mount Charles before being arrested and persecuted during the Christmas Rebellion and later wrongly

141 Patricia T. Rooke, “The ‘New Mechanic’ in Slave Society: Socio‐Psychological Motivations and Evangelical Missionaries in the ”, Journal of Religious History, 11, no. I, (Association for the Journal of Religious History, Oct. 2007), 77‐94; See also “English Baptist Mission; intelligence from the West Indies”, The American Baptist Magazine, VIII, No. 12, (Boston, MA: Lincoln and Edmands, Dec., 1828), 357‐62.

64 The History of Baptists in Jamaica silenced.142 After his release, Baylis continued to preach and to baptize many slaves.

He soon opened another church at Baynal’s Vale—about twelve miles from

Oracabessa. In the years before he died in 1837, Baylis continued to champion the total liberation and improvement of the underprivileged citizens, and to labor faithfully for the advance of the mission in Jamaica. His letter to the Society of

England on 4 August 1835 affirms this well:

Great things might now be done in Jamaica, if a sufficient number of labourers could be obtained to carry on the work that is begun. I am glad to find that so much interest is now being taken in the welfare of Jamaica by the different Missionary Societies. I very much wish that something more could be done in the way of schools; they are very much needed for the benefit of the rising generation, and a desire to learn to read very generally prevails now among the negroes; but we are greatly at a loss from teachers, and, therefore, can do but little with Sunday schools. However, we do what we can, and hope we shall be able to do better by and by.143

James Mann arrived in Morant Bay, Jamaica at the same time as Baylis did. He however went to Montego Bay to replace Burchell who was in England at that time.

A few months after, when Burchell returned in 1827, Mann left and formed a church in Falmouth, the ‘town’ where Rowe had previously instructed. Like his colleague,

Mann encountered much resistance and persecution from the planters. The effect of his ministry was also felt in Westmoreland and in Savanna‐la‐Mar where he also served but his time in the ministry was short‐lived. Other notable missionaries such as Joseph Burton also served in Jamaica. Burton later left Jamaica to commence the

142 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 221‐32. According to Clarke, Baylis was arrested and charged with preaching and teaching in an unlicensed house even though he himself had a license to preach and had acquired a license for the church in Oracabessa.

143 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 229‐30.

65 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Baptist mission in The Bahamas. Other missionaries also came later in the 1830s.

For example, Samuel Oughton arrived from the BMS in 1836 and began working with Burchell whom he was related to by marriage. He later became the pastor of the East Queen Street chapel in 1839. Oughton was later arrested but was released in 1841.144 Oughton is notable for his outspoken views of the atrocities committed against women by the magistrates and for his advocacy of African candidates in the

1844 elections. Oughton was also instrumental in the formation of African congregations.

Thomas Burchell (1799‐1846) was born and raised in a life of piety. By the time he accepted Christ at age eighteen he was well‐grounded in his faith and conviction to proclaim the Savior to others and to do the work of a missionary. Through his searching, he was directed to the BMS where he was accepted by the committee and thus began studying at Bristol College in 1819. Four years later he was ordained as a missionary to Jamaica and soon arrived on the island at Montego Bay at the beginning of 1824. Shortly after his arrival he spoke at the Crooked Spring congregation and by July of the same year, he formed a church in Montego Bay consisting of twelve members.145 As Burchell continued to minister in St. James, his work soon expanded, requiring him to appeal to the BMS for help. Due to failing health, Burchell abandoned this church and returned to England in 1826. After recovering, he returned to Jamaica in 1827.

144 See “Oughton, Samuel”, The Baptist Magazine, Vol. 33, (Kingston, JA, 1841), 361.

145 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 198‐200.

66 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

Confident of the mission that God had laid before him in Jamaica, Burchell was determined to champion his cause for the salvation of the slaves. Upon returning to the Island, Burchell found the help he needed in James Mann, a missionary who had arrived during his time in England. Mann later died in 1830. By the following year

Burchell had the assistance of six other missionaries and had established eight churches—“namely, Montego Bay, Crooked Spring, Falmouth, Gurney’s Mount,

Savana‐la‐Mar, Ridgeland, Rio Bueno, and Steward Town.”146 Within this same year,

Burchell became ill again and had to visit England where he continued to labor for the missionary cause in Jamaica. Burchell and his family returned to the island in

1832, during the height of the Baptist War. It was on this occasion, under martial law, that he and his companions were arrested and detained. Shortly after his release, Burchell was rearrested and incarcerated. He described the scene very vividly:

On landing, the most furious and savage spirit was manifested by some of (what were called) the most respectable white inhabitants. That ever could have been discovered amongst civilized society. They began to throng around me, hissing, groaning, and gnashing at me with their teeth. Some, with water in their mouths, spurted it out upon me. Had I never been at Montego Bay before, I must have supposed myself among cannibals, or in the midst of the savage hordes of Siberia, or the uncultivated and uncivilized tribes of central Africa. Some cried out “Have his blood!” others, “Shoot him!” others. “Hang him!” But as they attempted to approach, several coloured persons surrounded me, and dared them to touch me; and I am fully persuaded, had it not been for the protection afforded me by the coloured part of the population—natives of Jamaica—I should have been barbarously murdered—yea, torn limb from limb, by my

146 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 202.

67 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

countrymen – by so‐called enlighten, RESPECTABLE! CHRISTIAN BRITONS!147

Burchell underwent numerous other attempts on his life and mission but he was not to be deterred. Under intelligent advice, Burchell sailed for America where he settled for some time before travelling to England to seek the advice of the BMS for his next course of action. Upon arriving in Liverpool, England as he was advised, he reconnected with William Knibb who was emphatically advocating for the end of slavery. Again, upon his return to Jamaica in 1834, Burchell was detained.

However, he was soon returned to his home in Montego Bay. For the next years of his life, Burchell continued to labor until he oversaw the building of new chapels at

Montego Bay, Shortwood, Bethel Town, and Mount Carey and had secured land for a school to be erected.148 He remained on the island until his death in May, 1846.

James Mursell Phillippo (1798‐1879) arrived in , Jamaica, during the fall of 1823.149 Because of his childhood the missionary had developed deep sentiments against the proliferation of injustices against the innocent. After arriving in Jamaica,

Phillippo labored unsuccessfully for two years to try and obtain a license for preaching. Despite repeated setbacks, he finally established a chapel in Spanish

Town, St. Catherine day‐school and Sunday school and preached extensively throughout the city. As was common at that time, Phillippo received much opposition including being brought up on charges of violating the law. During the

147 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 203‐04.

148 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 205‐06.

149 View the Heritage Centre at the Baptist Missionary Society’s world mission site, Available online from: http://www.bms.org.uk/standard.aspx?id=40809

68 The History of Baptists in Jamaica time of the slave insurrection in 1831, Phillippo had already returned to England because of his health. Therefore, at the BMS’s 40th anniversary meeting in 1832,

Phillippo supported Knibb in speaking against the slanderous accusations of the plantocracy against the missionaries and spoke ardently for the emancipation of the slaves in Jamaica. He continued to do so until the Slavery Abolition Act was passed in 1833. Upon his return to Jamaica in 1834, Phillippo took up where he left off by expanding on the chapel and erecting two new schools.

During the remainder of his time in Jamaica, Phillippo continued to fight for the rights of slaves and expanded the influence of Baptists in the island. Like other missionaries, Phillippo campaigned for the end of the apprenticeship period until the slaves were finally free in 1838. James Phillippo was one of the first missionaries, besides Burchell and Knibb, to purchase land (in Spanish Town) for the establishment of a “Free Village.” This community became . Until his death in 1879, Phillippo continued arduous work in Jamaica. His efforts helped to form Calabar College in 1842 and led to many free slaves beginning to own their own homes, land, and means of upward movement.

William Knibb (1803‐1845) was the younger brother of Thomas Knibb, a missionary school teacher at the Free School in Kingston, Jamaica. After Thomas died within a few months of reaching the island (1823), William volunteered to replace him and, after being dedicated at Bristol in 1824, he set sail for Jamaica. When Knibb arrived, he worked closely with both Burchell and Phillippo as the schoolmaster for the school in Kingston. In 1832, he moved to Savanna‐la‐Mar and Ridgeland (a few

69 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT miles away) with the aim of expanding his ministry in the southwestern locality of the island. As he described:

The station to which I am sent is truly important. It is untrodden ground. Difficulties I anticipate, but I also expect help from above. May I entreat an interest in your prayers, that I may be the humble instrument of raising a church of Christ in this benighted part of the island?150 and later, in a letter dated September 4, 1828:

My morning congregation on the Bay is already between three and four hundred and there appears every probability that it will increase at Ridgeland. I preach at each every other Sabbath, and I expect to procure a week‐day station in the mountains, where I intend to reside in the sickly months.151

After the death of the pastor there, Knibb relocated to the church in Falmouth.

There, he became more perturbed at the concept of slavery and determined to do all he could to see its demise. At that time there was much dissention over the issue of slavery. Some missionaries bought slaves so as to save them from being slaves to other masters. However, slaves remained as such until they could repay the debt.

Knibb however did not agree with this practice. “I do detest and abhor slavery from the bottom of my heart;” he once wrote, “the cruelty of it is enough to make one

150 John Howard Hinton, Memoir of William Knibb, Missionary in Jamaica, (London: Houlston and Stoneman, Paternoster Row, 1847), 98.

151 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 98.

70 The History of Baptists in Jamaica weep tears of blood. [And] were it not for the hope of doing good, I would not stay on the shores cursed by slavery a day.”152

Despite previous warning from the BMS not to interfere with the affairs of the colony, Knibb became more indignant about the practice of slavery. As a result,

Knibb’s experience was one of fierce resistance from slave‐owners and from

Burchell and Phillippo who were seemingly constrained by the warnings of the

Society to simply focusing on the salvation of souls. As he vented to his mother:

The cursed blast of slavery, has, like a pestilence, withered almost every moral bloom. I know not how any person can feel a union with such a monster, such a child of hell…The slaves have temporal comforts in profusion, but their morals are sunk below the brute and the iron hand of oppression daily endeavours to keep them in that ignorance to which it has reduced them.153

During the 1830s to 1840s, Knibb became the most outspoken of the three and the most influential of all in the cause for the abolition of slavery and the apprenticeship system as well as the growth of Christianity on the island. Furthermore, when Sam

Swiney, a black slave and a deacon in his church, was unjustly accused, Knibb defended him in court. When Swiney was convicted and flogged, Knibb published the full details of the event in the island’s newspaper, the Struggler, for which he was accused of libel. This resulted in the dismissal of the magistrates by the Secretary of

State in London and Knibb, with the aid of friends in England, purchased Swiney’s

152 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 69.

153 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 49, cf. 68‐72.

71 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT freedom.154 William Knibb and others would later endure imprisonment and other mistreatments, even to the extent of watching a number of Baptist churches burned by those who opposed them.155 However, he was determined not to “rest, day or night” until the tree of slavery had been destroyed “root and branch.”156 Therefore, in 1832, in defense of his reputation and risking his affiliation with the Society,

Knibb advocated fervently for the slaves of Jamaica, a contribution that ultimately ended the nefarious practice altogether. According to Masters, “Knibbs’ evidence…was so authentic and unassailable that it contributed more than that of any other witness to the conviction of all, that slavery must be speedily abolished.”157 As recounted by Knibb:

I was forced from the den of infamy and from a gloomy prison, with my congregation scattered, many of the members of my church murdered, and multitudes of the faithful lashed. I came home and I shall never forget the three years of struggle, and the incessant anxiety upon my spirit as I passed through the length and breadth of the country detailing the slaves' wrongs.158

Having lived to see the fruits of his labor, William Knibb died on November 15, 1845 after contracting yellow fever. In 1988, Jamaica, on her 150th anniversary of the

154 , Missionary Triumph Over Slavery: William Knibb, and Jamaican Emancipation, (London: Wakeman Trust, 2006), 13‐15.

155 Masters, Missionary Triumph Over Slavery, 23.

156 Gad Heuman, “Knibb, William”, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, No. 31, ed. H. Matthew and Brian Harrison, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 888.

157 Masters, Missionary Triumph over Slavery, 29.

158 Masters, Missionary Triumph Over Slavery, 37.

72 The History of Baptists in Jamaica abolition of slavery in the British Empire, honored Knibb with the country’s highest honor, The Order of Merit.

The Development of the Baptist Mission in Jamaica

Although the Baptist mission in Jamaica was continually growing, many Afrocentric‐ minded Jamaicans left the orthodox Baptist tradition to form their own “Native

Baptist” church. While slaves were being converted they were oftentimes allowed to practice their religion based on the permission of their masters. Therefore it was common that missionaries agreed not to teach sedition but rather obedience to their masters. George Lewis, an African‐born slave, thought different. Thus, he rejected the white idea of Christianity in favor of a black version, which stressed the need for black empowerment. Furthermore because missionaries often employed blacks as assistants but never used them as pastors (they continually sent for help from

Britain), it created a greater divide.

The “Native Baptist” church affirmed the historic and cultural norms of Africa and sought to redress the concerns and suffering of the “dehumanized and demoralized

Afro‐Jamaican community.”159 As such, the church incorporated Myalistic practices with their Christianity160 as demonstrated in such things as confirmation of conversion by individuals experiencing a dream where they became spiritually possessed. Baptism was also central in their theology as it testified to the power of

159 Davis, The History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 49.

160 Joseph J. Williams, Physic Phenomena of Jamaica, (New York, NY: The Dial Press, 1934), 195‐ 96.

73 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT the water and to Jesus’ submission to John the Baptist as an example. Later, they were seen as radical illiterates who were keen on inciting rioting. Due to various executions and other forms of persecution, the Native Baptists influence decreased and the English Baptists took over their congregations by the close of the century.161

The problem however was that missionaries were conflicted in their theology.

While they sought to promote freedom and equality in the slave mindset, they became suspected of siding with the plantocracy. Such practices together with the ongoing persecution of slaves by the planters led to a change in their missionary focus as evident in the famous Christmas Rebellion of 1831. Hinton comments on this change:

Hitherto, they had gone, as their instructions from home prescribed, on the principle of saying nothing about slavery, and of doing all they could consistently to conciliate the planters; but when they found that the planters could not be reconciled at all to the efficient institution of the slaves, but that, for the sake of maintaining the system of slavery intact, they would expel Christianity, they declared hostility against slavery itself.162

Rebellion and Change

The relationship between Baptists and anti‐slavery establishments was a recurring theme throughout the nineteenth century. In Jamaica, the so‐called “Baptist War” during the Christmas season of 1831 may be referred to as one of the most

161 See Devon Dick, The Origin and Development of the Native Baptists in Jamaica and the Influence of their Biblical Hermeneutics on the 1865 Native Baptist War, doctoral thesis, (Warwick University, England, 2008). Dick is pastor of the Boulevard Baptist Church, Chairman of the Jamaica National Heritage Trust and author of Rebellion to Riot: the Jamaican Church in Nation Building, (Kingston, JA: Ian Randle Publishers, 2002). See Mark Dawes, ed., “Exploring the 1865 Native Baptist War”, the Jamaica Gleaner, (Kingston, JA: The Gleaner Co. Ltd., May 19, 2008).

162 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 274.

74 The History of Baptists in Jamaica significant rebellions in the fight against slavery in the colonies. Baptist class leaders consisting of Native Baptists and other black immigrants from the United

States who migrated to Jamaica after the American Revolution led this rebellion.

Their slogan: ‘No man can serve two masters’.163 The chief leader behind the rebellion however was Samuel Sharp.

Native Baptist preacher Samuel Sharp (1801‐1832) was a slave throughout his lifespan. However, he had received much education by missionaries and was a

Baptist deacon in Thomas Burchell’s church in Montego Bay. This, along with his preaching and leadership throughout the different estates in the parish of St. James gained him much credibility and admiration among fellow slaves. Convinced that the Jamaican planters were withholding the emancipation of the slaves in Jamaica that was already granted by Britain, Sharp proceeded to organize a strike during the critical harvesting period for the plantations. Knibb and others attempted to quell this misunderstanding of the “free paper” but to no avail.164 Knibb and his colleagues were later blamed for the insurrection. In his address to the slaves at

Salter’s Hill he stated:

It is now seven years since I left England to preach the gospel to you; and when I came, I made up my mind to live and die to promote your spiritual welfare. Never did I enter the pulpit with such painful feelings as at present…But I am pained to the soul to hear that many of you have agreed not to go to work after

163 Brian Stanley, “Christian missions, antislavery and the claims of humanity c.1813‐1873” from World Christianities, c.1815­c.1914, 8, ed. Sheridan Gilley and Brian Stanley, in the Cambridge Series, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 433. See also Nat Turner’s Slaves and Missionaries, 150‐54.

164 Cox, History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 80‐84.

75 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Christmas; and I fear it is true. I learn that some wicked persons have persuaded you that the king has made you free. Hear me; I love your souls; I would not tell you a lie for the world. What you have been told is false—false as hell can make it. I entreat you not to believe it but to go to your work as usual…If you refuse to work, and are punished, you will suffer justly; and every friend you have, must and will turn his back upon you.165

Despite the warnings of the missionaries, the slaves proceeded with a resolute surety that equality was for all and that the neutrality of the missionaries was not to be trusted. Thus, unwavering in their stance to procure freedom even by death they resolved not to return to work until they were given wages. The slaves began revolting on December 25, 1831 and what was intended as a passive resistance soon became ugly as the slaves began setting estates on fire.166 Both Baptist and other chapels were destroyed and missionaries from various denominations in the island at that time were arrested and imprisoned.

In response to the socio‐religious uprising of the slaves, the oligarchy responded vehemently against both the slaves and the Baptist missionaries. Within two weeks of the launch of the rebellion, martial law was declared and the military had quelled the uprising. Over 500 slaves were killed both during the revolt and after for sometimes petty crimes such as stealing. In contrast only about 14 whites were executed compared to over 50 in the United States during the Nat Turner rebellion that was concurrently taking place. The most extensive damage to the island was to the properties that the slaves had burnt. The authorities arrested Knibb and his

165 Cox, History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 82‐83. The pages that follow in Cox’s work gives a detailed description of the events that followed both during and after the rebellion.

166 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 57‐58.

76 The History of Baptists in Jamaica companions soon after and charged them with being accomplices to the insurrection. Shortly after, Burchell, who was not in Jamaica at the time, returned to the island but he too was arrested.167 He later returned to England upon his release just over a week later. In 1833, a few months after his own release, Knibb and his family left for England to appeal the case of the missionaries and the slaves and to raise funds for the rebuilding of churches that were destroyed during the rebellion.

By the time Knibb returned to Jamaica in 1834, the abolition of slavery was in motion. During his time in Britain, Knibb had addressed various Baptist churches and Parliamentary Committees and had secured Britain’s commitment to ending slavery. However, the end of slavery was not immediate. In an attempt to make the transition from slavery to freedom ‘smooth’, The British and Foreign Anti­Slavery

Society (now Anti‐Slavery International) recommended the Slavery Abolition Act

1833. However, the Act lacked the ability to ensure the full freedom of all slaves.

While it ensured that all slaves below the ages of six received their freedom, all slaves over age six were considered “apprentices.”168 This meant that slave‐owners paid them wages for their labor. However, under these conditions, many slave‐ owners continued to maltreat slaves. The missionaries remained undaunted in their fight to procure full freedom and soon after with insistent nagging from Knibb and his associates, the prescribed period of apprenticeship was reduced from twelve

167 See Cox’s The Baptist Missionary Society, 103‐108, 118‐129, for Burchell’s description of his arrest.

168 Slavery Abolition Act 1833, Available online from: http://www.pdavis.nl/Legis_07.htm. Clarke also gives a good description of the dual problems associated with this act both from the perspective of the planters and from that of Anti‐slavery advocates. See. Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 70‐71.

77 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT years to four and on 1 August 1834, slavery was officially abolished. A year later,

Knibb founded the weekly Baptist Herald and Friend of Africa newspaper that gave emancipated slaves a voice of their own. On 15 November 1845, Knibb died at age

43, a champion in the cause against slavery.

Post Slavery: The Age of Consolidation 1838­1848.

After the abolition of slavery, missionaries continued to engage in activities that would ensure a bright future for former slaves. Not surprisingly, many previous slave‐owners were unhappy to see slaves gain their freedom. Furthermore, they had no interest in the former slaves achieving any level of equality with them and as such, they endeavored to keep them as close to their former occupation as possible by paying low wages and exacting grossly unfair taxes on those in their employ. In the planter’s minds, missionary attempts to educate former slaves were becoming a growing problem because, by threatening to leave the plantations, former slaves were now beginning to demand honest pay. However, missionaries continued to solicit the help of the BMS and after acquiring the necessary funding, they proceeded with the erection of more churches and better educational institutions.

In this way, Baptists became the pioneers of education for black Jamaica.169

By 1842, four years after the passing of the Emancipation Act, the BMS was responsible for twenty missionaries in Jamaica. These missionaries were

169 Inez Knibb Sibley, The Baptists of Jamaica (1793 to 1965), (Kingston, JA: Jamaica Baptist Union, 1965), 16. Sibley is the great granddaughter of William Knibb. She was a descendant of Knibb’s daughter Ann and the Rev. Ellis Fray, a black graduate of Calabar Seminary—which Knibb found).

78 The History of Baptists in Jamaica responsible for seventy‐three churches, having a membership of about 30,000, approximately 21, 111 “inquirers, probationers, and catechumens” and over 9, 159

Sabbath‐scholars and some 15, 000 children.170 The Native Baptist Church in

Jamaica consisted of fourteen ministers who were responsible for twenty‐five churches which numbered over 8,000 members and inquirers combined. Underhill puts it this way:

When Mr. Burchell landed in the island, the Baptist Missionary Society had not a mission station within a hundred miles of Montego Bay. When freedom dawned he could point to Salter’s Hill, Shortwood, Gurney’s Mount, Mount Carey, and Bethel Town, as the fruit of his personal labours; to Falmouth, Rio Bueno, Savanna‐la‐ Mar, and Fuller’s Field, as the result of the united toil of himself and Mr. Mann. The stations at Lucea and Sandy Bay, in Hanover, were also commenced by him.171

Native Establishments

In response to the ongoing victimization of former slaves by the landowners, James

Phillippo introduced the idea of “Free Villages”. Thus, beginning in 1835 with the purchase of land in Sligoville, the missionaries (Phillippo, Knibb, Burchell and John

Clarke), with the aid of agents from England, helped the former slaves to acquire land for settlements. These included villages near Falmouth at Kettering, and Hoby

Town and Birmingham in Trelawney. Here, freed African slaves lived in rent‐free

170 Possibly the best record of statistics is given in 1842 by James Phillippo, Jamaica: Its Past and Present State, 290‐96. See also The Missionary Herald, Vol. 39. Boston, MA: Press of Crocker and Brewster, 1843, 41 as translated in Davis, History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 50. See also D. Katterns and W. G. Lewis, eds., The Baptist Magazine for 1863, LV, (Series V.— VII). (London: Pewtress Brothers),

171 See Underhill, The West Indies, 391 and Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 50, for the statistics pertaining to 1827, a few years earlier.

79 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT residences and were able to build schools and chapels where they could be educated in social and religious life. In 1837, the Jamaica Baptist Education Society was formed with the intent of promoting the intellectual and educational development of the Jamaican people both in these villages and in the rest of the island. This move was a strategic one on the part of the missionaries who continually sought to restrict the “socio‐cultural dependence of those exposed to schooling in the social conglomerate on the English colonizers.”172 By 1842, nearly 200 Free Villages existed. Baptist missionaries had become the principal champions of a truly emancipated Jamaica.

In 1842 both Knibb and Burchell declared the Jamaican Baptist churches as being independent from the BMS. Thus, The Jamaica Baptist Missionary Society (JaBMS) was organized. At its inception, these missionaries believed that the Baptist Church should seek to minister to those in West Africa where most of the former slaves in

Jamaica had originated.173 The Society was established therefore “to provide for the spiritual destitution of various parts of the island; to support the Calabar Institution and Day Schools; to send the Gospel to Africa”, and also to the surrounding islands174—that is, to Haiti, Cuba, Cayman, Central America, Costa Rica and Belize.175

172 Aggrey Brown, Color, Class, and Politics in Jamaica, (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, Inc., 1979), 97.

173 Russell, “Jamaica”, 4

174 A. C. Sinclair and Laurence R. Fyfe, The Handbook of Jamaica for 1884­85: Comprising Historical, Statistical and General Information concerning the island, (Kingston, JA: Government Printing Establishment, 1884), 300.

175 See Justice C. Anderson, An Evangelical Saga: Baptists and their precursors in Latin America, (Longwood, FL: Xulon Press, 2005).

80 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

Early missionaries sent on behalf of the JaBMS included Joshua Heath Sobey, E.

Arnett and others.176

In 1845 Jamaican Baptists made their final appeal to the British Missionary Society for a grant that would alleviate their debts. The BMS decided:

That a grant of 6,000.00 should be made to the brethren in Jamaica, with the earnest recommendation of this meeting that the Churches themselves should make an extra effort to pay off a further part of these debts, and with the expectation that thus aided, they will be able to provide for the support of the institution at Calabar, and for the extension of the Gospel in destitute parts of the island. That the acceptance of this grant be regarded as a full and final discharge of all claims whatever, on the part of the brethren in Jamaica, on the British Baptist Society, except as hereafter provided, namely, that the salary of the present theological tutor at Calabar College be not affected by these resolutions.177

The Post Emancipation Mission (1849­1966)

Formation of the Jamaica Baptist Union (1849)

By 1849, Baptists in Jamaica existed in three independent unions. These unions were organized based on their location on the island: that is, Western, Central and

Eastern. However, the majority of Jamaican Baptists sought to merge themselves into one collaborative organization. The objective of this initiative was the

“promotion of unity of exertion in whatever may best serve the cause of Christ in

176 Sobey was instrumental in the first Baptist work in Lima, Costa Rica in 1888; Arnett extended Baptist work to Calcutta, Nine Miles, Matina, Porvenir, Guacimo, and Turrialba. See Anderson, An Evangelical Saga, 423.

177 The Baptist Missionary Society Papers (1845), 10 as reprinted in Davis, The History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 51‐52.

81 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT general, and the interest of the Baptist denomination in particular.”178 The Union also sought to shift the authority of the Jamaican church from British rule to self‐ governance. This action was precipitated by the BMS’s reluctance to “abandon its insistence on political neutrality” in the fight against slavery.179 Furthermore, ensuing debates about the development of a native ministry coupled with the nature and duration of the training and apprenticeship period created a greater divide among Baptists in Jamaica. While Knibb and others supported the venture,

Phillippo and Burchell were among those who opposed it. They later insisted:

It is not to the men, but to their present want of fitness that I feel compelled to object. So far as the free coloured people are concerned, in consequence of their very defective and partial education, they were till lately deemed ineligible to the office of clerks or book‐keepers. With respect to the slaves, they could be instructed only by stealth or in the Sunday school. Their acquirements, therefore, are very, very meager indeed. Yet, this is no reflection upon them, but rather upon that accursed system under which they have so long laboured and suffered…This is not the age of miracles; and it is scarcely reasonable to expect that the negro churches can grow from infancy to manhood in a day.180

The BMS’s refusal to heed these words led to the formation of one union of the

Jamaican Baptist churches in 1849. The Union later became the Jamaica Baptist

Union (JBU) in 1855. There were only a few other Baptist congregations, particularly the Native Baptists, who refused to participate in this organization.

178 Sinclair and Fyfe, The Handbook of Jamaica, 300. See also Sibley, The Baptist in Jamaica, 32. See also the Minutes of the Jamaica Baptist Union Executive Meeting, (Kingston, JA, 1856), 5.

179 Catherine Hall, “Missionary Stories: Gender and Ethnicity in England in the 1830s and 1840s”, Cultural Studies, eds. Lawrence Grossberg, Cary Nelson, and Paula Treichler, (New York, NY: Routledge, Chapman and Hall, Inc., 1992), 255.

180 Hall, “Missionary Stories:” 255.

82 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

Since that time the JBU has grown to over 43,000 members worshipping in over 314 churches that are led by more than 122 pastors. It has also continued to be very active in formulating various ecumenical projects and programs on behalf of the

Jamaican population. In 1941, the JBU was instrumental in the formation of the

Jamaica Council of Churches (JCC).181 Other members of the JCC, which are also member of the World Council of Churches (WCC), are the Moravian Church in

Jamaica and the United Church in Jamaica and the Cayman Islands (UCJCI).

Another bi‐product of the post‐emancipation period between 1849 and 1966 was that freed slaves began to see themselves as possessing inherent freedom and rights rather than as capital for the plantocracy. One of the ways this was achieved was due to the church playing a vital part in this growth and realization of self. With the establishment of Free Villages, the shift of power had begun, as land was the capital resource at the time. With it, peasants were able to construct a community in which they could put their agricultural skills to uses that would benefit them and their communities, help to construct institutions of higher moral and religious education182 and sustain communities that promoted their collaborative interests.

In this new era, Knibb continued to encourage the natives to become even more independent of their former masters:

181 The stated mission of the JCC is: “To promote unity, fellowship and among Christian churches and agencies, through consultation and co‐operation, for the renewal of the churches and the strengthening of the kingdom of God.” See the World Council of Churches website located at http://www.oikoumene.org/en/home.html

182 See Carl Campbell, Towards an Imperial Policy for the Education of Negroes in the West Indies after Emancipation, (Kingston, JA: Jamaican Historical Review, XIII, 1967); Millicent Whyte, A Short History of Education in Jamaica, (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1977).

83 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

In making your arrangements, if there be an attempt to grind you down, resist it by all legal means; for you must consider that you are not acting for yourselves alone, but for posterity. I desire to see every vestige of slavery completely rooted out. You must work for your money. You must pay money to your employers for all you receive at their hands. A fair scale of wages must be established, and you must be entirely independent….To be free, you must be independent. Receive money for your work; come to market with money; purchase from whom you please; and be accountable to no one but that Being above, who, I trust, will watch over and protect you!183

Another evidence of freedom and equality was the promotion of women’s rights in the society. In the 1920s an increasing number of women became involved in the mission of the church. This eventually led to the formation of the Jamaica Baptist

Women Federation (JBWF) in 1922 acting under a mission to achieve “Co‐operation in all Christian Work.”184 This group was affiliated with the Baptist Women’s League of England and represents one of the most influential groups within the JBU.

Educational Institutions

Building up the educational infrastructure of the island was the most efficacious venture in the proliferation of a new social image for Jamaicans and their country.185

For the missionaries, this was a very vital part of the mission of the church, especially for those who could not afford elementary schooling. This mindset led to

183 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 284.

184 Sibley, The Baptists of Jamaica, 35. The current motto of the JBWF is “Seek, Save, Serve.”

185 See Olywyn Mary Blouet, “Earning and Learning in the British West Indies: An image of Freedom in the Pre‐Emancipation Decade, 1823‐1833”, The Historical Journal, 34, no. 2, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 391‐409. Also see Blouet’s “Slavery and Freedom in the British West Indies, 1823‐33: The Role of Education”, the History of Education Quarterly, 30, no. 4 (Winter, 1990), 625‐43. An earlier version was delivered in the UNESCO conference “Slavery, Emancipation, and the Shaping of Caribbean Society” held in December 1988 at the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad.

84 The History of Baptists in Jamaica the establishment of many schools and institutions of higher learning. However, because Baptists did not accept grants from the government they were forced to seek funding from the BMS as well as from other willing contributors.186 As was seen above, this created further financial problems for the Jamaican Baptists.

However, Knibb, his colleagues, and other religious denominations remained zealous in their endeavor to ease the burden of dependence on the British government.187

Since their first chapel at East Queen Street, the Baptist missionaries, in their quest to integrate the native population into society, sought to promote the literacy of the natives. To facilitate this goal they began establishing various schools for the educating of Jamaica’s emancipated slaves. Calabar Elementary School was the first of such institutions built by the East Queen Street Baptist Church built in 1817. In

1824 another institution was opened in Spanish town to provide education for free people of color. As early as 1839, William Knibb, Thomas Burchell and James

Phillippo moved for the creation of a college for training native Baptist ministers.

The result of their joint efforts with the Baptist Missionary Society of London, led to the creation of Calabar Theological College in 1843. At its formation, the aim of the college was to train ministers who could facilitate the local ministry as well as to train missionaries who would later venture into Africa and the rest of the

186 Baptists did accept the grant until after the disestablishment of the State Church in 1870. In accordance with Baptist principles, missionaries did not accept such grants from the imperial government.

187 Brown, Race, Class, and Politics in Jamaica, 89‐90.

85 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Caribbean.188 The college was first located in Calabar, a small Free Village in

Trelawney, but it was later moved to East Queen Street, Kingston. In 1852, the JBU expanded the college’s mission by creating a “Normal” school for teacher training and a high school for boys in the city. In 1892 the JaBMS founded a practicing school to train Sunday school teachers. This became a national program in 1909.

Following the closure of the Normal and high schools all that remained was the training school, called Calabar All‐age, on Sutton Street and the Calabar Theological

College, which later relocated to Chetolah (Studley) Park on Slipe Pen Road in 1904.

By 1911 the JBU had established approximately 97 of the 663 elementary schools that existed on the island.

Despite the institutions that existed on the island at that time, there was still a need for secondary and higher education in Jamaica. In 1912, Baptists addressed the need for secondary education by opening two schools that would educate children of Baptist ministers as well as those of poor blacks. These were the Calabar High

School for boys and the complimentary Westwood High School for girls. The boys’ school later offered boarding facilities nearby to facilitate boys who attended from other areas outside of Kingston. In 1952, Calabar Theological College and Calabar

High School were both moved from Studley Park to Red Hills Road. Initially the college facilitated boarders but these dormitories were subsequently converted to workshops. Baptists also created the William Knibb Memorial High School in 1961.

188 Baptists from Jamaica later began missionary work to the Cameroons and to West Africa in 1846.

86 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

Although Baptists were making admirable progress, the mission of educating natives was a divided one. Moravians, for example, were always committed to the development of community through education. Nearly all denominations that existed on the island created schools alongside their establishment churches.

However, in promoting a greater co‐operative theological education, the JBU joined with the Presbyterian and Methodist theological colleges in 1913. Later in 1948 when Sir Philip Sherlock helped found the University College of the West Indies

(UCWI) on Mona campus, this new organization supplied it with chaplains. This partnership was one of the antecedent colleges of the United Theological College that was established in 1966. A year later, the Theological College was moved from

Red Hills to Mona as part of the United Theological College of the West Indies

(UTCWI). Today the college is affiliated with the University of the West Indies as the

Department of Theology in the faculty of Arts and Education. The High School is still located at Red Hills Road.

The rich history and credibility of Calabar and the UTCWI is best shown in its alumni, specifically those who are clergy. Its long historic tradition includes the Rev.

Hugh Sherlock, author of Jamaica’s National Anthem; the Rev. Horace Russell, former principal of the United Theological College of the West Indies; Dr. Howard

Gregory, former president of the Jamaica Baptist Union; and the Rev. Karl Henlin, former JBU president and vice president of the Caribbean Baptist Fellowship.

Former two‐time president of the JBU and the General Secretary of the Baptist

World Alliance (BWA), Neville Callam, is also a graduate of UTCWI.

87 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Modern Day Evidences of Baptists in Jamaica

The physical evidences of the history of the Baptist mission in Jamaica are still very evident throughout Jamaica. Not only are many of the first Baptist churches still in operation in the island but also there are many places whose names preserve the history of Baptists.189 Baptist churches still in existence include the East Queen

Street Baptist Church, Burchell Baptist Church, Montego Bay, Phillippo Baptist

Church, St. Catherine, and the William Knibb Memorial Baptist Church, Falmouth among others. Places are also named after Baptist missionaries or events. For example, Kettering was named after the birthplace of William Knibb and remains a testament to his immeasurable contribution to the freedom of slaves both in Jamaica and in the world. Baptist Manse in Falmouth was once Knibb’s home. There is also a church and a school named in Knibb’s memory. Hobby Town is named after another British missionary William Hobby; Clarksonville and Buxton are named for

John Clarkson and Thomas Buxton, leaders of the anti‐slavery movement in

England. Similarly, August Town is named in accordance with the timing that slaves acquired full freedom in August of 1838.

189 See B. W. Higman and B. J. Hudson’s Jamaican Place Names, (Kingston, JA: University of the West Indies Press, 2009); Inez Knibb Sibley, Dictionary of place­names in Jamaica, (Kingston, JA: Institute of Jamaica, 1978); “What’s in a Name” from The Daily Gleaner. (May 5, 2003). Frank Cundall, Place­name of Jamaica, (Kingston, JA: Institute of Jamaica, 1939); and Philip Wright and Paul White, Exploring Jamaica: Guide for Motorists, (London: Deutsch, 1969). Darwin Porter and Danforth Price’s Frommer’s Jamaica, 4th ed., (Haboken, NJ: Wiley Publishing, Inc., 2006) is a more touristy kind of information guide but it also has very valuable information on various places on the island.

88 The History of Baptists in Jamaica

Summary

This survey of Jamaica has accounted for the valuable contribution of Baptists to the culture of the island. The history of Baptist missions and the socio‐cultural and socio‐religious development of the island are so closely entwined that we cannot separate one from the other. The reality and diversity of the society challenged the missionaries “to be responsive and responsible in their missionary endeavors.”190

Unlike the Church of England which catered to the white plantocracy or the

Methodist Church which ministered to poor whites and free coloureds, Baptists and others were primarily concerned with the liberation of the oppressed and, in doing so, came to regard their mission more highly than they originally intended.

Through much persecution and toiling, Baptists helped to procure the full freedom of slaves and helped to establish native settlements that gave Afro‐Jamaicans ownership of the land that they had previously cultivated. In addition, Baptist missionaries made invaluable contributions that led to the emancipation of Jamaica and the subsequent shaping of an educational process aimed at raising the moral and religious standards of the Jamaican society (and throughout the Caribbean).

Native Baptist ministers have also emigrated elsewhere and have altered the theological climate of major countries and continents up until today. Most pertinently however, the influences of Baptists have gone further than simply etching memorable names in the island’s landscape. The Jamaican religious experience has long been an example for how many other Caribbean Baptist

190 Davis, The History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 69.

89 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT traditions practice their theology, and it continues to be a stalwart reservoir for the transformation of men and women, both at home and abroad.

90

“Me only have one ambition, you know. I only have one thing I really like to see happen. I like to see mankind live together...black, white, Chinese, everyone… that's all.”

‐‐ Bob Marley, Famous Jamaican Reggae artist (1945‐1981)

CHAPTER 3: FOUNDATIONS OF AFRO­CHRISTIAN THOUGHT IN JAMAICA

Jamaican theology is a by‐product of dialectical process. The syncretistic tradition now prevalent in the island is primarily the culmination of interactions between

Christian missiological and African thought combined with other religious traditions. As we highlight the contribution of Baptists to the overall development of theology in Jamaica there are few key areas of interests. For one, we must look at the various religious influences that have left an indelible mark on the Jamaican character. Such an impact is evident in the eclectic fervor of religious institutions in

Jamaica. Also, we must bear in mind that missionaries brought with them certain cultural nuances and religious experiences that often defined their polity. In addition, notable Jamaican leaders helped to promote a greater understanding of self‐worth, and nationalistic development, which contributed to the overall spiritual development of the population. Other outgrowths of the missionary enterprise such as the creation of native establishments and religious and educational institutions also played a significant part in the development of Jamaican religious thought.

91 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

These factors together with other sources of theology help us better understand

Jamaican Baptist thought today.

The Function of Religion in Jamaica:

Religion holds a place of paramount importance in the Jamaican context. While many do not actively practice religion, they are certainly conscious of religion and have a certain level of respect for the place of religiosity. How people express their religion is not defined solely by one’s particular denominational tradition. Because there is a certain commonality between one religious tradition and another, the believer is not overly concerned about particular denomination affiliations as in many other places. It is quite common to find believers in one church who will confess that they previously attended a different church. Usually geographical location and the atmosphere of the church play a large part in which ‘church’ someone attends. However the following functions of religion are quite common in

Jamaican contemporary context.

(a) Fulfillment of wishes: Because of the adverse economic and immoral

conditions evidenced in society, eschatological themes have a strong appeal

on the religious mindset. As such, believers look forward to the day when

they will be recompensed for their faithfulness to God in this life. Soteriology

or being “saved” then becomes an important concept in the Jamaican psyche

because it guarantees future “rewards” in the world to come. Therefore,

failure to accept Christ and his gift of salvation relegates the sinner to eternal

damnation in “hell.”

92 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

(b) An Emotional outlet: This is evident mainly in testimony services where

believers often attest to the hardships of life before reaffirming a resolute

faith in a God who will not leave or forsake them. Only recently have

churches in Jamaica begun to incorporate the counseling aspect of ministry

into their practices. Previously, all problems were handled with a kind of

“casting all your cares on God for He cares for you” mentality.

(c) Recreation substitute: Churches have also become a suitable venue for

community events. Youth are given an avenue to display their talents, adults

often engage in sports because of joining a church team, and other members

of the community get to partner with churches for community efforts.

Bases of Jamaican Religious Thought

Pre­African Context

Although the Spaniards did little to convert the Taino natives, it will suffice to give a brief overview of the religious fervor of the island prior to slavery and the subsequent rise of Baptist missions.191 There is hardly any doubt that from the time of the Spanish, the Christian missionary influence has been the most effective agent in promoting the development of Jamaica into a civilized nation. Religion in Jamaica had a very slow start. “The Spaniards built Abbeys at Sevilla d’Oro in St. Ann’s and

191 This majority of this segment was articulated by Rev. Hope Masterson Waddell who was a former missionary at Calabar on behalf of United Presbyterian Church. He gives us useful overview of “religious parties” in the island at the time of his arrival in Jamaica in 1829. See Hope Masterson Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central Africa: A Review of Missionary Work and Adventure, 1829­1858, (London: T. Nelson and Sons, 1871), 23‐27. See also Jean Besson, “Religion as Resistance in Jamaican Peasant Life: The Baptist Church, Revival Worldview and Movement”, Rastafari and Other African­Caribbean Worldviews, ed. Barry Chevannes, (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998), 47‐48.

93 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Villa de la Vega (later, St. Jago de la Vega) in Spanish Town, and some chapels elsewhere.”192 However, because of slavery, the Arawak natives had little opportunity to hear the Christian message. Apart from Red Church, White Church

Street and Monk Street in Spanish Town,193 the lack of impact that Spanish

Christians had on the society may be seen from the miniscule amount of early

Roman Catholic religious history that has been preserved in Jamaica.

African Religious Traditions

If we return to our initial definition of theology in chapter one then we certainly understand that the nature of religion, and subsequently theology, differs depending on the culture in which it is shaped. Certainly the moral, practical, emotional and religious attitudes of a people are shaped by the context in which they are developed. Implicitly, when introduced to something completely foreign the impetus to retain the foundations of their religious traditions are sometimes stronger than the desire to give way to totally new beliefs. It was no different for the Africans in Jamaica when presented with the new idea of a European “God.”

Though ready to accept the doctrines of Christianity that promised liberation and equality with all men, Afro‐Jamaican were not so ready to let go of the doctrines that had been the foundation of their communal lives.

192 Sydney Aldane Olivier, Jamaica: The Blessed Island, (London: Faber & Faber Ltd., 1936), 85. Lord Olivier (1st and last Baron Olivier) was the Colonial Secretary of Jamaica between 1899 and 1904 and later the Governor of Jamaica between 1907 and 1913.

193 Clinton V. Black, The Story of Jamaica: From Prehistory to the Present, (London: Collins Clear‐ Type Press, 1965), 36‐37. first published in 1958.

94 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

The testimonies of early missionaries in Jamaica indicate that Africans enjoyed a rich heritage of religious traditions. Even more, the population consisted of a medley of slaves from different tribes from the Gold Coast and Nigeria. It is believed British planters selected slaves from these locales because of their

“sturdiness”.194 The variety of origins implies that each tribe had different religious practices and beliefs unique to their context. However, slaves in Jamaica soon learnt they were in the same dilemma and so they often shared religious traditions, which cemented them together as a community. Today, the evidence of certain colloquial terminologies indicate that the Ashanti tribe had the greatest impact on the

Jamaican culture. The most significant impact however, was that of their , which is still practiced today as (fr. Akom – “to be possessed,” and

Ana – “by an ancestor.”)195 Because of slave syncretism, this kind of ancestral possession cult became the medium for Afro‐Caribbean slaves throughout the formative years of the country from slavery and beyond. Before highlighting the tradition of the Kumina religion, certain definitions must be made.196

At the outset of the missionary movement and even before, the British considered the Africans to be “heathens” who were unlearnt in the traditions of the Christian concept of God and the practices that accompanied it. Leonard Barrett, Sr.,

194 William James Gardner, A History of Jamaica: From its Discovery by Christopher Columbus to the Year 1872, (London: Frank Cass, 1873), 175.

195 Jeannette Allsopp, ed., Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage, (Kingston, JA: University of the West Indies Press, 2003), 335, first published by Oxford University Press, 1996.

196 See Kamau Braithwaite, Kumina, Vol. 4 of the Savacou Working Paper, (Savacou, 1982), 51, 61.

95 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Professor Emeritus of Religion at Temple University, Philadelphia, gives us an indication of what the beginning of the mission was like. He writes:

The English planters in Jamaica adamantly refused to share their religion with the slave population. The Church of England and its high liturgy was considered too sophisticated for people of "lesser breed" and, further, the masters feared that the preachers ‐ in their unguarded inspirational moments ‐ would stretch the equality of humanity before God a little too far. The slaves, left to themselves, developed elements of the remembered religious system from their homeland. This was not difficult to do because among the slave population were African religious functionaries who had been indiscriminately carried to the island.197

Despite the ills of the slave system, the memories of the slaves were intact and their traditions found life in a new, strange land. Further, they were able to recognize many of the spiritual functionaries who were a part of the slave trade, even though they may have not been intimately acquainted before. Jamaican historian Herbert G.

DeLisser who is an authority on the African influences in the island wrote:

Both witches and wizards, priests and priestesses, were brought to Jamaica in the days of the slave trade, and the slaves recognized the distinction between the former and the latter. Even the masters saw that the two classes were not identical, and they called the later ‘‐men and myal‐women’—the people who cured those that the obeah‐men had injured.198

197 Leonard E. Barrett, The Rastafarians, 20th Anniversary Edition, (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1997), 16. For a more concise article, see: Leonard Barrett, “Understanding the Rastafarians”, Slavery and Beyond: The African Impact on Latin American and the Caribbean, ed. Darién J. Davis, (Wilmington, DE: SR Books, 1995), 223.

198 Herbert G. De Lisser, Twentieth Century Jamaica, (Kingston, JA: The Jamaica Times, 1913), 110.

96 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

In addition:

Africans coming to Jamaica brought with them a certain set of religious beliefs; they brought with them too a memory, individual and collective, of certain structures of religious behavior and practice.199

Because of suppression, the African religions that made it to Jamaica soon transcended into a kind of black magic—where witchcraft was used as the slave defence mechanism against the slave system. These practices became what are known as Obeah and Myalism. According to Barrett, obeah is derived from two

Ashanti words: oba—“a child,” and yi—“to take.”200 As such, “the idea of taking a child was the final test of a sorcerer,” and so the Obeahman became the exerciser of what Barrett says “became the most dreadful form of Caribbean witchcraft plaguing both Black and White in the days of slavery.”201

Myalism was initially a practice meant for “good”, in the context of slavery; Myal priests and priestesses used their practice to “cast away evil spells inflicted upon individuals” by the Obeahman.202 Myal leaders also had the abilities to cast spells

199 Mervyn Alleyne, Roots of Jamaican Culture, (London: Pluto Press, 1988), 76; De Lisser, Twentieth Century Jamaica, 107.

200 According to De Lisser (108), other writers believe Obeahism refers back to ancient Egyptian religion. As such, they believer “Obeah” is derived from the Egyptian word for serpent; Ob. Consequently, such writers believe serpents play an important part in the practice of Obeah. However, De Lisser notes authoritative works of Mary Kingsel and Colonel Ellis who both wrote on West African religion and witchcraft as not being in support of this theory.

201 Barrett, “Understanding the Rastafarians,” 224; The Rastafarians, 18. De Lisser gives a good description of the distinction between Obeah wizards and Myal priests and priestesses on pages 108‐ 110.

202 Don C. Ohadike, Sacred Drums of Liberation: Religions and Music of Resistance in Africa and the Diaspora, (Lawrenceville, NJ: Africa World Press Inc., 2007), 81.

97 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT but rarely did so.203 As such myal‐men and myal‐women became famous for their ability to perform exorcisms. In its development however, myalism came to mean

“being in a religious state of possession” and soon came be to be associated with the rigorous and expressive dance of Kumina religion.204

At first, legitimate priests and priestesses were not able to practice openly but circumstances changed after the abolition of slavery. For some time, the practice of

Myalism was very much a part of the public Jamaican religious construct. However, although never totally eradicated, the practices of Myalism and Obeah soon became less and less frequent.205 An eyewitness account of their worship practice given by

Moravian missionary and historian, J. H. Buchner, highlights this well:

In 1842, several Negroes on an estate near Montego Bay gave themselves out to be such Myalmen, and began to practice their heathenish rites openly and boldly. In an incredibly short time, this superstition spread through the whole parish of St. James, and the neighbouring parishes of Westmoreland and Trelawney; hundreds and thousands laid claim to the same distinction, or became the followers of these men. As soon as the darkness of evening set in, they assembled in crowds in open pastures, most frequently under large cotton trees, which they worshipped, and counted holy; after sacrificing some fowls, the leader began an extempore song, in a wild strain, which was answered in chorus; the dance followed, grew wilder, until they were in a state of excitement bordering on madness.

203 De Lisser, “Twentieth Century Jamaica,” 110.

204 Barrett, “Understanding the Rastafarians,” 224.

205 J. H. Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica: History of the Mission of the United Brethren Church, (London: Longman, Brown, & Co., 1854), 141.

98 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

Buchner continued:

Some would perform incredible evolutions while in this state, until, utterly exhausted, they fell senseless to the ground, when every word they uttered was received as a divine revelation. At other times, Obeah was to be discovered, or a “shadow” was to be caught; a little coffin being prepared, in which it was to be inclosed and buried.206

Obeah and Myalism joined forces to resist the plantocracy and the devices of slavery.

Together, they formed secret societies that would provide secret potions to slaves for protection, supposedly against the ills of their masters.207 Because of this amalgamation, African slaves developed the religion of Kumina. Don Ohadike, author of Sacred Drums of Liberation: Religions and Music of Resistance in Africa and the Diaspora (2007), explains the relationship between the Obeah, Myalism, and

Kumina in this way:

The competitive activities of the Obeahman and Myalman resulted in the religious cult known as Kumina, an ancestor possession cult in which “hidden secrets, witchcraft, and bad medicine were detected and exposed.” For example, when an individual was troubled as a result of the assumed evil acts of the Obeahman, the troubled individual would be taken to a Kumina shrine to seek help. Under the supervision of a Myalman, the patient was made to go through a spirit‐possession ritual believed to induce necessary healing.208

The Kumina is a distinctly African religious experience because of its emphasis on spirit possession, ancestors, music, and dancing. As Barrett suggested, “A Kumina is called on special occasions, especially around ceremonies surrounding the rites of

206 Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica, 139‐40.

207 Ohadike, Sacred Drums of Liberation, 82.

208 Ohadike, Sacred Drums of Liberation, 81‐82.

99 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT passage.” But, he continues, “Other calamities, such as sickness and other natural or unnatural occasions may necessitate a Kumina service.”209 Feverish dancing and rhythmic drumming accompanies the service until ancestral “spirit possession” is achieved. Barrett describes the purpose of spirit possession this way:

These spirits are always the ancestors of the dancers or of the person who calls the Kumina. Under spirit possession a revelation is given by the ancestors concerning the occasion for which the Kumina is called. This revelation is considered very important and is heeded in every detail. It may consist of the reason for the sickness or the death, suggest the cure for the illness, or warn of coming calamities. Under possession the evil spirit that may have caused the person’ illness may be captured. It might be a ghost sent by an obeah‐man or woman to haunt the house. Under Kumina possession, the revelation is sometimes given in an unknown tongue, very often in the African language, now forgotten, but known to the possessed.210

As evidenced at these Kumina ceremonies, music and language is an integral and unique part of the religious experience. The same ethos is deeply enshrined in the

Jamaican conscience and has been made popular by folk music, reggae and the

Rastafarian movement among other influences.

Our analysis thus far has demonstrated the importance of religion in the Afro‐

Jamaican context. Although slavery attempted to dehumanize the working class,

Kumina helped to maintain a sense of communal faith in a power greater than they.

Slave faith was rooted in the lineage of their ancestors and in the ability of their spiritual mediums to command a power greater than their masters and greater than

209 Barrett, “Understanding the Rastafarians,” 225. Note: this describes the established form of the religion.

210 Barrett, “Understanding the Rastafarians,” 225.

100 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica themselves. And, though they were in a strange new land, slaves in Jamaica had found a way to dance and to sing, to believe and to hope, and to look to a better tomorrow. In this sense, a rich religious tradition was born in their psyche and to deny it would be to commit suicide to what had made them unique.211 Naturally, the slaves preserved Kumina in the deepest part of their being until it became so much a part of them, they could not help but let it influence everything else.

Missiological Religious Thought

When the British arrived in Jamaica they were under the declared purpose of Oliver

Cromwell to be about ‘the encircling of the Spanish States and the propagation of true religion.’212 According to Olivier, John Milton also wrote of ‘the opportunities of promoting the glory of God, and enlarging the bounds of Christ’s kingdom, which we do not doubt will appear to be the chief end of our late expedition to the West

Indies.’213 Subsequently, when the armies came to the island, the death of ministers who had accompanied them forced them to request that other “ecclesiastical reinforcements” be sent. Furthermore, early English settlers were encouraged to establish an orthodox ministry to the extent that in 1681, “taxes were imposed for the stipends of ministers and for the erection and repairing of churches.”214

211 See Mary Turner, “The Colonial State, Religion and the Control of Labour: Jamaica 1760‐ 1834”, The Colonial Caribbean in Transition: Essays on Postemancipation Social and Cultural History, ed. Bridget Brereton and Kevin A. Yelvington, (Kingston, JA: The University Press of the West Indies, 1999), 28‐32.

212 Quoted in Olivier, Jamaica: The Blessed Land, 85.

213 Olivier, Jamaica: The Blessed Land, 85.

101 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

The Church of England

Before describing the authentic missionary churches, it suffices to highlight that there were already Christian denominations in the island. The Church of England was the first religious organization in Jamaica at the arrival of the British. Moreover, by legal right, they were the only church allowed to practice religious rites in the island. It is believed that the Rev. John McCammon Trew was the first to attempt instructing slaves. However, the established church was not particularly interested in the development of the society unless it was in the best interest of the oligarchy.

Hope Masterson Waddell (1804‐1895), a Scottish Missionary in Jamaica near the end of slavery, highlights this well when he noted: “the clergy was bound, indeed, to

‘christen’ the slaves at the requisition of the masters, but that was done without instruction… [as] One by one they advanced and received a new name and a few drops of water on the head, by the high authority of the Father, Son, and Holy

Ghost.”215 The resulting impression of such apathetic practices on one slave’s mind was that; “It was like driving cattle to a pond.” It was clear that slaves had no idea about the whole process or the intent of the mission.216 After all, clergy were not missional in their efforts and even if they were, they were unfit for the task.

214 Olivier, Jamaica: The Blessed Land, 86.

215 Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central Africa: A Review of Missionary Work and Adventure 1829­1858, 2nd ed., in the Missionary Researches and Travel series, No. 11. (London: Frank Cass and Co. Ltd., 2006), 23, first published in 1863. For more on the impact of Scottish missionaries in Jamaica see Richard B. Sheridan. “The Role of the Scots in the Economy and Society of the West Indies,” from Comparative Perspectives on Slavery in New World Plantation Societies, 292, in the Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. (New York, NY: The New York Academy of Sciences, Dec. 2006), 94‐96.

216 Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central Africa, 23.

102 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

As the official religious institution of the slave masters, the Established Church clearly supported the status quo of slavery. The Church’s chief concern was not the spiritual welfare of the slave but to promote the corrupt interests of the plantocracy.

According to J.B. Ellis who was at one time the Secretary of the Jamaica Church

Synod:

The appointments of ministers were often grotesquely scandalous. The most we can say is that the church represented the religion of the white settlers and planters and officials; but it cannot claim to have been in any sense a missionary church to the black labourers.217

Also, the character of the clergy was a shady one to say the least. They are described as having been out of control, having no respect for their office, and often given in to the licentious living of their proprietors. According to former British colonial administrator and historian, Edward Long (1734‐1813):

Some labourers of the Lord’s vineyard have at times been sent, who were much better qualified to be retailer of salt‐fish, or boatswains to privateers, than ministers of the Gospel…[because] when persons are sent hither barely qualified according to the canons of the church, and the laws of the land, … and thereby entitles to the very same privileges and favour, whether they have been bred at Cambridge, at Oxford, or St. Omer’s, in an university, or a cobler’s shop; whether they have been initiated in the protestant, or in the popish religion; whether their language is English or French, or with so little discrimination, not all the exhortations of all the in the world could possibly make the clergy of this island a respectable body of men.218

217 J. B. Ellis, The of Jamaica: A Short Account of its History, Growth and Organization, (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1913), quoted in Olivier, 87.

218 Edward Long, The History of Jamaica or, General Survey of the Ancient and Modern State of that Island: with reflections on its situation, settlements, inhabitants, climate, products, commerce, laws, and Government in three volumes, Vol. II, (London: T. Lowndes, 1774), 238‐29.

103 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Further, because they had become increasingly partisan with the plantocracy, the

Church was not prepared to heed the House of Assembly’s Consolidation Act, which admonished that:

May it please your Majesty…that, from the commencing of this act, all masters and mistresses, owners, employers, or, in their absence, overseers of slaves, shall, as much as in them lies, endeavour, as the instruction of their slaves in the principles of the Christian Religion, whereby to facilitate their conversion; and shall do their utmost endeavours to fit them for baptism; and, as soon as conveniently they can, cause to be baptized all such as they can make sensible of a Deity, and the Christian Faith.219

As a result, when the first “Nonconformist” missionaries came to the island at the end of the eighteenth century, the Established Church was greatly opposed to their preaching. In fact, they sought to justify their rejection of the new missionaries by arguing that the message being preached was a threat to the system of slavery.220

The Church of England’s continued negligence left slaves with no other alternative and, although they were banned from doing so, the slaves continued to practice their religious traditions in secret. Thus, not only did they continue to maintain their religion but also, from their first impression of the Christian God, He was not for the oppressed. Consequently, the theology and missiology of the church were

219 of London, “The West Indies”, The Christian Observer, VIII, no. 2, (London: Ellerton and Byworth, 1809), 128. See also Bryan Edwards, The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British Colonies in the West Indies, Vol. II, (Philadelphia, PN: James Humphreys, 1806), 375; Long, The History of Jamaica, 491; Stephen Fuller, The act of Assembly of the island of Jamaica, to repeal several acts, and clauses of acts, respecting slaves, and for the better order and government of slaves, and for other purposes, commonly called the Consolidated Act…, (London: Printed for B. White et al. 1788). The act is said to exhibit “at one view most of the essential regulations of the Jamaica code noir, which was passed by the assembly on the 19th day of December 1787, and by the lieutenant governor and the council on the 22d of the said month.”

220 Orlando Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Development and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica, (London: Granada, 1973), 40‐41.

104 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica not prepared for the great Myal revival in 1860.221 Further, after legislation failed to suppress them, slaves were labeled as being sacrilegious and then excommunicated by the churches.222 The Morant Bay rebellion also indicated the lack of influence that religious leaders where having on the society and it called for reinforcements in the area of individual and social education and development. What resulted was the disestablishment of the Church of England in Jamaica in 1870.

In later times the Church of England managed to salvage its reputation in the island.

Having been disestablished and transferred to the Incorporated Lay Body, the laity of the church sought to revive the church by giving generous donations to the furtherance of its mission. In 1880, Enos Nuttall (1842‐1916) became the Bishop of

Jamaica and helped to create a personal endowment for the future of the church.

After being elected the Archbishop of the West Indies in 1893, Nuttall was very instrumental in reestablishing the church by creating its constitution, developing its policy, and by directing its ministry in addressing social, medical and educational needs.223 Nuttall served in Jamaica for 36 years. In 1897, the Province of the West

Indies was established and the Diocese of Jamaica became a part of it. Later, in

1941, during the episcopate of William Hardie (1931‐1949) the Jamaica Council of

Churches was established. Hardie served as the first president before several other

221 Edward Underhill, The West Indies: The Social and Religion Conditions, (1862), 183.

222 Hope Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central Africa, 138

223 Frank Cundall, The Life of Enos Nuttall, archbishop of the West Indies, (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1922), 185.

105 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT outstanding natives such as Percival Gibson, Bishop of Jamaica from 1956‐1966, did the same.224

Moravian, Methodist, and Presbyterian Missionaries’ contributions to the development of Jamaican religious thought.

Although the early missionaries had the “right” intentions, they often acquiesced in slavery, because; “they often failed to understand the African religious beliefs, which they regarded as heathenism to be eradicated.”225 Furthermore, the scope of their work among the natives was often tailored to satisfy the desires of the proprietors who ‘hired’ them. As such, the slaves did not respond well to their biased efforts and of the missionary endeavors which succeeded them, the Moravians had the least impact. This is hardly surprising considering Waddell’s testimony of their mission:

The civilization of the newly imported savages would be promoted by their evangelization. The interests of the proprietor and his safety were involved in the order and contentment of his people. The authority of God and his servant might prevail where the whip failed; and the prospect of a glorious future, the hopes of an eternal heaven, would compensate the slaves, without loss to the proprietor, for the want of earthly comforts. Mixed motives, it may be supposed, not uncharitably, have influenced slave owners as well as others; and Christian missionaries must enter the doors which God’s providence opens to them, without criticizing the various influence which have operated to withdraw the bolts and bars.226

224 See Davis, The History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 38‐46.

225 Shirley C. Gordon, God Almighty Make Me Free: Christianity in Preemancipation Jamaica, (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996), ix.

226 Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central, Africa, 24.

106 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

Amidst this backdrop of ecclesiastical life based on a dominant European thought, together with the de‐culturisation and de‐humanizing of the Afro‐Jamaican native, a different concept of “mission” arose. Though ineffective at times, this new missionary mindset favored the slaves as missionaries sought to engage them and later partnered with them for ministry. The main missionary religions of the period were the Moravian in 1734, the Methodist in 1736, the Baptists in 1782/3 and the

Presbyterians in 1823.227 Coastlands and Islands identified five focal points of this mission:228 1. The Methodists making use of invitations by planters. 2. The significance of free converts as a starting point for the Methodists. 3. The significance of slave migration throughout the Caribbean. 4. The role of the military in the mission – e.g. Migration of George Liele to Jamaica. 5. Mission stations opened by various British missionary agencies. These included: The Wesleyan‐

Methodist Missionary Society (1789); the Baptist Missionary Society (1792); the

London Missionary Society (1795); the Scottish Missionary Society (1796); and later the .229

Undoubtedly, the nonconformists were a threat to the Establishment. Not only did they obtain favor among the slaves, but also they aimed at promoting a self‐ consciousness that would empower slaves to resist the iron curtain of oppression.

227 Records indicate that Presbyterians were in Jamaica as early as 1800 when the Scottish Missionary Society (1796) first sent W. Clark, E. Reid, and James Bethune. However, Clark abandoned the mission shortly after Reid and Bethune died of fever. Therefore, it was not until George Blyth arrived in 1823 that the mission really “began.”

228 Francis J. Osborne, and G. Johnston, Coastlands and Islands, (Kingston, JA: United Theological College of the West Indies, 1972), 46.

229 Robert J. Stewart, Religion and Society in Post­Emancipation Jamaica, (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1992), 6‐11.

107 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

The plantocracy often responded by outlawing what they could not understand and labeling any foreign tradition as sacrilegious. Despite various forms of persecution by the Established Church, more chapels and schools were erected and more slaves came to accept Christianity. In addition, the work of the missionaries in securing emancipation gained them great admiration on the part of the slaves. As a result, slaves flocked to nonconformist denominations in great numbers. The growth of the mission necessitated a more structured ministry—unlike the itinerant evangelistic sort. However, slaves were not willing to conform to an ordered life where they were dominated by rules, rituals and structure quite similar to the spirit of their previous enslavement. As a result, they took it up on themselves to define a religious world best suited to their disposition.

Moravians

The Moravian Church in Jamaica was the first missionary enterprise on the island.230

It was established in 1754 and represents a continuation of the Caribbean Moravian

Mission, which commenced in 1732. The mission began with the arrival of

Zecharias Caries, Thomas Shallcross and Gotlied Haberecht from England.231 Their initial success was set back beginning with the death of Haberecht in 1755. Later, there were disagreements between new missionaries and Caries and Shallcross

230 Missionaries came at the request of Colonel John Foster’s sons, William Foster and Joseph Foster Barham, who both owned sugar estates in St. Elizabeth and in Westmoreland.

231 J. H. Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica: History of the Mission of the United Brethren’s Church to the Negroes in the Island of Jamaica, the year 1754 to 1854, (London: Longman, Brown and Co., 1854), 24. See also S. U. Hastings & B. L. MacLeavy, Seedtime and Harvest: A Brief History of the Moravian Church in Jamaica, 1754­1979, (Kingston, JA: Clark Printer’s Ltd., 1979).

108 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica about what constituted “readiness” for baptism. Subsequently, there was little progress in Moravian missions until after 1809. However, it had much favorable progress during the Apprenticeship period and after Emancipation.

Multiple sources also agree that early Moravian missionaries were too closely allied with the plantocracy to have any real influence among the slaves. If we can speculate, another problem may have been a lack of theological structure owing to the migration that happened during the “sifting period”232 between 1743 and 1750 in Europe. During this period, “many Moravian hymns, prayers, and catechisms took the emphasis on Christ’s martyrdom to a highly emotional level, glorifying the blood and wounds of Christ in vivid…imagery.”233 Still another plausible reason may have been the short life expectancy for missionaries who visited the island.

Regardless of the reasons, it was clear that the early Moravian missionaries lacked any theological credibility.

According to Lord Olivier, author of Jamaica the Blessed Island (1936), the early missionaries “relied on no ritual. They declared no recondite doctrine. [And] Their creed was simple”:

232 See Jacob John Sessler, Communal among Early American Moravians, Volume 8 of Studies in Religion and Culture, (New York, NY: Henry Holt and Company, Inc., 1933), 156‐181.

233 Jon F. Sensbach, A Separate Canaan: The Making of an Afro­Moravian World in North Carolina, 1763­1840, (Oakland, CA: The University of Carolina Press, 1998), 43‐44.

109 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

‘There is a green hill far away, Without a city wall, Where the dear Lord was crucified Who died to save us all.

‘There was no other good enough To pay the price of sin; He only could unlock the gate Of heaven, and let us in.

‘O dearly, dearly has He loved, And we must love him too, And trust in his redeeming Blood, And try his works to do.’234

Edward Long also testified to this by stating:

The Moravians … publish no creed, nor confession of faith; use musical instruments in their worship; and preach in an enthusiastical strain. The style of their hymns had such a pruriency and wantonness in it, as can scarcely be reconciled with the chaste fervour of a truly pious mind. They are said to encourage marriage among their young people, but in a strange way; for they are obliged to cast lots, in order to preserve an equality among themselves.235

As for their doctrine, Long continues:

Whether their doctrines are strictly consistent with good morality, or not, we are not particularly informed. Kalm mentions, that at Philadelphia, where they have a large meeting‐house, they used to perform service, not only twice or three times every Sunday, but likewise every night after it grew dark, till they were interrupted by some wicked young fellows, who accompanied every line and stanza of their hymns with the symphony of an instrument which sounded like the note of a cuckoo. And, upon repeated serenadings of this kind, they discontinued their nocturnal conventions.236

234 Olivier, Jamaica: The Blessed Island, 95.

235 Long, The History of Jamaica, 299.

236 Long, The History of Jamaica, 299.

110 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

While these testimonies accurately describe the early state of the Moravian Mission in Jamaica they do not necessarily indicate the Jamaican mission now. Nor does it constitute all the Moravians were about. For example, we know that the missionaries “were not satisfied with mere formal confession of faith [for] they had no faith in what is called baptismal regeneration. [Instead], they required evidence of a true faith, a renewed heart, before they would admit a person to baptism, as the sign of remission of sins.”237 Furthermore, over mere knowledge, the missionaries relied on the “affections and dispositions of the heart, as a qualification for baptism.”238 To this end, they outlined:

The confession of our sinful state, faith in the forgiveness of sins through the bloodshedding and death of the Lord Jesus, love to him, and a willingness to obey his commandments,‐‐this is the knowledge and state of mind and heart, which, we believe, qualifies a heathen for baptism.239

Accordingly, the value of theological understanding was placed on devotion to and practical application of biblical instruction that the slave had learned. It is believed that congregations sang hymns, prayed the Church Litany in a charge and response format, and often read from the Old and New Testaments.240 Christian doctrine would also come from the scriptures both for the purpose of edification and for encouragement. Communion was celebrated and natives exhorted and participated

237 Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica, 28.

238 Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica, 31.

239 Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica, 31

240 Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica, 159. Buchner also outlines the weekly duties of the missionaries and their spouses between pages 160‐162.

111 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT in missionary prayer meetings.

Since the establishment of their mission, the Moravian church has transitioned to leadership composed solely of local clergy. The first notable evangelist was George

Lewis, a native of Guinea, who had gone to Virginia in North America and later returned to the island “with the full intention of imparting knowledge of Christ to his fellow slaves.”241 Through Lewis’s efforts, natives “forsook idol worship, and sought for Christian instruction” and many came to believe in the Christian faith.

Lewis however forwent joining a Brethren church and decided instead to practice liturgy that incorporated native religious traditions. In 1961, Selvin Uriah Hastings

(1916‐1991) was consecrated as the first native bishop of the Moravian Church. He is notable among Moravians as a leader of the Jamaican mission. Hastings was the first Jamaican to be elected to head of the Moravian Church Unity Board242 and the first Chairman of the Board of Governors of the UTCWI where he lectured in

Homiletics, Church History and Church Administration.243 Among other accomplishments, Hastings has served as the President of the Jamaica Council of

Churches (JCC)—between 1960‐1963 and again in 1971—the Chairman of the

Church Union Commission, forerunner of the discussion of union between

Moravians, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Methodists and Disciples of Christ, and in 1967 as Jamaica’s Bishop of Moravian Unity on the Provincial Elders’

241 Buchner, The Moravians in Jamaica, 47‐ 49

242 Jermaine O. Brown, “Moravian Church Honours Three Pioneers”, Jamaica Information Service (JIS) press release, 24 Dec. 2004.

243 Onward: The Magazine of Moravian Missions, XXIV, no. 2, (Winston‐Salem, NC: Moravian Mission Society, South, Inc., 2 Feb. 2005), 2.

112 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

Conference (PEC), the Executive board of the Moravian church.244 Other notable leaders include Walter Malton O’Meally and Mary Morris Knibb.

Today, Moravians operate under the Jamaica Province of the Moravian Church

(formerly the Moravian Church in Jamaican and the Cayman Islands). Through their efforts, Moravians have helped to establish numerous educational institutions and contributed to various community development projects. Their ongoing commitment to the development of Jamaica is today being demonstrated through their establishment of and involvement in various educational institutions that provide academic and vocational training, through agro‐sustainable projects, medical initiatives, and ministries that aid the young and aged demographics.245

Methodists

The ongoing Methodist mission in Jamaica was as a direct result of the efforts of

Thomas Coke who first visited the island in 1789.246 The first missionary however was William Hammett who arrived six months after Coke did.247 However, Coke and

Hammett later left for America and the mission was soon without a pastor. The Rev.

William Fish later arrived in the island (1792) followed by “Rev. Messrs. Alexander,

244 See Brown, “Moravian Church Honours Three Pioneers”.

245 Such missions include but are not limited to: Disaster relief efforts, health care programmes, social witness, evangelism, and close to eighty schools providing education from the early childhood to the secondary level as well as community colleges. These are primarily located in Kingston and St. Catherine. View online at: http://jamaicamethodist.org/methodist_schools.htm

246 George Fillanders Findlay, and William West Holdsworth, The History of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, Vol. 2, (London: Epworth Press, 1921), 48, 297.

247 See Henry Blaine Foster, Rise and Progress of Wesleyan in Jamaica, (London: Wesleyan Conference Office, 1881).

113 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Campbell, Fowler, Braduack, Wiggans, Johnston, Shipman, and a host of other brave and zealous ministers of Christ.”248 They, along with later missionaries, labored in

Kingston, Martha Brae, and later in St. Thomas, Port Royal and Spanish Town among other places. Their mission was violently opposed by white colonists but more favorably received among the slaves, perhaps because some notable blacks such as

William Harris were affiliated with them. A brief description of their denomination practice will suffice to highlight their theological position.

Methodists in Jamaica have always had clear doctrinal principles to which they adhere, and as set out by the Methodist Church in the Caribbean and the Americas

(MCCA) – Jamaica District.249 Methodists in Jamaica believed in the Church as

Catholic (Universal) and Apostolic in the sense that the community of believers has been founded on the testimony of the Apostles. In the scope of their mission,

Methodists subscribe to a variety of sources, which helps to inform their diverse religious structure. For example, the Revised Common Lectionary (1992) and the

Common Worship: Collects and Post Communions (Church House Publishing 2004) help to determine the annual liturgical calendar. Church hymnody is based on the

Methodist Hymn Book (1933 edition) but worship incorporates many songs born within the Jamaican context, especially in “youth services”. Methodist thought and polity replicate those that are expounded in John Wesley’s “Notes on the New

248 William Moister, Memorials of missionary labour in Western African, the West Indies, and at the Cape of Good Hope: With historical, and descriptive observations…, ( London: Paternoster Row, 1866), 233‐35.

249 More information on Methodists doctrine in Jamaica can be acquired from the Jamaican District of The Methodist Church in the Caribbean and the Americas website, Available online from: http://jamaicamethodist.org/methodist_doctrine.htm

114 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

Testament” as depicted in the first four volumes (1746, 1748, 1750, and 1760) of

The Standard Sermons of John Wesley and in The Articles of Religion of the Methodist

Church. It is believed that Methodist preachers in Jamaica have a “solemn duty to preach these doctrines and nothing contrary to them.”250 Further, like the

American evangelical tradition, they often employ The Book of Discipline of the

United Methodist Church in their polity. To summarize, Jamaican Methodists mainly hold that the doctrines of repentance and faith are the “porch” and the “door” of religion respectively, while holiness, the last of the three principal doctrines, is

“religion itself.”

The United Church

The United Church in Jamaica and the Cayman Islands (UCJCI) is the conglomeration of three antecedent churches.251 The consolidation of their missionary endeavors came in two parts. The first phase took place in 1965 when the Presbyterian Church of Jamaica and Grand Cayman and the Congregational Union of Jamaica merged to form the United Church of Jamaica and Grand Cayman. The second occurred in

1992 when the Disciples of Christ in Jamaica joined the former establishment.252

The first of these antecedent denominations in Jamaica was the Presbyterian Church of Jamaica. was first introduced to Jamaica in the 1800s with the

250 Taken from The Methodist Church in The Caribbean and the Americas – Jamaica District website.

251 For more information see the UCJCI website at: www.ucjci.netfirms.com/, (The United Church in Jamaica and the Cayman Islands, 2003).

252 See the discussion by Norbert Stephens, “The Experience of the United Church in Jamaica and the Cayman Islands”, The Ecumenical Review, 62, no. 1, (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2010), 49‐ 56.

115 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT arrival of three missionaries, W. Clark, E. Reid and James Bethune (Church of

Scotland), from the Scottish Missionary Society. However, it was not until 1824 that the work began reaching slaves on the plantations. Early missionaries of this decade included George Blyth (1824), James Watson, and John Chamberlain who both came to the island in 1827.253 Notably, events in Scotland that resulted in the

1847 union of the Secession Church of 1733 and the Relief Church of 1761 together with the Free Church of 1843 later in 1929—which led to the establishment of the

United Presbyterian Church—had significant repercussions in Jamaica.

Missionaries who were from the United Secession Church and the Scottish

Missionary Society soon joined forces to form the Jamaica Missionary Presbytery.

By 1849, at the first Jamaica , held in Falmouth, statistics indicated that the

UPC had 17 ordained missionaries, over 4000 members and thirty‐five day schools.

Congregationalism in Jamaica began in 1834 with the arrival of six missionaries from the London Missionary Society (LMS). Soon, financial and personnel shortages forced the missionaries to seek funding from the Congregational Union of England and Wales and the International Congregational Council. Later, because of irreparable financial difficulties, the Colonial Missionary Society took over the respective responsibilities of the in Jamaica. In time, increased growth led to the withdrawal from the LMS and the formation of the

Congregational Union of Jamaica in 1877.

253 See Lewis Davidson, First Things First: A Study of the Presbyterian Church in Jamaica, (Edinburg: Blackwood and Sons, 1945); History of the Presbyterian Church in Jamaica and Cayman, 1824­1965, compiled by Carmen Joyce Thomas, (Mona, JA: Main Library, University of the West Indies, 1999); and George McNeil, The West Indies, (Edinburg: Foreign Mission Committee, United Free Church of Scotland, 1911).

116 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

The Jamaican mission of the Disciples of Christ (USA) began in 1839254 with the arrival of Julius Beardslee and four others missionaries from the United States.

After returning for a brief period to the United States, Beardslee again entered

Jamaica in 1858 under the auspices of the American Christian Missionary Society.

Between the 1870s and 1950s the “movement” enjoyed much success that led to the formation of Oberlin College and several other high schools across the island.

Furthermore, because of cooperation with Baptist and Methodist missionaries, some thirty congregations were established during this time, either as new churches or as restored chapels. The church later gained their autonomy during the 1950s. It had already become a legal entity in Jamaica in 1940. Since that time the church has been involved in many of the co‐operative ventures in the island such as the UTCWI, the Jamaican Church Union Commission, the JCC, the CCC and the Jamaica

Ecumenical Mutual Mission (JEMM).

Like other ecclesiastical denominations on the island, the UCJCI has made great contributions to education and as a practical witness of the church in the social issues of society. Notable secondary and tertiary institutions in Jamaica include

Knox College, Knox Community College, Oberlin High, Clarendon College,

Meadowbrook High, Camperdown High, and St. Andrews High School for Girls (in collaboration with the Methodists). Today, the Reformed Tradition allows for the freedom of worship experiences within various church settings. Services are typically structured in a traditional sense but are open to an evangelistic,

254 Disciples of Christ were the result of the Union between the Kentucky group of “Christians” formed in 1803 by Barton Stone, and the Pennsylvania group of Irish Presbyterians called the “Disciples of Christ”, which was formed in 1832 under Alexander Campbell.

117 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT charismatic flair. Similarly, churches tend to be flexible in their administration of believer’s baptism. While certain churches only baptize adults, others believe in baptizing children followed by a later “confirmation” into the fellowship of the church. Although the United Church holds to the same principles as the Baptist and

Methodist faiths, the primary emphasis of their theology is on the importance of humanity and relationships.255 As sources of their theological tradition, the UCJCI uses the Principles and Rules handbook, the Rejoice and Sing hymnbook and the

1927‐revised edition of the Church Hymnary.

The Great Revival and the Rise of Afro­Christian Theology

Between 1860‐1861, at the height of missionary consolidation, a replica of the

Second Great Awakening in the United States swept across the island.256 So overwhelming was the response of the former slaves, that the churches lacked the resources to accommodate the new influx of believers of all ages. Although his theological position labeled the singing, crying, dancing and spirit possession that defined the revival as being extravagant and fanatically blasphemous,

Congregationalist minister, William James Gardner gives us a useful description of the events at that time. He describes it as follows:

Like a mountain stream, clear and transparent as it springs from the rock, but which becomes foul and repulsive as impurities are mingled with it in its onward course, so with this most extraordinary

255 See the discussion on the UCJCI on the World Council of Churches website, Available online from: www.oikoumene.org/

256 Gardner notes that the essential features of the movement in Jamaica were similar to movements in America, Scotland, and Ireland, (466).

118 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

movement. In many of the central districts of the island the hearts of the thoughtful and good men were gladdened by what they witnessed in the changed lives and characters of people for whom they long seemed to have laboured in vain; but in too many districts there was much of wild extravagance and almost blasphemous fanaticism. This was especially the case where the Native Baptists had any considerable influence. Among these, the manifestations occasioned by the influence of the Myalmen … were very common. To the present time what are called revival meetings are common among these people.257

Despite his dissatisfaction with what he believed was an outgrowth of Kumina,

Gardner saw many positives with the revival. Gardner further noted:

Apart from these accessories, the movement effected an immense amount of good. The extravagances attracted public attention; the quiet, purifying influences were less observable. Many thousands of marriages were celebrated…evil habits were abandoned. The rum shops were forsaken by multitudes, and thousands were added to the different congregations, of whom many became communicants, and have remained faithful.258

Even Phillippo, the moral disciplinarian, was delighted at the new impetus that had taken over the religious climate of the country:

It will be seen that, in the course of a few months, upwards of a hundred careless, thoughtless, and, in some instances, abandoned sinners in connection with our church and congregation have been brought to the feet of Jesus, clothed and in their right mind; these, however, we trust, are but the first‐fruits of the revival here.259

257 Gardner, The History of Jamaica, 475.

258 Gardner, The History of Jamaica, 465‐66.

259 Edward B. Underhill, Life of James Mursell Phillippo, Missionary in Jamaica, (London: Yates & Alexander; E. Marlborough & Co., 1881), 309.

119 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Describing a particular scene, Phillippo noted:

The building was filled from top to bottom, and soon as the service commenced the greatest excitement prevailed. In one direction were poor unlettered Africans pouring out their supplications in some such language as this, and in the words of one of them with the utmost earnestness, his voice heard above the tumult; ‘O Lord, have mercy on me poor soul. O Lord, me heart black like me kin (skin); wash him in dy precous blood. O dear, precious massa Jesus, take kale (scales) off me dark eye. Dow sa come and dead to save poor sinner from death and hell. Lord, save me—me a sinner—me a drunkard, me de tief, me de Sabbat‐broker. Forgive me for mercy‐ sake. O Jesus, save me by dy precious blood.’ … Another cries out in another direction in great apparent distress, ‘What must I do to be saved? Lord have mercy upon me! Jesus, dow Savior of sinners, I look to de. Oh! Save me, else me perish.’…A third rises up under great anguish, uttering unearthly moans and piercing cries, which, once heard, can never be forgotten: ‘What, what must I do to be saved?’260

An eyewitness account by E. G. Henderson, a child at the time, described the effects of the revival in Brown’s town as follows:

Men and women of reckless lives were actually stricken down while working in their homes or fields in the week days; and would run to their minister, as soon as they could, overwhelmed with grief, ejaculating the one word, “Sin! Sin” repeatedly, as the prelude to some confessions of disgraceful conduct.261

The “Great Revival” had serious implications on the state of religion in Jamaica. In

Phillippo’s observation, new theological constructs were being formed because

“Heaven, hell, Christ, salvation were now no longer uninteresting, unmeaning words

260 Cited in Underhill, Life of James Mursell Phillippo, 309‐10.

261 George E. Henderson, Goodness and Mercy; a tale of a hundred years, (Kingston, JA: Gleaner Co. Ltd., 1931), 104.

120 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica and notions, but living, substantial realities, which rang in the ear and burned in the hearts of people.”262 Furthermore, Phillippo recapitulated:

On the part of the churches, it has been a revival of Scriptural knowledge, vital piety, and practical obedience, as unusual warmth of detachment to each other, and to all who love our Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity…[whose] efforts were distinguished by familiar conversation, more general visiting from house to house, more direct and earnest labour in Bible and inquirer’s classes, a deeper interest in the operation of Sabbath‐schools, addresses at prayer‐meetings, the distribution of religious tracts, a sympathetic regard for the wants of the necessitous, the tempted, and the stricken; by family devotion and discipline, and, individually, by exemplary conduct and character. These agencies, in addition to direct and more frequent ministerial efforts, were followed…by vastly increased congregations, by demands on the part of the converts for private Christian instruction, and by the multitude generally…for multiplied prayer‐meetings and the regular worship of God—services that were conducted in streets and lanes, class‐houses and public thoroughfares in general. Nor must it be forgotten, in the enumeration of these results, that an anxious, earnest desire was everywhere expressed for the possession of religious books and tracts, but especially to read, understand, and possess the Book of God.263

Philip D. Curtin (1922‐2009), a key founder of African Studies in the United States, also indicated in his Harvard dissertation, Two Jamaicas (1955), that the religious climate of the island had changed. Curtin saw in the great revival the construct of a divide between the missionary churches of Jamaica and what remains today of Afro‐

Christian sects. He further argued that the rigidity of the two worlds, of necessity, had to adapt to some mutuality of interests, especially in light of the fact the

“European world saw ’s souls as the fodder for their religious ideologies

262 Cited in Underhill, Life and Times of James Mursell Phillippo, 310.

263 Cited in Underhill, Life and Times of James Mursell Phillippo, 311‐12.

121 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT and the slaves’ bodies as the source of labour that would maintain the two worlds.”264 In essence however, as Leonard Barrett put it:

The Great Revival allowed the African religious dynamic—long repressed—to assert itself in a Christian guise and capture what might have been a missionary . Since then, Christianity has been a handmaiden to a revitalized African movement known as “Revival religion.”265

Revivalism in Jamaica

Revivalism is an authentic Afro‐Christian religious tradition that evolved during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.266 Initially, the Native Baptist

Christians joined forces with the Moravians and other non‐conformist churches to become the forerunners of the movement. However, after the Great Revival there was a greater retention of African religious practices within the movement.

Revivalism is divided into two groups, Zion and Pocomania. Pocomania is more

African in form while Zion is more Christian‐oriented. These two groups have very clear differences, particularly with their functionaries and the role that they play. In

Pocomania for example, the leader is always a man known as the “Shepherd” while in Zion, the leader can be either a man or a woman. The Man is referred to as

“Captain” while the woman is called the “Mother/Madda”. There is also a difference

264 Glenda Simms, “Cynical duality of the Jamaican Society”, The Jamaica Gleaner, (Kingston, JA: Gleaner Co. Ltd., June 21, 2009). See Philip D. Curtin. Two Jamaicas: The Role of Ideas in a Tropical Colony 1830­1865, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1955).

265 Barrett, The Rastafarians, 22; “Understanding the Rastafarians,” 227.

266 Information on “African‐Caribbean History” is available from the African Caribbean Institute of Jamaica, Available online from: http://www.anngel.com/history‐01.htm. [Accessed on March 20, 2010.]

122 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica in their music and the form of spiritual possession.

In revivalism those possessed with the spirits are generally linked with a personal spirit. In most cases, if not all, the spirit selects the individual and becomes personally attached as a personal guardian and adviser to the possessed. The revivalist spiritual world is categorized into three realms: Heavenly spirits, Earth‐ bound spirits, and Ground spirits. The Heavenly spirits consist of the triune: God, archangels, saints and angels. The Earth‐bound spirits are the “Fallen Angels”

(demonic powers). The Ground spirits are those of the human dead that are not biblically mentioned. Revival deals mainly with Heavenly spirits and with Apostles and of the Earth‐bound group.

Some Revival churches and practically all healing centers and balm yards are decorated with high poles with flags, which are used to attract passing spirits.

Sometimes, the pole is planted in the “Seal” or mission ground. The seal is the center for most of their important ritual activity and is deemed sacred. It is said that all the spirits of the dead that work with the revival ‘bands’ actually live at these spots.

A revival yard has numerous features. An altar is sometimes erected which is covered with a white cloth on which flowers, fruits, bibles, hymnals and candles are placed, arranged in a step format. Around the “mission,” holy pictures or signs with biblical inscriptions are usually hung. Most revival yards also contain a water pool or a large earthenware jug with water. It is said that this is the source of the water used in the rituals. In Pocomania, the water is deemed “home” of all functionaries who perform with water, for example the River Maid and Diver. On journeys,

123 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT whenever the group encounters a river, the River Maid would dance in a manner simulating the motions of a swimmer to take the “bands” across the river. The Diver would also imitate a dance, performing movements resembling diving.

Other than the normal church service and balm yard activities, major ritual forms characterize revivalism. These can be classified into two groups: Street meetings and Prayer meetings or rituals for specific purposes (such as feasting tables or duties etc.). Prayer meetings are held for different purposes and usually take the form of Bible reading, singing and exhortation. Street meetings are primarily evangelistic but are also a source of increased church membership. Rituals for specific purposes are “table” or “duties” held for various purposes such as thanks‐ giving for a particular event, prosperity, deliverance, memorial, death and judgment, mourning, consecration pole‐planting, ordination, dedication, and baptism. In

Pocomania the feasting table is usually held on Sunday nights. The table is spread with fruits, drinks, bread, candles and vegetable. After Bible reading and greetings of visitors, the table is “broken” at midnight, the food distributed among those present.

On the other hand in Zion their feasting table is never held on Sundays. Both groups combine Bible reading, preaching, singing and movement in these rituals, invoking the spirits to enter the ceremony.

An essential part of Pocomania meetings is the tramping and the cymbals. This occurs after the singing and Bible reading section. The members move around the circle, counter clock‐wise, each using forward stepping motions with a forward bend of the body. The songs that are used in revivals usually vary in tempo for

124 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica example hymns and choruses. Revivals also incorporate lively songs that are of a local derivation, classified as ‘warning’ songs or `non‐sense songs`. Singing usually takes place to the beat of the drums. These drums are the Kettle‐drums or bass drums which are beaten with two sticks. Tambourines might also be shaken to the rhythm along with other instruments. Some revival songs are: Madda de great stone got to move; Daniel saw de stone, rolling into Babylon; My young companion fare thee well; Rock oh! Rock holy, rock oh! Rock holy; No stone in the de valley, no stone; For me eye nuh blin, an mi ears no deaf.

Revival Churches can be found all over Jamaica, particularly in the deep rural areas and in the inner‐city sections of the corporate area. On specific dates, towards the end of each quarter within the year, revivalists may be seen journeying to Watt

Town, St. Ann. This is one of the most popular revival meeting places. At Watt Town, all aspects of the religion are usually on display: there is the church service, which entails bible reading, singing of hymns and choruses, tramping and the cymbals, dancing, spiritual possessions, healing and sometimes warning.

Conflicts between African and Missionary Theology

Baptists in Jamaica also had various legitimate obstacles to overcome after emancipation. Despite their well‐intended efforts, the missionaries failed to realize that they were trying to force acculturation in an arena where the Natives had great conservatism. Consequently, in the years to come, missionaries encountered many frustrations, particularly in the area of religion. On one hand, the missionaries were trying to promote European concepts of Christianity while the natives were trying

125 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT to preserve their African religious traditions, sometimes by infusing them with the

Christianity they had come to know. Furthermore, the accelerated growth of the missionary churches after emancipation led to an increase in the number of nominal converts and this posed serious doctrinal and institutional problems for the missionaries.

Overtime, Baptists and other missionaries came to experience a different form of opposition. They were now competing with Afrocentric‐Christian religion, which sought to reinterpret Christianity to suit their particular disposition. The following excerpt highlights the significance of this problem:

There is evidence that the growth of the ‘cults’ paralleled the growth of the missionary churches, and [that] this movement was not confined to the Negro Settlement in the hills. In 1846 the Native Baptist congregations in the sugar parish of Vere were stronger than all the European churches together. Even in Kingston, Native Baptists in 1860 made up half the churchgoing population.267

Baptist missionaries responded by banning various practices of Afro‐Jamaican religious life. As the chief proponents of religious and moral instruction among the freed natives Baptists and other missionaries attacked practices of concubinage, drumming and dancing, festivals, and Sabbath‐breaking even to the point of excommunicating believers who practiced them. Ongoing tensions led to efforts in the promotion of native ministers. However, this practice often failed as native ministers often left the ‘traditional’ Baptist faith to begin their own congregations.268

267 Curtin, Two Jamaicas, 168; Underhill, The West Indies, 191.

126 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica

This led to further problems for missionaries in Jamaica as a new form of theology was on the rise.

Another problem for missionaries came with the revival of various African traditions. Even though they were illegal practices, Myalism and Obeah were a constant recurrence throughout the early 1840s and into the late 1850s.269 Later, some Native Baptist groups came to realize a theology of liberation and as such, they incorporated various Myalistic elements into a theology of Christianity they presumed lacking. These elements included “preaching, Christian hymns, Christian phraseology and “prophesying” in the name of the Christian God” among others.270

Ultimately, what resulted was syncretism between Myal and Christian practices and

Myalism soon took root into what was previously mainstream Christianity.271 In the wake of the surges and subsequent ‘failures’ of the Great Revival of 1860‐1861, missionaries became disconcerted in the years to come as it became increasingly evident that they were fighting a losing battle.272

268 Underhill, Life and Times of James Mursell Phillippo, 191‐92.

269 See W. J. Gardner, A History of Jamaica: From its Discovery by Christopher Columbus to the Year 1872, (London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., 1971), 461; Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central Africa, 188‐92.

270 Curtin, Two Jamaicas, 170.

271 This syncretistic phenomenon was characteristic of the interaction between native religions and the religious enthusiasm of the white population. See James Melvin Washington, Frustrated Fellowship: The Black Baptist Quest for Social Power, (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2004), 7. 272 Warrand Carliel, Thirty­eight years’ mission life in Jamaica: a brief sketch of the Rev. Warrand Carlile, missionary at Brownville, (London: J. Nisbet, 1884), 115‐17. See also Royal Gazette, (February 16‐23, 1828), 26; St. Jago Gazette, No. 3, (January 31, 1829), 4.

127 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

By the 1860s it was clear that Jamaicans were reconstructing the various theological foundations of the collaborative missionary efforts in the island. From the missionaries’ point of view, the revival of 1860‐1861 did more ‘harm’ to the missionary endeavor than they had previously hoped. Furthermore, with the consequences of the Morant Bay Rebellion, the colonial government realized that pluralism was now a fact. This later resulted in the disestablishment of the Church of England in Jamaica. Throughout the twentieth century, other missionaries have established Christian denominations almost identical to the “Holiness” and

“Pentecostal” traditions in Jamaica. These two traditions, together with various other indigenous groups who were influenced by their theology, have “added to the complexity of the religious scene down to the present day.”273 What resulted was a pluralistic amalgamation of Methodist, Anglican, Baptists, Myal and other African beliefs into a uniquely complex “Jamaican church”. Some highlights of Jamaican religious thought will aid in this understanding.

Features of Jamaican Religious Thought

Jamaican theology may rightly be categorized as being a form of liberation theology or a theology of “hope”.274 According to Dayfoot, “the biblical theology of the Exodus and the divine demand for justice, as well as the natural desire for freedom among the exploited people, play a part in the story of both earlier and post‐emancipation

273 Arthur C. Dayfoot, “Themes from West Indian Church History in Colonial and Post‐colonial Times”, Nation Dance: Religion, identity, and cultural difference in the Caribbean, ed. Patrick Taylor, (Bloominton, IN: Indiana University Press, 2001), 82. Dayfoot’s comments are partly based on the Conference on the History of Religion in the New World during Colonial Times, 1958.

274 See Neville Callam, “Hope: A Caribbean Perspective”, The Ecumenical Review, 50, no. 2, (Published online: March 26, 1009), 137‐142.

128 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica aspirations, which has a kinship with the American movement of the black churches.”275 Consequently, Jamaicans practice Christianity in hopes of a final liberation from the ills of this life. For them, the relevancy pertains to the poor state of the economy, to bad government, often to poverty and subsistent living, not to mention the day‐to‐day struggles they face. In this way, Scripture and teaching is made more relevant when it is directly linked with the context in which individuals practice their beliefs. Almost everything that happens in religious settings is geared to address the culture in which Jamaicans live. Similarly, theology is becoming even more relevant because of its intense connection with the sufferings and struggles of the people. Implicitly, in seeking to understand how theology has emerged and how it continues to relate to the people who distinguish themselves as Baptists, it is necessary to understand the Jamaican culture, its customs, and its intricacies. These areas of relevancy may include but are not limited to concerns of decolonization, integration, education and development.276

Religious Freedom and Separation of Church and State

According to Dayfoot, “the growth in religious tolerance and the idea of separation of church and state were by‐products of the slow and halting transition from state‐ church to pluralism.”277 As we well know, plantation owners often employed men,

275 Dayfoot, “Themes from West Indian Church History…”, 79

276 Luvis‐Núñnez, “Caribbean Theology”, the Global Dictionary of Theology: A Resource for the Worldwide Church, ed. William A Dyrness, Veli‐Matti Kärkkäinen, and Juan Francisco Martinez, (Wheaton, IL: InterVarsity Christian Fellowship, 2008), 134.

277 Dayfoot, “Themes from West Indian Church History…”, 82.

129 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT regardless of their religion, to guard against any possible slave uprisings. Of course, religious freedom and tolerance for African spiritualism was not an option and the

Christian religion was often used to help quell whatever religions the slaves had brought with them from West Africa. Furthermore, there were often vile persecutions o those who went against the best wishes of the state such as the

Quakers who refused to serve in the militia or others who attempted to preach equality to the slaves. Non‐conformist missionaries were also persecuted because they were convincing slaves that when it came to worship, Sabbath‐observance, reading scripture, and other matters of morality, their primary obligation was to

God. Often, missionary teaching was averse to the prevailing social mores that white masters were trying to uphold. In time however, this would change.

Today, the diversity with which various individuals, congregations, and denomination practice their beliefs is a clear indication that religious freedom is prevalent in Jamaican society. Notwithstanding there are numerous other religious affiliations in the island. For example, during 1676, one of the earliest Jewish synagogues in the “New World” was built in Jamaica. Also, the Seventh‐Day

Adventists (1965) and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter‐day‐Saints (1980s) were later additions to the religious landscape. Further, it is not strange to see itinerant street preachers or individuals preaching on the public transport buses or hear and see religious programs on the radio or television. Nearly all schools have devotions, which may either be during morning convocations, classrooms or even sport‐team meetings. Nearly all high schools have an Inter‐School Christian Fellowship (ISCF) in operation on their campuses. Baptists and other Protestant denominations often

130 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica hold open‐air tent meetings where the message of the gospel is spread abroad in the community over loud speakers—this usually happens in a community where a particular church is intending to start working.

Separation of church and state has not been as complete in Jamaica as in many other parts of the world. At the outset, churches had undertaken the education of the masses out of a moral obligation.278 However, by the end of the nineteenth century,

“the conviction that the State should undertake more responsibility for the education of the young was strengthened by the reality that traditional sources of missionary funds from overseas were no longer as abundant.”279 With further developments throughout the century, it became incumbent on churches to partner with the state in offering education to the masses. While churches operate free of government intervention, there are many links to the state through church‐owned but state‐subsidized educational institutions. “Continuing cooperation with government in education is due also to the religious ethos of the people, among whom “Western” secularism is not widely adopted.”280

Ecumenical Cooperation

Evangelical missions in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries had a common goal of reaching the population with the message of the gospel. Furthermore, religious

278 See NLJ, MS 209a, Bishop’s Letter Book, Nuttall to E. N. Walkers (colonial Secretary), April 25, 1883, 81.

279 Patrick Bryan, The Jamaican People 1880­1902: Race, Class and Social Control, (Kingston, JA: The University of the West Indies Press, 2000), 117.

280 Dayfoot, “Themes from West Indian Church History…”, 83.

131 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT bodies often carried on friendly relationships and often supplied each other’s pulpits. Early in the nineteenth century, the British and Foreign Bible Society distributed New Testaments to slaves and ex‐slaves in different denominations.

Their representative in Jamaica, “Bible Thompson,” inspired the formation of the first Ministerial Association. Similar unofficial meetings of clergy from time to time have been significant in the life of the church and in the life of the communities. In addition, pastors in Jamaica often unite to hold ‘interdenominational evangelistic ’ and at other times to speak out on moral and social issues of the culture and to sometimes address community issues. The Jamaica Christian Council is an example of a religious organization with official standing rather than a single denominational affiliation.

Ecumenical cooperation is probably nowhere more evident than in the area of ministerial education. Churches began to see the need for organized cooperation from as early as the 1900s, and perhaps even as early as 1910.281 Later, Baptists and various other denominations shared classes at Calabar and Canewood in

Jamaica. After the 1950s when the Caribbean Council for Joint Christian Action

(CCJCA) was formed, a Sunday school curriculum was produced which came to be used throughout various denominations. In 1960 the Jamaica Theological Seminary was formed by the Missionary Church Association as a response to Jamaica and the

Caribbean for contextually sensitive “evangelical” education. In 1966, further cooperation between churches in Jamaica and the Caribbean led to the

281 See Livingstone Thompson, “Ecumenism in the Caribbean”, The Ecumenical Review, 53, No. 3, (Published Online: 26 March 2009), 421‐427.

132 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica establishment of the UTCWI at Mona in Kingston. Soon other denominational bodies became affiliated with the theological department at UWI. The training that such institutions offer continues to be methodically interdenominational, affiliated chiefly by their Caribbean identity. A few years after, in 1973, churches in the

Caribbean followed suit with the worldwide Ecumenical Movement and cooperated in establishing the Caribbean Conference of Churches (CCC). This council differed in that it was the first such church council to include the Roman Catholic Church as a charter member.282 Together, these organizations have worked in consultation over the years to promote many different reforms and to the benefit of the communities, countries and regions that they serve. This type of cooperation has benefitted the

Jamaican and Caribbean churches by limiting the theological differences that exists between denominations.

Toward Self­Sustenance and self­Governance.

Jamaica has a long history of dependence on the European and North American churches for leadership and direction. As we have pointed out before, their history is one that was defined by colonialism and clergy who were not natives of their country. In very rare cases, native preachers travelled to England for training and ordination. In the Anglican non‐evangelical churches, it was not until after independence that Jamaica slowly began to recognize bishops who were non‐white

282 Dayfoot, “Themes from West Indian Church History…”, 83.

133 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT or who were born in the West Indies.283 Also, the only clergy after the first black missionaries were expatriates, mainly from Britain.

The move towards self‐governance and self‐sustenance began with the training of natives for the work of ministry. From the onset, Baptists sought to train natives and often promoted them as deacons and aids in the ministry. Soon after, educational institutions were established to promote teacher training and preachers who could supply both schools and churches across the ever‐expanding mission field. By 1842, Baptists in Jamaica declared their self‐sustenance when they formed the JBU. Although theological teachers were still trained abroad, Baptists sought to promote leadership for the society from the native population.284 In other instances, the native population was forcibly relegated to tending to the work of the ministry because missionaries often returned to their homeland because of illness or frustration.

When natives began the move towards self‐governance and self‐sustenance, their work was impeded by societal problems of poverty, financial difficulties and a lack of proper education. It was not until the founding of the UWI in 1948 that Jamaicans began receiving quality theological education that would later become the touchstone for regions within the Caribbean and further parts of the world. In 1955 when Baptists in Jamaica began to cooperate with other denominations, notably

283 Robert J. Stewart, Religion and Society in Post­Emancipation Jamaica, (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1992), 94‐109.

284 Horace O. Russell, Foundations and Anticipations: The Jamaica Baptist Story, 1783­1892, (Columbus, GA: Brentwood Christian Press, 1993).

134 Foundations of Afro­Christian Thought in Jamaica among the Congregational, Disciples, Methodist, Moravian, and Presbyterian

Churches,285 conditions began to improve. One such result was the United Church of

Jamaica and Grand Cayman in 1965. Later, in 1992, when the Disciples of Christ in

Jamaica from America entered the union, it became the United Church of Jamaica and the Cayman Islands. Churches in this union had to overcome a number of ecclesiastical differences as well as overseas connections. However, says Dayfoot,

“this is one of the notable church unions of the twentieth century.”286

Summary

Jamaican Baptist theology was birthed in, “colonialism, racism, militarism, exploitation, genocide, imperialism, deculturization and neocolonialism.”287

Therefore, any study of the historical development of theology in Jamaica must take into consideration that Jamaican religious thought was shaped within the conflictual climate of British tyrannical rule. Consequently, throughout its development, the religious has been subjected to a colonialist‐induced mindset.

Instead of a contextualized theology attuned to the needs and culture of the native population, the British missionaries brought a model and concept of Christianity that was at times quite foreign to the African slaves. Subsequently, the structural, cultural and religious differences between British and Afro‐Jamaican societies often made the presentation of the gospel more arduous than originally intended. This

285 Jamaica Church Union Commission, The Proposed Basis of Union, (Kingston, JA: JCUC, 1957).

286 Dayfoot, “Themes from West Indian Church History…”, 85.

287 A. Luvis‐Núñnez, “Caribbean Theology”, 133.

135 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT resulted in increased friction between acculturation and enculturation, which, in effect, worked against social transformation and spiritual growth. However, the effects of variegated religious culture on the island’s society have left certain traces that are indelible in the faith and practices of non‐believers, believers and members of other cultic traditions. What has evolved is neither African nor European (and

American), but a unique blend that values various elements of each. Neither tradition can be disregarded in the construct of a Jamaican Christian thought.

Instead, what remains must testify to the fundamental belief of the Jamaican society:

That OUT OF MANY, [we remain] ONE PEOPLE!

136

“We are people who are not accustomed to being afflicted with problems…It’s a part of our life to practice resilience—to fight back.” ‐‐ Azariah McKenzie, former JBU president “If we are dominated by our fears of what tomorrow will bring, we are diverted from being in God’s will today. The only answer to the fears of tomorrow is faith in God today.” ‐‐ B. K. Taylor, former president of the JBU

CHAPTER 4: A GENETIC HISTORY OF JAMAICAN BAPTIST THOUGHT

Undoubtedly, Baptists made the earliest and most significant contributions to the development of Jamaican religious thought. With the Great Revival came the desire for “the possession of religious books and tracts,” but more particularly the “Book of

God.”288 Stephen Jennings, president of the JBU and a lecturer at the UTCWI, inferred that these materials were the Common Book of Prayer and the King James

(1611, Authorized) version of the Bible.289 As a side note, even today, many ministers in Jamaica only subscribe to this translation. One source suggests that

Baptists were also making uses of the traditional liturgy of the Anglican Church.290

288 Underhill, James Mursell Phillippo, 312

289 Stephen Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story”, Reading Other­Wise: Socially Engaged Biblical Scholars Reading with Their Local Communities, ed. Gerald O. West, in the Society of Biblical Literature Semeia Studies, no. 62, (Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2007), 50.

290 Russell, “Understandings and Interpretation of Scripture…”, 97.

137 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Knibb however gives the clearest indication of what early religious methodology resembled. In a letter dated May 3, 1823, Knibb wrote:

Our church is conducted somewhat on the Methodist plan. It is divided into classes, under their respective leaders. These classes meet several times a week, in different parts of the city, for reading, prayer, etc. Before a member is received into the church, he must attend class as a follower, till such time as he shall be thought a fit subject for baptism. Sometimes they attend class for more than a year, or ever two, before they are admitted and many are not admitted at all. When a follower is proposed as a candidate for baptism, the leader must express his approbation of the measure, and make inquiries into his character in the circle in which he moves; a meeting is then appointed to hear his experience, at which the pastor and leaders preside. If the account given be satisfactory, he is admitted; if not, rejected.291

While this information is valuable, it does not suffice in helping to broaden our understanding of the sources of Baptist thought in Jamaica. Jamaican‐born Horrace

Russell, Professor of Theology at The Eastern Baptist Theological Seminary,

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, suggests that in order to truly understand how the first

Baptist Christians interacted with the Bible during the 1700s and 1800s, we must understand the American background of George Liele and the English background of

William Knibb.292 This is particularly so because the cultural climate of these individuals was paramount in informing how they dealt with the issue of slavery as they sought to be missionaries in Jamaica.

291 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 189.

292 Horace O Russell, “Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture in Eighteenth‐ and Nineteenth‐Century Jamaica: The Baptists as Case Study”, from Religion, Culture, and Tradition in the Caribbean, eds. Hemchand Gossai and Nathaniel Samuel Murell, (New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press, 2000), 95.

138 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Missionary Theologians

George Liele and the rise of Native Baptists

A key figure in the development of Jamaican Baptist thought is George Liele, often called the “Negro of deliverance.” As we have described in the previous chapter, Liele came to Jamaica as a product of the Great Awakening revivals that no doubt had significantly affected the religious climate in Virginia where he lived.

Besides William Byrd, Andrew Bryan, and Methodist preachers

Absalom Jones and Richard Allen (founder of the ‘Free African Society’ in

Philadelphia in 1787, organized as the African Methodist Episcopal Church in 1794),

Liele was one of the first African American preachers and pioneers of independent churches in North America. Consequently, Liele’s religious thought was based on a premise that spiritual bondage was greater than physical bondage, and that freedom from one may lead to freedom from the other.293 As indicated previously, Liele was also one of the first slaves to be affected by the missionary zeal of the revivals of the later eighteenth century.

From a Biblical perspective, Liele clearly believed in liberation theology.294 In a sermon on Romans 10:1, he compared the state of the slaves with Israel’s bondage in Egypt arguing that they needed to be set free. He also referred to God as the God of the African cosmos who would turn oppression and suffering into victory. By the

293 Washington, Frustrated Fellowship, 8.

294 See Cornell West, Prophesy Deliverance! An Afro­American Revolutionary Christianity, (Philadelphia, PN: Westminster Press, 1982) as well as Gayraud S. Wilmore and James H. Cone, eds., Black Theology: A Documentary History, 1966­1979, (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1979).

139 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

1790s, Liele had introduced the class‐leader system in which black ministers washed the feet of their disciples. Whether Liele experienced spiritual formation after the “New Light” or Congregationalist Baptist churches which were led by

Shubal Stearns and Daniel Marshall in Virginia since 1755,295 or by George Moore of the Particular Baptist tradition, or was influenced by elements in both traditions, we are not quite sure. However, the most likely situation is that Liele followed the tradition of Particular Baptists of the Philadelphia Association.

Through the efforts of George Liele and Moses Baker, whom Liele had baptized in

1787,296 black missionaries helped to create a bond between Black Baptists and

British Baptists, of whom William Knibb would become the most outspoken proponent of the abolitionist movement. Liele is also responsible for the birth of the

Native Baptist movement, which facilitated a symbiosis of African indigenous and

Christian traditions, which, with the Great Revival of 1860‐1861, led to a vast proliferation of various African‐Caribbean religions. Liele’s doctrinal stance also served as motivation for various political struggles that were no doubt inspired by various Baptist prayer meetings and scriptural exegesis. Among these are the

Montego Bay ‘Christmas’ Rebellion with Sam Sharpe in 1831, the campaign for social reform and social justice after emancipation (1838), and the Morant Bay

Rebellion led by William Gordon and Paul Bogle in 1865.

295 Washington, Frustrated Fellowship, 5‐6.

296 Jean Besson, “Religion as Resistance in Jamaican Peasant Life: The Baptist Church, Revival Worldview and Rastafari Movement”, Rastafari and other African­Caribbean Worldviews, ed. Barry Chevannes, (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998), 47‐62.

140 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Black missionary endeavors gave rise to the Native Baptists in Jamaica. By the time

Thomas Burchell arrived in 1824, many Afro‐Jamaicans had left the orthodox

Baptist tradition that John Rowe and Lee Compére had established earlier. The

African slaves favored the Native Baptist tradition because it affirmed their historical and cultural norms and allowed them freedom to practice various Afro‐

Creole religious beliefs. Such traditions focused on the equality of the individuals and sought to free themselves from European dominance and oppression. Together,

Liele and Barker laid such a strong foundation for Baptists, that the growth of the mission soon exceeded their ability to do it effectively.297 It was then that the BMS came into the picture when they began to send missionaries to the island.

William Knibb

Much has already been said about Knibb’s actions as a Baptist Missionary. However, we note here that Knibb was the most prodigious person in the development of

Jamaican Baptist thought. Russell in, “Understandings and Interpretation of

Scripture”, suggests that by the time Knibb arrived in Jamaica, he already possessed a “strong sense of God’s purpose and [was committed to] a disciplined study of the scriptures.” Further, his training in the Lancastrian method meant that Knibb was

297 The rising enthusiasm for evangelization of the British colonies at the close of the eighteenth century into the beginning of the nineteenth century is clearly seen in the establishment of various missionary‐minded societies: The Baptist Missionary Society (1792); the London Missionary Society (1795); the Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East (1799); the Religious Tract Society (1799); the Bible Society (1804); along with those already established, namely the Church Societies for Promoting Christian Knowledge (S.P.C.K.), and the Propagation Society (S. P. G.). See Alfred Caldecott, The Church in the West Indies, (London: Frank Cass and Company Limited, 1970), 78 in the West Indian Studies series, no. 14, first published in 1898.

141 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT accustomed to a “free interpretation of Scripture.”298 What we do know about

Knibb’s theology can be inferred from Knibb’s correspondences, made available to us by John Hinton. Russell suggests that Knibb may have tended towards

Particularism (Calvinism), after his pastor, John Ryland.299

It is clear from Knibb’s correspondences that he had a high view of scripture. Like

Liele, Knibb often used “proof texts” as reference for his writings, a feature quite common among the missionaries of that era. Knibb’s use of scripture demonstrated a strong “social and political consciousness”300 and his staunch anti‐slavery stand at times placed him at odds with the BMS. Knibb for example, was advised by John

Dyer, at that time the BMS Secretary, that;

You must ever bear in mind, that, as a resident of Jamaica, you have nothing whatever to do with its civil or political affairs; and with these you must never interfere…the gospel of Christ, you well know, so far form producing or countenancing a spirit of rebellion or insubordination, has a directly opposite tendency. Most of the servants addressed by Paul in his epistles were slaves, and he exhorts them to be obedient to their own masters, in singleness of heart, fearing God; and this not to the good and gentle, but also to the forward.302

298 Russell, Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture, 102‐03; Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 51.

299 Russell, Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture, 103.

300 Russell, Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture, 103.

302 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 151. The texts used in support of this point were Eph. 6:5 and Col. 3:22.

142 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

At first Knibb heeded Dyer’s instructions. However, when the Colonial Church

Union threatened to expel the missionaries, retaliation was inevitable. To this end, in a meeting held in Liverpool later in 1832, Knibb responded:

The contest which is now going on is a contest between Christianity and slavery. The Friends and advocates of slavery have thrown down the gauntlet. They have crossed the path of the friends of the slave, and said ‘Thus far shall you go, but no farther.’ I have taken an active part on behalf of the slaves; but I now defy, as in Jamaica I have before defied, all and every man connected with the colony—I challenge them generally and individually, as I have done before—to cite any one instance in which I have interfered in the political concerns of the slaves. I engage in their cause as that of humanity and religion—a cause which humanity and religion will I hope soon set right.303

And, in response to Dyer, Knibb argued there was a need to go further into the book of Colossians where the text suggested: ‘Masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal, knowing also that you have a Master in heaven.’304

Knibb’s understanding of complete freedom caused him to be a fervent advocate not only for the abolition of slavery, but also for the overall well being of the natives of

Jamaica. As per Knibb’s own account:

I pledge myself, by all that is solemn and sacred, never to rest satisfied until I see my black brethren in the enjoyment of the same civil and religious liberties which I myself enjoy, and see them take a proper stand in society as men.305

303 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 156‐57.

304 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 171.

305 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 293.

143 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

And again:

I pledge myself that I will not rest till you are placed upon the same footing as I am. I will not be satisfied till your wives are placed upon the same footing as my wife. If I were a black man, I should not be ashamed of the colour of my skin. There is no disgrace in being black. I did not make myself white. God made me as I am, and he made you as you are.306

Knibb did not believe in partial freedom for the slave but a complete freedom that the slave could experience both religiously and personally.307 As such, Knibb, along with Philllippo and Burchell, created the Free Villages that were designed to help the peasantry establish their own communities. By the 1830s Knibb’s efforts extended to the education of the slaves and through his efforts the Baptist Education

Society was formed (1837). Further efforts led to the establishment of various religious and academic institutions, which in later years would help to make Knibb’s dream for local clergy and native missionaries to Africa a conceivable reality.

Highlighting Notable Jamaican “Hermeneutists”

Beside Liele and Knibb, we would not do justice to this study without giving credit to some notable Jamaican hermeneutists. For the Afro‐Jamaicans, the Bible was as significant to the socio‐political context as it had been in the humanitarian movement and ideology of the missionaries.308 Thus, for social activists such as

Samuel Sharpe (1801‐1832), Paul Bogle (1820‐1865), Alexander Bedward (1859‐

306 Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 320‐21.

307 See Knibb’s earlier defence of preaching the doctrine of religious liberty to the slaves in Hinton, Memoirs of William Knibb, 176‐78.

308 Russell, “Understandings and Interpretations”, 112.

144 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

1930) and (1887‐1940), the Scriptures were a reference point for how they should redefine their society and their resolute belief in this concept often had dire consequences.

Samuel Sharpe’s Rebellion (1831­1832)

Samuel Sharpe (1801‐1832) was a Baptist deacon in the Burchell Baptist church in

Montego Bay, who played a significant role in the “Great Jamaican Slave Revolt” of

1831.309 Sharpe was also a pastor to and leader of underground congregations of

“Native Baptist Churches”. These groups took part in the non‐violent “sit‐down strike” against slavery. The strike however, led to the execution of Sharpe along with over 500 of those who followed him. Because of the violent suppression,

Sharpe’s revolt is recognized as having one of the most, if not the most powerful influence on the eventual abolition of slavery, both in Jamaica and throughout the rest of the British Empire. Today, Sharpe is honored as one of Jamaica’s national heroes.

Sharpe’s actions were clearly motivated by his beliefs, in particular, his reading of the Scriptures. According to Jennings, Sharpe’s hermeneutics informed and was informed by praxis vis‐à‐vis slavery, colonialism and imperialism that were both

309 Recently, between 13‐16 April 2010, at the University of Oxford, Regent's Park College, England, there was a Conference entitled "Sam Sharpe and the Quest for Liberation: Context, Theology and Legacy for Today" featuring speakers from the Oxford Centre for Christianity and Culture, the Baptist Union of Great Britain, the Jamaica Baptist Union, and BMS World Mission. The stated purpose of the conference was to explore Sharpe’s story with regards to its context as a way of informing the theology of the Caribbean region and also among UK Baptists. More information is available at the Sussex Centre for the Individual and Society (SCIS) website, accessed, February 2010 at http://www.political‐theology.com/2010/02/conf‐sam‐sharpe‐and‐quest‐for.html

145 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT assertive and subversive.”310 As such, Shape’s interpretation of texts such as Gal.

3:28 “There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female; for ye are all one in Christ”; Gal. 5:1 “Stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ has made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage”; Mat. 6:24 “No man can serve two masters: for either he will hate the one, and love the other; or else he will hold to the one, and despise the other. Ye cannot serve God and mammon”; and 1 Cor. 7:23 “Ye are bought with a price: be ye not servants of men” informed much of his actions.311 In fact, Sharpe is recorded as having said:

"In reading my Bible, I found that the white man had no more right to make a slave of me than I have to make a slave of the white man".312

Therefore, as per Jennings, two of Sharpe’s favorite texts were John 8:32, “And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free” and John 8:36, “If the son therefore shall make you free, you shall be free indeed.”313

In his Christological view of Jesus as the Truth and the Word, Sharpe believed that one could not profess to be a true follower of Jesus Christ if he participated in the act of slavery, whether as a slave‐owner or a slave. Sharpe believed this Word that was

310 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story”, 53. This piece of information, as well as the rest that follows, is primarily from Jennings’s work.

311 Scriptures were taken from Jennings’s article, “A Jamaican Love Story”, Reading Other­wise, 53.

312 See Robert Marus, “Jamaican slave revolt has lessons for all, scholar says”, in the Associated Baptist Press, (July 30, 2009).

146 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Christ had become flesh and therefore was active and ought to be so in the life of the believer. Therefore, in Sharpe’s mind, the only rationale for any such working relationship was one that involved wages.

Sharpe’s theology clearly influenced others during the colonial period from 1834‐

1962. Jennings believes it was the period of some of the richest readings of

Scripture by “ordinary” readers, two of which are Alexander Bedward and Marcus

Garvey highlighted below. Of these individuals Jennings says: “both are significant because they both led widespread movements to subvert colonialism from explicit platforms of political biblical hermeneutics as “ordinary” readers of the Bible.

[Furthermore], Both established a basis for subsequent movements of Garveyism and Rastafari, themselves significant anti‐colonialism movements.”314 In his own right, Sharpe has contributed much to the understanding of “‘liberation from below’: that is, true liberation comes when those who are oppressed or marginalized participate in making their own freedom and justice, rather than simply having it granted to them by those who have power and authority.”315

Bogle’s Movement (1860­1866)

Paul Bogle (1820‐1865) led a very practical movement to ‘encourage’ planters to distribute land more equitably to the peasantry. It was expected that the allocation would be concomitant with the “subversion of the race‐based, shade‐mediated,

314 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story”, 54.

315 Repeated from the Sussex Centre for the Individual and Society (SCIS) website, Available online from: at http://www.political‐theology.com/2010/02/conf‐sam‐sharpe‐and‐quest‐for.html. [Accessed on February 10, 2010].

147 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT classicism that was present in much of colonial Jamaica.”316 An immediate flashpoint however was that the congregation‐based movement of the missionaries had failed to gain justice in the courts.317 According to Jennings, “the presiding judge in that case, Baron von Kettleholt, was also the highest holder of political office, chief property holder, and the most prominent lay churchman in that parish of Jamaica.”318 The footnote below recommends further reading and gives a brief overview of the events leading up to and after the 1865 Rebellion.

Our immediate interests are the Scriptures that underlay Bogle’s movement.

According to Jennings, from the Psalms, Bogle interpreted the Scriptures to equate the “landed gentry and emerging merchant class” as the “oppressors” and the peasantry, which included Bogle and his followers, as “the poor and the needy” of the passages, “who were crying to God for help, and whose invocation would soon be answered with justice, judgment, and vengeance.”319 As such, texts such as

316 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story,” 54.

317 See Bernard Semmel, The Governor Eyre Controversy, (London: Macgibbon & Kee Ltd., 1962). To give a brief history: In 1865, deplorable conditions in Jamaica, led Dr. Edward Underhill, Secretary of the BMS in Great Britain, wrote to the Colonial Office and outlined the problems in Jamaica. The new colonial Governor, Edward John Eyre, opposed these concerns (partly out of his lack of interest in the black population) and sought to contradict them. This led to the “Underhill Meetings” which sprang up out of protest to Eyre’s claim that the island was well off. In 1865, George William Gordon, a mulatto politician who had established a number of independent Baptist churches, encouraged citizens to cooperate in making their frustrations known. Later, their petition to the Queen was met with disregard, and slaves were encouraged to find a solution to their own problem. Having lost faith in the local courts, Paul Bogle, a deacon appointed by Gordon in St. Thomas, began organizing a rebellion with the help of James McLaren. After various meetings, Bogle and his followers marched into Morant Bay, presumably to observe the trial of one of his followers. He was later accused for inciting riots among other things. Upon failed arrest attempts, Governor Eyre declared martial law. The result was the Morant Bay Rebellion of 1865 during which more than 430 men and women were shot and hung with 600 others flogged and over 1000 homes destroyed. Eyre later succeeded in convincing the Assembly to make Jamaica a Crown Colony.

318 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story,” 54.

148 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

“Psalms 3:1, 5, 11; 11:2, 6, 7; 121:2, 4, 6, 8; 139:8; 143:3, 12 were all read contemporaneously, a feature of all “ordinary” reading of the Bible in Jamaican experience, then, before, and since.”320 Sharpe further insinuated that if missionaries were truly concerned about natives carrying out the work of the Lord, they would aid in the struggle for freedom “as they did in the cases of Kitty Hylton,

Henry Williams and Samuel Swiney.”321

Sharpe’s doctrinal stance focused on (a) the natural equality of man, (b) man’s desire for freedom, and (c) the authority of scripture, specifically as it relates to the freedom and worth of the individual. While some historians suggest that the culminating events of the Rebellion were an indication of either poor planning or accidental and confusing, the consensus seems to be that Sharpe’s leadership reflects “a more positive appraisal of Afro‐Jamaican’s capacities for leadership, nationalism, political and social engineering.”322 Moreover, it attests to the literal interpretation that Jamaicans apply to the Scriptures.

Bedwardism (1890s­1920s)

Alexander Bedward (1859‐1930) was a laborer at a sugar cane estate in Kingston.

After emigrating to work on the Panama Canal for some time, he returned to Jamaica

319 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story,” 54.

320 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story,” 54.

321 Winston Arthur Lawson, Religion and Race: African and European Roots in Conflict—A Jamaican Testament, in the Research in Religion and Family: Black Perspectives, v. 4, (New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 1996), 167.

322 Lawson, Religion and Race, 167.

149 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT and attended the Jamaica Native Baptist Church, in August Town, just outside of

Kingston, where its leader, popularly known as “Shakespeare”, had prophesied the rise of a great leader from that denomination.323 Due to his cries for Blacks to rise above White oppression he was arrested and sent to a mental asylum. After his release Bedward began ministering in 1891 and became well known for his healing ministry. “Miracle cures were attributed to his ministrations beside ‘the healing stream’—a small river near to the church, described as ‘pure God water’ by a witness at the time [and] thousands came from across Jamaican to be baptized in the river; the water was taken home in bottles.”324

Besides organizing a church, the Bedward movement comprised a network of loosely attached Revival groups. Regardless, notable author, Barry Chevannes suggests that three main features were prevalent in the movement. The first was that baptism was viewed as the primary indicator of salvation. Consequently, because the age of the person or his/her ability to clearly articulate his/her faith was of little importance, both children and adults were baptized.325 . Rather the spiritually cleansing power of the water “by virtue of their African and Christian background” was of most importance. A second was the efficacy of fasting from all forms of food or drink as preparation for spiritual battle (representative of Jesus

323 Mordecai and Mordecai, Culture and Customs of Jamaica, 46.

324 Mordecai and Mordecai, Culture and Customs of Jamaica, 46

325 Barry Chevannes, Rastafari: Roots and Ideology, (New York, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1994), 80; See also Herskovits, The Myth of the Negro Past, 232‐35.

150 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought fasting before beginning his ministry). Third, and most salient, was healing.326 Of all the beliefs this was the most unacceptable to European culture and civilization.327

The Daily Gleaner however, compared the movement to other practices in Europe and categorized it as a development of the wider Jamaican culture and people continued to flock to the stream.328

Bedward’s thought focused on many themes formulated on a strong New Testament consciousness. It held a Trinitarian view that ‘The Trinity indivisibly yet each in His own function is manifested in Man’s Redemption and Salvation. God gave his Son, the Son took upon himself our frail humanity, and died our souls to save’.329

Bedward also held an imminent Christological view of a black Jesus.330 Furthermore,

Bedward saw the coming of the Holy Ghost at Pentecost as something that was to be realized in his day and thought it necessary for the work of ministry.

Yet after all His wonderful teachings, the disciples must wait till He sent the Holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father Himself When the holy Ghost came, then only was there perfect preparedness for our grand work in favor of Man’s Salvation.331

326 Chevannes, Rastafari, 80‐81. See also the account of “Sister Dixon” who was a little girl and eyewitness to a particular case when a little boy died in the earthquake of 1907, page 81‐82.

327 See Enos Nutall, “The Negro Race”, in Church and Empire: A Series of Essays on the Responsibilities of Empire, ed. John Ellison, (London: Longmans, 1907), 87; See also The Jamaican Historical Review, 12‐17, (Kingston, JA: The Jamaican Historical Society, 10 June, 1980).

328 Bryan, The Jamaican People, 43‐44; See also “Faith Healing”, The Daily Gleaner, (Kingston, JA, October, 3 1904).

329 Quoted in Bryan, The Jamaican People, 42.

330 Mordecai and Mordecai, Culture and Customs of Jamaica, 46.

331 Quoted in Bryan, The Jamaican People, 42.

151 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

In addition to these beliefs, Bedward’s association of White rule with misery also led him to be a strong proponent against poverty. For Bedward, the White elites were

“hypocrites, robbers, thieves, liars:

‘The Pharisees and Sadducees are the white men; we are the true people … Brethren, hell will be your portion if you do not rise up, and crush the white man … The Government passes laws that oppress the black people, rob them of their bread … Let them remember the Morant War … The Constables and the Inspectors and Scoundrels.’332

Garveyism

Undeniably, Marcus Josiah Garvey (1887‐1940) is an important hermeneutist in the

Jamaican context. He has often been associated with Bedward with himself being

“the Black Moses” and Bedward being “”. Formed under his leadership in

1914, the United Negro Improvement Association, which promoted black self‐ reliance, soon became “the biggest and most transnational Pan‐African movement in modern history.”333

Garvey’s contribution to the Jamaican situation was primarily in the context of cultural nationalism. He believed that nationhood was the only means by which civilization could completely protect itself and thus he contended, “nationhood is the highest ideal of all peoples.”334 He often critiqued the general structure of

332 “Bedward Trial”, The Jamaican Advocate, (Kingston, JA: February 2, 1985), quoted in Bryan, The Jamaican People, 45.

333 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story”, 56.

334 Amy Jacques‐Garvey, ed., Philosophies and Opinions of Marcus Garvey: or Africa for the Africans, (London: Frank Cass & Co., Ltd., 1967), 5, first published in 1923.

152 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Jamaican society and that of Western society as well. Although he was not theologically trained, many clergy and trained theologians were a part of his movement. Beginning in 1937, Garvey grounded much of his teaching in Christian anthropology, suggesting that since every man had a soul and was created in the image of God, he was never meant to be a slave but was meant to “captain his own ship” and be “a master of his own destiny.”

Garvey was convinced that people had a God‐given purpose. To this end he encouraged his colleagues to “think of me in the hope of assuming your responsibility to be the man that God Almighty created you to be, and not the cringing, crawling creature that most of you have become without realizing our place in the world.”335 Thus, Garvey’s theology focused mainly on the liberation of man but not necessarily from a physical bondage but more so from the limitations that man’s mental and spiritual outlook had placed on him. Clearly he believed in the Trinity but he also believed in the ability that God had given him to make of his own destiny what he would. To this end, Garvey stated:

I believe in God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, but I also believe in my mind as a part of the God the Father, Son and Holy Ghost. I shall not accuse God the Father Son and Holy Ghost for being unfair and unjust to me when I have been negligent from my own account and my own mind. You are mentally responsible to yourself and to God as the active servant of your intelligence and when you fail to appreciate the value of life and life’s expression which are natural gifts the blame of your non‐enjoyment is all yours and no Heaven will open to reward you for your own sin—your sin exemplifies the laziness of your own mind.336

335 Amy Jacques‐Garvey and E. U. Essien‐Udom, eds., More Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey 3, (Bournemouth, England: Bourne Press, 1977), 13‐14

153 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

As such, Garvey believed the place to begin was with “self”. The challenge to

Jamaicans was not to see themselves as slaves who depended on the elite for their sophistication but to “discover” themselves the power and capability to achieve whatever they desired for their future. The following is a segment of a speech in

Halifax in October of 1937:

My subject therefore is THE MAKING OF SELF. At my age I have learnt no better lesson than that which I am going to impart to you to make a man what he ought to be—a success in life. Many of the failures—the human failures, our failures are due to the person himself. Many of those failures could be otherwise but for the misfortune of the person of the individual not knowing himself … Every man around you, the Prime Minister [Mackenzie King], the great statesmen, the thief, all are men … Is David Lloyd George a man; is McKenzie King a man; … then ask yourself why these other men are different to you … Every man who has a soul and every man who has a mind is after and in the image of his creator God. And when any man in the image of God goes below the level he is not only reducing the God in him, he is humiliating the God in him.337

Even in the view of God, Garvey argued that various people see God, as is most befitting to a racial orientation. Therefore, while he disagreed with a God of color, he argued that:

336 Robert A. Hill, ed., The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, VII: November 1927‐August 1940, (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990), 799.

337 Robert A. Hill, ed., The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, 795‐97.

154 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

The God of Isaac and the God of Jacob let Him exist for the race that believes in the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob. We Negroes believe in the God of , the everlasting God—God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Ghost, the One God of all ages. That is the God in whom we believe but we shall worship Him through the spectacles of Ethiopia.338

Additionally, regarding man’s relation to God, Garvey also held that:

God is all power and man is made just a little lower than the angels who are made a little lower than God, and man is linked with God so man is part of God and there could be no God without man and man without God. Man, therefore, is an agent of God and God is universal intelligence, and man is a universal part of God and as the universal intelligence of God created a universe so he confers upon man a power out of which he created the Universe for his happiness and for joy.339

According to the Rev. Stephen Jennings, current President of the Jamaica Baptist

Union (JBU), Garveyism relied heavily on the Ps. 68:31 and Acts 17:26 texts to inform their theology. So “while Garveyism clearly espoused racial pride, even ethnocentricity, he did so in a quest for equality and solidarity with other ‘races,’ some of whom were denying the common humanity of all.”340

Much of Jamaican religious thought, and Caribbean theology in general, bear the marks of Garvey’s legacy in its political and theological position.341 Long before the

338 Jacques‐Garvey, ed., Philosophies and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, 34.

339 Robert A Hill, ed., The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, 797

340 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story”, 56‐57.

341 See the recent publication by the UTCWI: Marjorie Lewis, “The UNIA Catechism: A Resource for Training Caribbean Christian Educators”, The UWI Quality Education Forum, No. 15: Perspectives on Curriculum Reform at UWI, (Kingston, JA: The Office of the Board for Undergraduate Studies (OBUS), 2009), 103‐14.

155 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT practice of contextual theology, Garvey was urging his brethren to challenge the universal presumptions they had received from the Europeans and replace it with a perspective that was intentionally particularistic, and self‐consciously black. Later however, there was a departure from Bedward and Garvey’s Afrocentric rhetoric in favor of a more pluralistic theology.

The growing conviction among Jamaicans today is that, despite the inglorious history which they had endured for over four hundred years, Jamaica is home. As such, regardless of their origins, their history of suffering and strife had created a common bond into what had become a nationalistic Jamaican society. This anti‐ colonial theological orientation emerged throughout the 1970s and is still present today. Of it, Jamaican‐born theologian Horace Russell has inquired if this could not be “the suggestion that this mixture of peoples, characteristic of the region, is not an accident of history but an integral part of God’s design for the world?”342

342 Horace Russell, “The Challenge of Theological Reflection in the Caribbean Today”, the Conference on Creative Theological Reflection, & Hamid, Idris, Troubling of the Waters; a collection of papers and responses, ed. Idris Hamid, (San Fernando, Trinidad: Rahaman Printery Ltd., 1973), 25.

156 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Sources of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Covenants

According to Russell, Liele’s theology embodied a “strong antislavery antiestablishment but nevertheless ‘fundamentalist’ Biblical message.”343

Furthermore, Liele understood the Scriptures as the direct word of God and as such, felt they should be obeyed.344 While records about Liele’s readings of Scripture are limited, his dedication to Scriptural authority is clearly evidenced in the Covenant of the Anabaptist Church, Begun in America, Dec 1777, and in Jamaica, Dec 1783. In this covenant, Liele justified his position in each article with a number of scriptural references before citing Luke 12:47, 48 as evidence to censure all who would not follow its commands.345 The covenant outlined 21 Articles in all and dealt with the

Lord’s Supper, Foot Washing, the admission of young children, praying for an anointing the sick, laboring with one another, the appointing of judges and the prohibition against going to courts presided over by ‘the unjust’ and not ‘the saints.’346 Additionally, “further prohibitions were against swearing, sexual irregularities, and the shedding of blood, which meant not to take any life.”347 Other

343 Russell, “Understanding and Interpretations of Scripture,’ 95. See also, William Warren Sweet, Revivalism in America: Its Origin, Growth and Decline, (New York, NY: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1965), 155‐56.

344 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story,” 51.

345 Clement Gayle, George Liele: Pioneer Missionary to Jamaica, (Kingston, JA: Jamaica Baptist Union, 1982), 45.

346 Russell, “Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture,” 97.

347 Russell, “Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture,” 97.

157 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT articles outlined Liele’s beliefs on church polity and further stipulations that subjected church membership to the rule of owners.

After a re‐reading by Moses Baker, who was more inclined to rely on the role of the

Spirit in interpretation, the covenant was altered. Further, Baker’s religious nuances caused him to place what Jennings referred to as “a premium on direct, non‐human mediated experiences of the Divine, which enabled him to become a seer into the deeper mysteries of life.”348 Baker thus believed in speaking in tongues, and in spiritual possession that at times placed him in a “trance”, sometimes for an extended period. Baker’s edition of the covenant neglected “proof texts” and had significant alterations. For example, Baker neither made provision for accepting children nor emphasizing the ordinances. He also did not approve of slaves having to ask permission to become members, possibly, Russell believes, because Baker worked on a plantation at the invitation of the owner and not as an itinerant preacher like Liele.349

Hymnody

For the first Black missionaries, hymn singing was an integral part of the liturgy, often accompanying scriptural instruction and other elements such as the ordinances.350 We can infer from David George’s testimony that Baptists at that time may have subscribed to the hymns of Isaac Watts. As George puts it: 351

348 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story,” 51.

349 Russell, “Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture,” 100.

158 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Sometime afterwards, when Brother George Liele came again, and preached in a corn field, I had a great desire to pray with the people myself, but I was ashamed, and went to a swamp and poured out my heart before the Lord. I then came back to Brother George Liele and told him my case. He said, in the intervals of service you should engage in prayer with friends. At another time, when he was preaching, I felt the same desire, and after he had done, began in prayer ‐ It gave me great relief and I went home with a desire for nothing else but to talk to the brothers and sisters about the Lord. Brother Palmer formed us into a church, and gave us the Lord’s Supper at Silver Bluff. Then I began to exhort in the Church, and learned to sing hymns. I just learned out of a book with a hymn that great writing man, Watts, which begins with "Thus faith the wisdom of the Lord."352

A more concrete example is the arrest and charge of sedition that Moses Baker received in 1796 after trying to include the following hymn (by Watts)353 into his sermon:

We will be slaves no more, Since Christ has made us free, Has nailed our tyrants to the cross, And bought our liberty354

350 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 185.

351 The excerpt is by Tom Odell, “David George’s Life: An Account of Life of Mr. David George from S. L. A. given by himself”, Black Loyalists: Our History, Our People, Black Loyalists Digital Collections, ’s Digital Collections, Available online from: http://www.blackloyalist.com/canadiandigitalcollection/documents/diaries/george_a_life.htm, [Accessed on March 6, 2010.]

352 Hymn 93, The Psalm and Hymns of Isaac Watts, (Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library, 1806), I. 93. Based on Proverbs 8:34‐36. The entire hymnal is available online from: http://www.ccel.org/ccel/watts/psalmshymns.html

353 “Memoir of the Late Rev. John Smith, the persecuted missionary in Demerara, The Evangelical Magazine and Mission Chronicle, Vol. 2, (London: Francis Westley, August 1824), 338. The account indicates that the lines were perfectly innocent in England but often misinterpreted by the salves, which seemed to be the case in Baker’s circumstances.

354 Hymn 106 (S.M.) The Psalms, Hymns, and Spiritual Songs of the Rev. Isaac Watts, (Boston, Crocker & Brewster, 1834), 346; Watts, #670 in The Psalmist: A new collection of hymns for the use of

159 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

These evidences indicate that early Baptists subscribed to the hymns of Isaac Watts and John Rippon.355 Further evidence of Liele “reading hymns” and encouraging fellow slaves to sing356 indicates that hymnody was a part of Liele’s, and subsequently, Black Baptist theology. “Incidentally,” notes Russell. “It was the same hymnbook [Watts and Rippon] William Knibb used in Bristol, England.”

Consequentially, hymnody helped to form an important link between the first Black

Baptist missionaries and the missionaries of the BMS.357

By 1816, African slaves were already creating songs that suited their context. This can be seen in the song that celebrated slave abolitionist, William Wilberforce, by a

Jamaican king of the Ibos who exclaimed:

O me good friend, Mr. Wilberforce, make we free! God Almighty thank ye! God Almighty thank ye! God Almighty make we free!

Buckra in this country no make we free: What Negroe for to do? What Negroe for to do? Take force by force! Take force by force!358

Baptist churches with a supplement by Richard Fuller and J. B. Jeter. (Philadelphia, PN: American Baptist Publication Society, 1847), 351.

355 Russell further notes this in; “Understandings and Interpretation of Scripture,” 102. His reference is very helpful in this regard.

356 John Rippon, The Baptist Annual Register, (1790‐1793), 333.

357 Russell, “Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture,” 102.

358 On the importance of William Wilberforce in the emancipation of the slaves see James Walvin, “Freeing the Slaves: How Important Was Wilberforce,” from Out of Slavery: Abolition and After, ed. Jack E. S. Hayward, (London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., 1985), 30.

160 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Similar contextualization is well noted by the JBU in an excerpt entitled A Shepherd’s

Journey: Reverend L. P. Moncrieffe.359 Examining the work of the retired minister, the article notes that the Rev. Moncrieffe often played by “ear” before receiving any formal musical training. The Rev. Neville Callam was also instrumental in advising the Rev. Moncrieffe to add music to his poems. This culminated in the 1972 publication of a book of 30 songs. Thirty‐five years later, Moncrieffe authored Songs of Joy and Inspiration Book 1 and 2. Later, Moncrieffe studied at Southern Baptist

School of Music in Kentucky, USA, which further added to his musical expertise.

Other songs by Moncreiffe such as “A Child’s Prayer”, “God is Calling You”, “I Am a

Happy Child” and “Let Them Come unto Me,” have been published in CariSing, a songbook published in 2001 for Caribbean children.360 In highly contextualized language Moncreiffe has indicated, “My songs come by divine inspiration.” He also encouraged the JBU and the greater region of the Caribbean to “utilize more of our indigenous songs and hymns” in the liturgical worship of the church.

Other evidences indicate that Native and other Baptist churches primarily use the

Hymns Ancient and Modern collection that is used by the Church of England, along with the 1951 publication of the evangelical Redemption Hymnal and the Sacred

Songs and Solos of American evangelist Ira D. Sankey.361 Commonly used hymns362

359 The article outlining Rev. Lindsay P. Moncrieffe’s achievements is available online via the JBU’s website from: http://www.jbu.org.jm/jbu_news.php?news=61, [Accessed on March 20, 2010].

360 CariSing resources are intended for use in Sunday Schools across the Caribbean. They are a resource of Caribbean Christian Publications.

361 Helen H. Robert, “Spirituals or Revivals Hymns of the Jamaica Negro”, Ethnomusicology, 33, No. 3, (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, Autumn 1989), 409‐74.

161 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT include: O Lord Turn Not Thy face from Me and, I heard the Voice of Jesus say…. Also included are American evangelical hymns such as: What a friend we have in Jesus;

Are you washed in the blood of the Lamb and; There shall be showers of blessings.

Many songs such as Soon and very soon we are going to see the King; When We Get

Over Yonder; and It Will be Worth it After All, carry eschatological meanings.

Altogether, choruses tend to have a livelier beat than the more sedate hymns.

Tambourines, guitars, keyboards and other “shakers” and drums are often used throughout to enhance the experience.

Other circumstances such as the Great Revival and the syncretism of European and

African religions had led to the formation of musical genres tailored to the Jamaican context. Further, Jamaican ideology and consciousness has also helped to define the worship experiences363 because while many Jamaican artists “may have been anti‐ church…they were never anti‐God or anti‐religion.” Similar kinds of fusion have made it rather difficult to discern “sources” of Jamaican popular religious music because music in the Caribbean “has evolved in a considerably more disorderly manner and has always been more stylistically heterogeneous and complex” than

362 Terry E. Miller, “The Past Returns to the Present: Archaic British hymn‐singing practices survive in London’s West Indian churches,” from A Directory for the Public Worship of God Throughout the three Kingdoms of Scotland, England, and Ireland, (Edinburg: Evan Tyler, 1645), 64‐ 65.

363 The clearest example is the Jamaica Anglican church’s plan to modernize hymnals by adding legendary Reggae songs such as “One Love” by Bob Marley and “Psalm 27” by Peter Tosh—both devout Rastafarians—alongside the traditional worship music. The quote was made from Rev. Ernie Gordon, spokesperson for the Anglican Church of Jamaica, in August of 2007.

162 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought simply following a linear path of development.364 For example, in Jamaica the hymnody of Native Baptists has been mainly informed by Revival Zion, and

Pocomania traditions. Therefore it is often difficult to argue that competing claims about origins are invalid because each is valid to some degree.

With independence and the worsening economic condition, the fervor of hymnody changed. Now, Jamaicans sought to epitomize God as the provider and sustainer during times of hardship. As such, Reggae music became the vehicle for voicing the

Jamaican discontent.365 Songs advocating “’fighting’ against ‘Babylon’” further indicated the discontent with the post‐colonial condition, especially by Rastafarian

(for example Exodus) such as Bob Marley who gained greater popularity among Jamaicans. Even recently the Anglican Church has proposed adding songs of

Bob Marley and Peter Tosh to their worship hymnal. While not formally proposed, similar synergy has taken place in many Baptist congregations throughout the island where the worship is often composed of hymns and songs not found in any published hymnals. In recent years, the conversion of many dancehall artists such as Lady Saw, Lieutenant Stitchie, and Pappa San have led to the rise of “Gospel

Reggae” as a separate genre of religious music archetypal of the Jamaican musical tradition established by artist such as Marley, Peter Tosh and Bunny Wailer. Also, popular “dancehall” beats and dances have made their way into mainstream religion, especially among adolescents who relate easily to the flavor.

364 See Stephen D. Glazier, “Embedded Truths: Creativity and Context in Spiritual Baptist Music,” from Latin American Review/Revista de Música Latinoamericana, 18, No. 1, (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, Spring/Summer 1997), 44‐56.

365 Jennings, “A Jamaican Love Story,” 59.

163 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

This study does not allow us to go into extensive detail about the musicological make‐up of the Baptists in Jamaica. What we do know is that much of what is used throughout the island is a synergetic, contextualized style of worship that has within it traces of African revivalistic spirituality. As one pastor indicated, within the context of Jamaican churches, Baptists and others alike, there are prescribed liturgical elements but no church or denomination is bound by such structures.

Instead, there is a freedom to worship God as each church sees fit and, more often than not, such worship is ecstatic and often has a charismatic flavor.

Baptist Academic Theologians

Churches played an important role in the founding and establishment of educational institutions in Jamaica.366 Although Baptists were not the only ecclesiastical tradition to begin teaching the slaves, at times they appeared the most relevant and exerted the most effort. With the establishment of every chapel, Baptists sought to erect Day schools and Sunday schools to compliment the mission. For early

Baptists, the mission extended far beyond the spiritual and necessitated a ministry that promoted social mobility for Afro‐Jamaicans.

366 Note much has been mentioned about the Quakers in Jamaica but here it suffices to note that Quakers made significant educational contributions to Jamaica. The Society of Friends, the Quakers, who arrived in Hector’s River as missionaries in the late 19th century helped to establish Happy Grove High School in Hector’s River, Jamaica. Over the years, the Friends established Seaside Friends Meeting House (1885), later Seaside Friends Church and later, the co‐educational Happy Grove High School, formerly the Happy Grove Industrial (boarding) School for Girls. Among instruction in industrial trades such as gardening, sewing, crocheting, and academic instruction in English, Arithmetic, History and Geography, records indicated that the girls were taught to memorize Bible passages and commit to a strict timetable of prayer. See Louis Thomas Jones, The Quakers of Iowa, (Iowa, IA: The State Historical Society of Iowa, 1914); The Centennial School Magazine, HAPPY GROVE SCHOOL, 1898 ‐1998; Haverford College Libraries, Special Collections, Happy Grove School, (Jamaica, BWI); Shirley C. Gordon, A Century of West Indian Education, (London: Longmans Publishers, 1963).

164 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

The first school founded by Baptists in 1817 was Calabar Elementary School. It was located on the premises of the East Queen Street Baptist Church. In 1824, a metropolitan school was opened in Spanish Town, St. Catherine. The original intent was to provide education to freed slaves. However, the school soon outgrew that purpose. By 1843, the Calabar Theological College was founded with the purpose of training local clergy to supply an ever‐growing mission field both in Jamaica and in

Africa.367 Later in 1852, the Calabar Normal School was founded. Its aim was to train native day school teachers. Shortly after, in 1892, the JBMS began teaching

Sunday school teachers. By 1911, the JBU had established “97 elementary schools which represented 15 percent of the total of 663 elementary schools in the country.”368 A year later, the Baptists opened for boys and

Westwood High School for girls. By 1913, the JBU joined with the Presbyterian and

Methodist theological colleges to provide co‐operative theological education for the benefit of the entire island. Over a decade later, in 1961, Baptists established the

William Knibb Memorial High School in honor of the valuable contribution of the

British Baptist missionary. Within five years of this school, in 1966, the UTCWI was established on the Mona campus of the University of the West Indies (UWI). Since its establishment, it has supplied Jamaica, the Caribbean and other international religious and academic organization with clergy and academic theologians. Thus, from its humble beginnings, Calabar had since become the primary supply centre for pedagogic and social theologians.

367 See the “Theological Education Committee Report, Proposed Baptist Theological Institute,” in the General Baptist Repository, (1842), 15‐27.

368 Davis, History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 55.

165 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

From 1843 to 1966, British Missionaries undertook the training of Baptist and

Presbyterians in Jamaica. This was clearly in accordance with Knibb’s view that the

British education system was “exactly” suited to the Jamaican context.369 The long succession of British principals included Joshua Tinson, the college’s first president who served from 1843 to 1850370 and David East from 1863 to 1903, who relocated the college from Rio Bueno to East Queen Street. Other successive presidents included Arthur James from 1904‐1937371, Guros King from 1937‐39, A.S. Herbert in

1942, Ernest Askew in 1944, Thomas Powell from 1944 to 1948 and Keith Tucker from 1948 to 1954. Finally, in 1958 the college employed Horace Russell as a tutor in his alma mater. There he continued as a part of the faculty until 1966 at which time he served at the UTCWI as a lecturer (1966‐1976) and as its president (1972‐

1976).

The long historic tradition of Calabar Theological College has produced graduates that have influenced all aspects of society from the academic to those in arts and culture, from business and finance sector to the political, and in legal and athletic spheres. In the context of religion, Calabar has been essential in the supply of students in the religious arena. The information from Davis’s dissertation highlights this well. As per Davis, the primary emphasis for entry into Calabar College was a candidate’s “Call” and ability to preach; his conversion; and his character. In the early years Calabar Theological College produced pastors such as Ellis Fray

369 Clarke, The Voices of Jubilee, 192.

370 Inez Knibb Sibley, The Baptist of Jamaica. (Kingston, JA: The Jamaica Baptist Union, 1965), 18.

371 Sibley, The Baptists of Jamaica, 26.

166 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

(ordained in 1847), Edwin Palmer (1853)372; and William Webb (1858).373 By 1875 the College began training missionaries for overseas work in Haiti and Calabar, West

African and in the Congo (now Zaire). “Some of these graduates,” says Davis, “such as Charles Brown (1880) who came from Scotland, George House (1881) from

England; David Kitchen, P. F. Schobargh, J. H. Gayle, B. R. Tomlinson (1880), J. C.

Duhaney (1883), Joshua Rowe, and Isaac Tate (1884) who were Jamaican, gave faithful and outstanding service to the church and the society.”374

In 1912, the JBU established Calabar High School for boys on the same premises as the Theological College. By 1913, the school became a sort of preparatory institution for the college. The aim was to have learned students matriculate into the college stream.375 In the same year, co‐operative education began with the

Presbyterian and Methodist theological colleges and students at Calabar College began enrolling students into the program. Among notable graduates are Richmond

Nelson (1953) who became president of the JCC (1972‐1975) and later president of the World Convention (Christian – Churches of Christ – Disciples of Christ) in 1984, chairman of the Board of Governors for the UTCWI in 1966, Clarence Reid (1953)

372 Russell, Foundations and Anticipations, 96.

373 Russell, Foundations and Anticipations, 96.

374 Davis, History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 120.

375 Osborne and Johnson, Coastlands and Island, 121.

167 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT who served as chairman of the Board of Governors of the UTCWI and president of the JCC from 1977‐1979.376

In later years, Calabar College continued to prove to be a fertile ground for supplying students to further academic religious studies. Between 1938 and 1954,

Calabar College supplied 33 students to the co‐operative training program, 24 of whom were from Jamaica.377 Within the next twelve years (1954‐1966), the College had trained approximately 57 males to supply the Baptist Churches of the Caribbean and the Disciples of Christ in Jamaica. A number of the students who were later admitted to the UTCWI were Baptists. Among these were Ambrose Findlay (1956) who later returned as a lecturer and Dean of Studies, and Cawley Bolt (1966). Bolt went on to complete a master’s degree at McMaster University in Ontario,

Canada.378 Bolt later served as a lecturer and warden for Baptist students at the

UTCWI, and as a former member of the BWA Heritage and Identity Commission. In

February 2010, Bolt was elected President of the JBU. Also notable among UTCWI

(and Calabar High) graduates is Eron Henry who serves the BWA as the Associate

Director of Communications.379 Before serving in the capacity, Henry served as both the secretary and chairman of the JBU’s Media Commission. He also served as editor

376 Edmund Davis, Men of Vision: History and Development of Jamaican Council of Churches, (Kingston, JA: Montrose Printers Ltd., 1982), 23‐24, reprinted in Davis, History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 121.

377 Davis, History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 121.

378 Notably, Bolt was awarded the M.T.S. degree for a thesis on the and Nestorians, completed under Prof. W. H. Brackney.

379 Richard Morais, “Jamaican to head Baptist organization in the United States,” in Jamaica Gleaner News. (Kingston, JA: The Gleaner Company, Ltd., January 4, 2006).

168 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought for The David Jellyman Lectures (1999).380 His educational background involves a

BA (Theology) from UWI, Mona, and a Diploma in Ministerial Studies from the

UTCWI.381

Some graduates of Calabar High School are also notable in this analysis. The institution for boys has produced notable individuals such as the Rev. Hugh

Sherlock, author of Jamaica’s National Anthem; the Rev. Horace Russell, Jamaica’s leading church historian; the Rev. Stephen Jennings, former president of the JBU

(2008‐10) and current Chairman of the UTCWI Board of Governors; and Karl Henlin, former JUB president (2006‐08). Also the Revs. Al Millir, David Keane, Luther

Gibbs,382 Devon Dick, , Gervaise Clarke and Walter Foster, who heads up the JBU’s Youth Department. Numerous others have been beneficiaries of the rich theological climate of the UTCWI. These include but are not limited to

Neville Callam, president of the BWA (c. 2007), Dr. Howard Gregory, former president of the JBU; and the Rev. Karl Henlin, former JBU president (2006‐08) and vice president of the Caribbean Baptist Fellowship. Henin was also a former staff person for the Baptist World Alliance (BWA). Because of the scope of this work, it only suffices to highlight a few notable Jamaican theologians.

380 This text is a series of lectures given in honor of David Jellyman, former seminary lecturer and missionary in Jamaica.

381 “New Associate Director of Communications for BWA Announced,” reprinted from bwanet.org in The Jamaica Baptist Reporter. (Kingston, JA: Jamaica Baptist Union, January 2006), 14‐ 15.

382 Rev. Gibbs is known for his commitment to church planting throughout Jamaica. His efforts have earned him the title as the “Building Pastor”. For more on Rev. Gibbs visit the Boulevard Baptist Church website, Available online from: http://boulevardbaptist.org.jm/aboutus.html#1. [Accessed on March 20, 2010)

169 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

The Rev. Horace Russell, former principal of the United Theological College of the

West Indies (UTCWI) is the most highly published Jamaican Baptist.383 Among his many works are The Missionary Outreach of the West Indian Church: Jamaican

Baptist Missions to West Africa in the Nineteenth Century (2000); Foundations and

Anticipations: The Baptist Story in Jamaica 1783­1892 (1993); and The Baptist

Witness: A Concise Baptist History (1983). Russell was a graduate of Calabar and later of the UTCWI before receiving his D. Phil. from Oxford University under Ernest

Payne. Russell is notable as the first Jamaican and the first Black principal for the

UTCWI. He is noted as the “leading church historian” in Jamaica and credited for introducing West Indian Church History into the UTCWI curriculum. On a broader scope, Horace Russell has served as a member of the WCC and within the BWA as the Vice‐Moderator of the Faith and Order Commission. Presently, Russell serves as the Dean of Chapel and Professor of Historical Theology at The Eastern Baptist

Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Another prominent Jamaican Baptist is the Rev. Neville Callam.384 After serving as the Vice President for the BWA from 2000 to 2005, Callam was elected as the

General Secretary of the Baptist World Alliance on July 6, 2007.385 Callam received his theological training at the UTCWI, the UWI and later, Harvard Divinity School.

383 Devon Dick, “Horace Russell: A Great Jamaican,” from Jamaican Gleaner News, (Kingston, JA: Gleaner Publishing Co., 19 Feb. 2008). Rev. Devon Dick is pastor of Boulevard Baptist Church and author of Rebellion to Riot: The Church in Nation Building. (Kingston, JA: Ian Randle Publishers, 2002).

384 See Neville Callam’s biography, [Online]: http://www.jbu.org.jm/jbu_news.php?news=54

385 See John D. Pierce, ed., “A Conversation with BWA General Secretary, Neville Callam,” Baptists Today, 25, no. 11, (Macon, GA: Baptists Today, Nov. 2007), 4.

170 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Callam was ordained in 1977 and has since served on essentially every senior position in the Jamaica Baptist Convention. Specializing in Christian ethics and theology, Callam has served as a former lecturer at UTCWI, the Caribbean Graduate

School of Theology, Jamaica Theological Seminary, and as a visiting lecturer at

Barbados Baptist College. Callam has also served on the University Council of

Jamaica, the accrediting body for colleges and universities in Jamaica. In his diverse media pursuits Callam created and ran The Breath of Change (TBC FM) religious radio station, founded the National Religious Media Company of Jamaica, which operated the Christian radio and television stations of LOVE FM and LOVE TV respectively and was chairman of the Public Broadcasting Corporation of Jamaica.

Callam was also a former chairman of the Media Commission for the JBU.386 He has also served as the Chairman of the Board for the Public Broadcasting Corporation of

Jamaica. Within the JBU, Callam has served two terms as president (1985‐87 and

2000‐02) and as Vice President of the Caribbean Baptist Fellowship (CBF). A respected author and theologian, Callam has authored five books including Voicing

Concern: The Social Witness of the Jamaican Council of Churches (2004). Callam has also published several articles including his much‐cited historical analysis of Sam

Sharpe in the WCC Ecumenical Review journal387 and his review of Horace Russell’s

386 The commission is responsible for the dissemination of all JBU’s radio broadcasts, web information, newspaper, and other publications.

387 Devon Dick, “Neville Callam, Baptist Scholar,” from Jamaica Gleaner News. (Kingston, JA: Gleaner Company Ltd., March 20, 2007); See Neville Callam, “Hope: A Caribbean Perspective,” from The Ecumenical Review, Vol. 50. (1998).

171 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Missionary Outreach of the West Indian Church.388

The Rev. Devon Merrick Dick is also notable in this analysis.389 A graduate of

Calabar High and of the UTCWI and UWI, Dick went on to obtain his PhD from the

University of Warwick, UK. Dick served in the public sphere as a Mathematics teacher before pastoring churches at Fletcher’s Grove, Sandy Bay, and now at

Boulevard Baptist Church, St. Andrew, since 1990. Presently he serves as a

Chairman of Calabar’s school board and in the same capacity for the Mean‐Haven

Ministers Fraternal. As a current Vice‐President of the JBU, Dick also serves in various community institutions such as the Jamaica National Heritage Trust and the

Member Institute of the Jamaica Council and Social Development Commission. The

Rev. Dick has authored various works including Rebellion and Riot: The Church in

Nation Building (2002), his most recent work; The Cross and the Machete: Native

Baptists in Jamaica – Identity, Ministry and Legacy, as well as many contributions to

The Jamaica Gleaner.

In August 2010 the UTCWI accepted its first female president in the person of the

Rev. Dr. Marjorie Angela Lewis.390 Lewis has been a lecturer at the UTCWI since

2004. Her expertise is in the area of pastoral ministry, ecumenical relations, education, and community development. Lewis is a former graduate of the St.

388 Neville Callam, “Horace Russell, the Missionary Outreach of the West Indian Church: the Jamaican Baptist Mission to West African in the Nineteenth Century,” from The Ecumenical Review, 55. (2003). Callam’s recent article focused on “Baptists and Church Unity,” in The Ecumenical Review, 61, 2009.

389 See Boulevard Baptist Church website.

390 “More than 40 years after its founding…Theology college gets first female head,” from The Jamaica Gleaner, (Kingston, JA: The Gleaner Co. Ltd., Dec. 2, 2009).

172 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Andrews High School for Girls, the UTCWI, UWI, and the University of Birmingham,

U.K. She was ordained in 1980 by the Disciples of Christ is Jamaica (now a part of the United Church in Jamaica and the Cayman Islands). Lewis has served within the

CCC and as General Secretary of the JCC and has served as a missionary with the

United Reformed Church (URC) in the UK between 1997 and 2000. Lewis has published various articles and co‐authored books such as Spiritualities and Religion of Global Darker Peoples where she discussed “The Church in Jamaican Society.” In addition, Lewis is a member in various local, regional and international professional organizations such as the Caribbean Women Theologians for Transformation

(CWTT), the International Association on Black Religions and Spiritualities (IABRS) and the International Commission for Dialogue Between the Roman Catholic Church and the Disciples of Christ.391

Clearly, the significance of Calabar Theological College, and subsequently, Calabar

High School, as facilitators of the greater co‐operative mission of the UTCWI is invaluable. These institutions are of paramount importance in the development of

Jamaican religious thought. Furthermore, they are also instrumental in the greater theological framework of Baptist churches throughout the Caribbean. Davis summarizes it when he wrote:

391 See article by Calvin G. Brown, “Jamaica: Forty‐four‐year‐old theological college appoints first female president,” from Caricom News Network. (18 November 2009).

173 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Whether intended or not, the initiative and prudence of the college had created a paradigm‐shift and a new vision of ministerial education. It facilitated the removal of some of the negative stereotypes which were associated with the people of African and Asian descent. The bottom line was that Calabar College…had become the trail blazer in the training of indigenous ministerial leadership in Jamaica.392

Without doubt, the evidence shows that the same, and even more, can be said about the value of the United Theological College of the West Indies’ contribution to the theological development of Jamaica, the Caribbean, and subsequently, the world.

Major Themes and Practices in Jamaican Baptist Thought

Early Practices

Details about the doctrine and practice of the American and British Baptist missionaries in Jamaica are very scarce. Our sources are limited to correspondences and testimonies and to the little that we can deduce from the above‐mentioned sources. However, we do have some idea about Baptist thought during the formational period of the Jamaican Baptist denomination. Shortly after Liele’s church was established he wrote to John Rippon stating:393

I have a few books, some good old authors and sermons, and one large Bible that was given me by a gentleman. A good many of our members can read, and are all desirous to learn; they will be very thankful for a few books to read on Sundays and other days.

392 Davis, History of Theological Education in Jamaica, 128.

393 Excerpts are taken from David Benedict. A General History of the Baptist Denomination in America and Other Parts of the World. (London: Lincoln & Edmands, 1813), as reprinted by The Reformed Reader (1999‐2007), Available online from: http://www.reformedreader.org/history/benedict/baptistdenomination/georgia02.htm, [Accessed on March 20, 2010].

174 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Later Liele wrote:

It is delightful to hear the people, at the different places, singing psalms, hymns and spiritual songs; and to see a great number of them, who lived in the sinful state of fornication, (which is the common way of living in Jamaica) now married, having put away that deadly sin.

And again:

I preach, baptize, marry, attend funerals, and go through every work of the ministry without fee or reward;

Baker described the same situation when he reflected:

…Because we believe it agreeable to the Scriptures: we hold to the keeping of the Lord’s day throughout the year, in a place appointed for public worship, in singing psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs and preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ. We hold to be baptized in a river, or a place where there is much water, in the name of the Father Son and Holy Spirit; and receiving the Lord’s Supper, in obedience to his command.394

William Knibb observed:

…the grand doctrine of these people was the Spirit’s teaching. It gave life. The written word was a dead letter. If they could not read the Bible they could do without it, which was as good. The Spirit was sought in dreams and vision of the night, which thus became the source of their spiritual life. Without them inquirers could not be born again either by water or the Spirit. The leaders expounded these dreams to their kneeling followers in weekly class meeting; which, when judged to be of a right kind, were called “the word,” that is, of the Spirit, and supplied the place of knowledge, faith, and repentance.395

394 Quoted in Rev. Clement Gayle, “Moses Baker: Baptist Missionary to Western Jamaica,” The Jamaica Baptist Reporter. (Kingston, JA: Jamaica Baptist Union, January 2006), 13.

395 Hope Masterson Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central Africa: A Review of Missionary Work and Adventure 1829­1858, 2nd ed., in the Missionary Researches and Travel series, No. 11. (Abingdon, Oxon: Frank Cass and Co. Ltd., 2006), 26.

175 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Furthermore, we are given some information about Native Baptist baptismal practices. Knibb described these as follows:

As Christ was led of the Spirit into the wilderness, his disciples must follow him into the wilderness to seek the Spirit. To the bush, the pastures, or the cane fields, those people resorted at night, when preparing for baptism, and were ordered to lie down, each apart, without speaking, but keeping an eye and ear open to observe what way the Spirit would come to them.396

Knibb’s letter to his friend on May 3, 1823, also shows that Knibb subscribed to the

Methodist’s plan.397

The culture of Christianity in Jamaica, and the Caribbean to some extent, is very homogeneous. Religion is ubiquitous in the Jamaican community, as evidenced by the large number of churches and the alarming rate at which others are being planted. Some suggest that Jamaica has more churches per capita than anywhere else in the world. An illustration may give a clearer meaning here:

A drive through the cities and towns and along the roads of rural Jamaica gives substance to this piece of folk wisdom: solid structures of brick and mortar, some 200 or more years old, some still being built, stand cheek by jowl with wooden lean‐tos supporting zinc roofs, with signs, often hand‐painted, declaring the names of the congregations. These range from denominations whose members span the globe to individual churches that exist only in that location. There are also places—certain trees, riverbanks, burial grounds—the religious importance of which is invisible to the non‐believer.398

396 Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central Africa, 26.

397 See excerpt on page 138.

176 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Within a small community it is quite common to find different denominational bodies holding services at similar times and sometimes with loudspeakers that can be heard at distant ends of their location. Today there are over 130 denominations represented in the island’s fourteen parishes and certainly formation of new denominations is a yearly occurrence.

Elements in Liturgical Practices

Many Baptists in Jamaica hold varying beliefs. Heterodoxy is prevalent not only among different sects of Baptists but also within individual churches. Therefore, definitive statements about what Jamaica Baptists believe must be prefaced by

“most”, “many”, or “some”. Because Pastors and other individuals have been the primary disseminators of religious knowledge, their individualized stories also influence their theology. Even though individuals may have a common theology, it is rare that individuals are familiar with the historical nature of each other’s faith.

What suffices is that there is a commonality of experiences with the world around them and on that account there is a homogenous interest in the execution of their faith.

Oftentimes it is difficult to distinguish between Jamaican religious traditions. Many

Baptist churches share similar beliefs, customs, and traditions with other Protestant believers. In the majority of churches, is a dominant strand within particular religious traditions. For example, one may walk into a Baptist church and

398 Martin Mordecai and Pamela Mordecai, Culture and Customs of Jamaica, (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001), 39.

177 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT have quite a “Pentecostal” experience there where people are dancing, speaking in tongues, fervently praying, or even laying hands on the sick.

Religious Fervor

Baptist religious services generally follow a specific order but the elements of the service themselves may often seem chaotic. For example, there is no specific duration for the “praise and worship” or “preaching” component of the service.

Consequently, services can last anywhere from three to six hours. Services are generally held on Sunday mornings and evenings; mornings are typically evangelistic and evenings are tailored for the believer as a kind of “testimony and teaching” time. Wednesdays are normally designated as days of prayer and fasting, with Wednesday night services tailored to “Bible Study and Prayer” meetings. Also,

Sunday school classes precede the morning’s worship service.

Owing to the pluralistic nature of Jamaican society, the duration and features of religious services may vary from one Baptist church to the next. Behavior during services may also vary from one Sunday to the next in a single church. While some services may be more “uneventful”, other services always have the potential to shift from a time of reverent contemplation and worship to a time of euphoria and back again. Baptists among other protestant traditions term these euphoric times and times when the “anointing falls” on the congregation or when “the spirit shows up” in the room. At such times, behavior such as dancing, running in the aisles, glossolalia, and prophetic utterances are deemed appropriate occurrences. This

178 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought usually signifies a time when the “presence of the Lord” is stronger than before in the service.

During euphoric “outpourings” of the Spirit, some believers can be seen earnestly

“seeking the infilling” or “anointing” of the Holy Spirit on their lives. This may be done through techniques involving the extension of the hands, lifted up as if to receive something from above, worship hymn singing, bowing down in earnest prayer, or simply clasping the hands and praying silently but earnest prayers of surrender so God can then “have His way” in the believer. Generally these times may have periods of “prophetic utterances” where one believer may speak loudly in tongues and either the same believer or someone else will interpret. During these occurrences there is a stillness from everyone else that is listening to hear what

“Thus saith the Lord.” They are usually followed by a time of praise and thanks to

God for speaking to the congregation.

Music

Music is central to church ritual. Music can be used to wage “spiritual warfare” against the devil, to lead the believer into worship or into times of rejoicing, as well as to encourage praise of God. Generally, music aids the worship by creating a heightened time in worship when the believer can focus their attention on God, the theme of the song, or their own unworthiness. Moreover, the type of hymn or song may not necessarily depend entirely on the occasion. Instead it may be used to elicit a certain atmosphere. For example, at certain funerals it is not atypical to sing songs of rejoicing because the deceased has “gone home to be with the Lord” and to get

179 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT their well deserved reward—usually after a faithful life with God. The understanding here of course is very much connected to the theology of liberation where the dead in Christ is seen as having finally escaped the hardships of this life and has been finally liberated to eternal bliss.

Other Theological Beliefs and Practices399

There are a wide variety of theological beliefs and practices among Jamaican religious institutions. All do not necessarily accept tenets that are important to one tradition. Also, within particular “autonomous” churches there are differences that highlight the diversity, which is prevalent in individual congregations, within wider denominational bodies and within other ecclesiastical bodies. Despite this variegated approach to ministry, certain beliefs and practices are central to the

Jamaican milieu.

Discipleship and Baptism Rites

All candidates are expected to receive religious instruction of varying intensity prior to baptism. Instruction may last from several hours to several months, depending on the candidate. Although the period of preparation can be very short – such as in an “open air” crusade meeting where someone may be baptized immediately after receiving salvation, preparation for baptism usually requires the completion of units of study in the “Enquirer’s Class”. Here, new believers, and restored “backsliders”,

399 Much of this section corresponds with the account given by Madeline Kerr, Personality and Conflict in Jamaica, (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1952), 114‐136.

180 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought are taught about Salvation, Baptism, Prayer, Communion, Witnessing and other important subjects deemed necessary for living a victorious Christian life.

When an individual is certain that he or she is willing to live a life of devotion to

Christ, then they are ready to be baptized. Baptisms usually take place in the

Sunday morning service at a baptismal pool in the church. Typically some churches, if not all, requires the candidates to wear white garments, signifying their cleansed life, and sit at the front of the church before the baptism service begins. At a pre‐ determined time during the service, candidates are given an opportunity to state their testimony, which involves their salvation experience, the change in their lives since repenting, and their commitment to a brand new life of faith. Baptism is by immersion and is usually after a public profession of the candidate’s faith in a brief interview with the pastor who baptizes everyone. Following baptism, new members are welcomed into the church by the congregation after the pastor and deacons hand them their certificates and shake hands or hug each new member.

The service can sometimes end in the Lord’s Supper with the new members taking part. There is much rejoicing and praise throughout the congregation after each candidate is baptized.

God in His relationship to humans

During the 1950s the fundamental beliefs in all the denominations in Jamaica seemed to be the same. Man was seen as the sinner and God as the righteous judge and executioner who punished man unless he walks in obedience to God’s word.

Thus, the basic personality of man was extra‐punitive in that man blamed the “devil”

181 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT for all of his shortcomings. Much of this belief has carried over into modern day theology. Sermons and exegetical studies are typically tailored to address this sinful nature in the believer and to warn them against living a life of licentiousness.

Baptists and other denominations have become more open in their understanding of

God over the years. Today, many believers focus on the personal relationship that the believer has with God. As such, focusing on the sacrifice of Christ for all, the emphasis is focused on the merciful, forgiving, and loving nature of God. Of course, sin remains in the background and serves as an encouragement for desiring to go

“deeper” and grow in relationship with God because depth is synonymous with either having more power to resist evil or cleansing oneself of stimuli that the devil can prey upon.

Conversion

When Christianity was first introduced to the island, “conversion” was a natural phenomenon in Jamaica. It was believed that a person could have a special vision or dream where he/she saw spiritual things. Kerr noted a certain similarity in the patterns of those conversions she investigated:400

(a) They all appear to be sudden

(b) They all have physiological accompaniments

(c) The convert seems to go into what sounds like a cataleptic state which may

last hours or even days

400 Kerr, Personality and Conflict in Jamaica, 126.

182 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

(d) The relation to pain and sickness seems hysterical

The account by Waddell gives a more vivid picture of early theological beliefs about how ‘true’ conversion was determined:

The grand doctrine of these people was the Spirit’s teaching. It gave life. The written word was a dead letter. If they could not read the Bible they could do without it, which was as good. The Spirit was sought in dreams and visions of the night, which thus became the source of their spiritual life. Without them inquirers could not be born again either by water or the Spirit. The leaders expounded these dreams to their kneeling followers in weekly class meeting; which, when judged to be of a right kind, were called “the work,” that is, of the Spirit, and supplied the place of knowledge, faith, and repentance. As Christ was led of the Spirit into the wilderness, his disciples must follow him into the wilderness to seek the Spirit. To the bush, the pastures, or the cane fields, those people resorted at night, when preparing for baptism, and were ordered to lie down, each apart, without speaking, but keeping eye and ear open to observe what way the Spirit would take them. Doubtless they would see and hear strange things in their excited imaginations, and the leaders could make what they liked of them.401

At present, conversion is not based on someone having a ‘spiritual’ experience.

Instead, it is widely accepted that conversion is based on the work of the Holy Spirit in the life of the individual. It is later validated by the public profession of one’s faith and succeeded by baptism. It is later demonstrated and validated by the changes in the life of the new believer, both as evidenced by his/her relation to others and participation in the body of believers.

401 Waddell, Twenty­nine Years in the West Indies and Central, Africa, 26. See also John Clark’s ‘memorials of the Jamaica Mission,” 15‐18 as printed in Gardner’s History of Jamaica, 357.

183 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

Marriage

In early Jamaican society, there was no shame or impropriety attached to cohabiting and raising families together. At first, missionaries sought to conform African slaves to the European model. However, “notwithstanding the denunciations of their lifestyles from the pulpit, the press, or by the state authorities … these

[admonitions] were largely ignored, and thus rendered of marginal practical importance to the people’s way of life.”402 Nevertheless, even before emancipation, some slaves complied with the new family model that was presented.

Throughout the history of Jamaica, there have always been two systems of establishing the family. On the one hand there are families that were founded on the basis of legal rites of marriage and on the other hand, “functional marriages often referred to as ‘faithful concubinage’”.403 Even today, the sentiments regarding both forms of cohabiting have not changed. According to Patrick Bryan, author of The

Jamaica People (2002), “The former were regarded as good, the latter as bad for the moral integrity and civilization of Jamaica. By law, the children of the first forms of marriage were legitimate, the offspring of the second illegitimate.”404

Despite the concerns of the missionaries then, they met with little success. Part of the problem was that while white elite males were “waiting” for a white wife, it was

402 Moore and Johnson, Neither Led nor Driven, 136.

403 Bryan, The Jamaican People , 92.

404 Bryan, The Jamaican People, 92

184 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought considered customary to have a coloured concubine.405 According to William James

Gardner:

It is wonderful that in other respects the character of the white Creole ladies proved so excellent and amiable, as their position was a trying one. It was rarely that an offer of marriage was received from anyone who did not maintain at least one coloured or black housekeeper, for so in the colony it was customary to designate a concubine. This all but universal appendage of a bachelor’s household would in most cases retain her position until a few days before the marriage. If a good natured person, as was usually the case, she would prepare the home she was quitting for the expected bride; while that lady would often take an interest in the future welfare of herself and children, astonishing to any woman trained amidst other associations.406

Today, Jamaicans tend to place more importance on permanency than legalism.

Even though Europeans believed that formal marriage would contribute to the moral integrity and sophistication of society, partners do not see non‐legal marriages as any less a commitment.407 One must admit, however, that this trend is changing in the Jamaican society. Nevertheless, the old practices continue to prevail. One of the primary reasons is because oftentimes, females in particular receive salvation (especially in open‐aired evangelistic crusades), after they have already been living unmarried and raising children. Although converts strive to promote the salvation of their significant other, the old proverb of “if it’s not broken don’t fix it” tends to suffice. Perhaps Enos Nuttall, in quoting Dean Church’s “Gifts of

Civilisation”, is right to say “‘purity is one of those things which Christian ideas and

405 Bryan, The Jamaican People, 97.

406 Gardner, History of Jamaica, 371.

407 Gardner, History of Jamaica, 93.

185 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT influences produced, and it is a thing which they alone can save,’ and it is hopeless to expect to inculcate these ideas and influences effectively during one hour alone every seventh day in the Sunday school.”408

Man’s Relation to Satan and the Angels

For the Jamaican believer, Baptist or not, Satan is very real. Though he is not regarded as being omnipresent with God, it is certainly believed that he and his minions are roaming the earth seeking to destroy lives, especially those of more devout Christians. The following statement illustrates this point:

“Satan is always around tempting. He doesn’t bother much with the wicked as he knows he has them anyhow. He never leaves the converted alone for one minute.”409

This belief about the devil transcends into what Jamaicans believe about “duppies” or “rollin’ calves” or “fallen angels” who roam the night trying to harm people. Some believers believe they are works of the devil and others believe they simply exist as personalities of people who have not fully gone to rest.

Angels are regarded as actual spiritual beings. However, they are not as intrusive as demons. Instead they are seen as messengers and protectors who watch over and aid the believer in this life—especially with answers to prayers.

408 Enos Nuttall, “The Negro Race” in Church and Empire: A Series of Essays on the Responsibilities of Empire, ed. John Ellison and G. H. S. Walpole, (London: Longman, Green, and Co., 1907), 211.

409 The excerpt is a statement recorded in by Kerr, 123.

186 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought

Spirit Possession and Pneumatology:

Like Pentecostals, it may be fair to say that all Jamaican Baptists are spiritualists.

They believe strongly in a world populated by a variety of (demonic) spirits who are strongly opposed to the Holy Spirit. This demonic world, they would argue, is one that is hierarchical and complex very much as a replication of the order of angels in heaven. Furthermore, these spirits or demons rather, have the ability to and do influence (sometimes through possession) people in their world and one must guard his/her heart against being such domination. Despite such fears, the prevalence of revivalistic outdoor crusades has exposed the entire country to the effects of the Holy Spirit in the life of the believer.

Among other Christians in Jamaica, the majority of Baptists consider the Holy Spirit to be a central figure in their ongoing quest to live a holy and sanctified life. For the believer He is most closely known as a companion and friend, the presence of God that lives, walks and talks with the believer, as it were, “along life’s narrow way.”

Most importantly the presence of the Holy Spirit is necessary for creating the right atmosphere for worship, preaching, healing, and deliverance, both from sin and from demonic influences. As such, the “anointing” of God is highly sought and seen by the believer as the power for witness and for ministry. In similar fashion, the

“gifts” of the Spirit are sought after as empowerment for ministry. Directly related to this is the desire to know what the will of God is for the believer. Thus, structure in liturgical services does not take precedence over the “leading and direction” of the Holy Spirit who does what He please, when He pleases and how He pleases

187 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT during the worship setting. In order to guarantee this, various congregations practice “tarrying” by worshiping or praying until “the presence of the Lord shows up.”

In Jamaica, it was generally accepted that everyone who had been “filled” with the

Holy Spirit validated it by speaking in tongues. These tongues can either be in an

“unknown language”, or a “foreign language” spoken somewhere else in the world.

Many Baptists have moved away from that model however. Generally, it is believed that speaking in tongues is not the only sign of being “filled” with the Spirit.

Therefore, being filled can be validated by any of the other spiritual gifts such as prophecy or having the gift of healing. Further, the understanding among Baptists is that, according to Paul’s teachings, tongues are not a major gift. As a result, some

Jamaican Baptists choose to focus primarily on the fruit of the Spirit as validation of receiving the gift of the Holy Ghost. Other Baptist congregations believe in miraculous events. Therefore, within some worship services the presence of the

Holy Spirit may cause individuals to cry, speak in tongues, prophecy, dance in the spirit, or even run in the aisles.

Death and Duppies

Christians in Jamaica generally believe that there is life after death. This belief may vary in that some believe the soul goes directly to God while others believe the dead remain in that state until the literal “blowing of the biblical trumpet” and the rising of the dead in Christ. Despite the latter position, people tend to believe the dead can

188 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought come back and wreak havoc on others.410 Even though Christians categorize them as demonic, Afro‐Jamaicans generally believe they are real.411 It appears that such spirits of the deceased (a duppy) may come back to haunt someone or even be induced or set to harm (or protect) someone through practices of witchcraft called

Obeah.412 There are different opinions about the actions of duppies among Jamaican believers. People believe that these spirits can return to warn people (generally in a dream) of impending danger. Still others believe they may simply ‘hang around’ as a nuisance waiting to be at peace before finally going to their eternal rest.

Death Rituals

There is much variation among Jamaican believers concerning death rituals. These are not observed based on particular denominations but at the decision of the family. The common practice is to hold a “set up” or “nine night” which is believed to be the retention of an African practice. In its early development it was believed that the immediate family should not attend the funeral for fear the same fate might befall them or their children. Today however, this understanding has not carried over.

The “nine night” ritual has several functions:

(a) to comfort mourners

410 See the discussion on “Afro‐Creole Belief System I: Obeah, Duppies and other ‘dark superstitions’”, in Moore and Johnson, Neither led nor Driven, 14‐50.

411 Lawson, Religion and Race, 36.

412 Lawson, Religion and Race, 34‐35.

189 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT

(b) to observe various customs and make proper preparations (sometimes

because of a belief that failure to do so could result in the return of the

person’s duppy)

(c) to speed up the grieving process particularly because one of the aims of the

ritual is

(d) to draw strength from gathering together as a family

Such practices continue to be prevalent in Jamaican society and are practiced by

Jamaicans of varying religious traditions.

Summary

In Jamaica, Scripture is both a valid source of relationship with God and an encouraging instrument for upward movement and liberation.413 Thus, the “Word” is seen as a testament of the world which is to come: a world in which there will be no more dying or suffering or crying and where all will be equal in the presence of

Christ the liberator. Themes relating for example to the poor, the kingdom, peace, promise and power are frequently emphasized. In this regard, Bible study is seen as an integral part of the Christian life with practical applications that must be followed with all diligence. Other sources of this “emancipation” theology have included simple creeds and hymns that identify with the struggle of the Jamaican people.

However, religious life has never depended on sources as necessary to their religious beliefs and practice. Instead, Jamaicans have sought to understand and

413 From: Horace O. Russell, “Understandings and Interpretations of Scripture in Eighteenth‐ and Nineteenth‐Century Jamaica: The Baptists as Case Study” from Religion, Culture, and Tradition in the Caribbean, ed. Hemchand Gossai and Nathaniel Samuel Murell. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000), 95‐117.

190 A Genetic History of Jamaican Baptist Thought interpret Scripture for themselves. Oftentimes that has led to misinterpretations of the text. However, the propulsion, more often than not, has been grounded in a conscience motivated by the promise of good triumphing over evil, of right over wrong, of freedom over enslavement. The result on one hand is a culture permeated by a consciousness of what is “right” and good and on the other hand, one dominated by a respect and acceptance of unique differences and the understanding that, regardless of this diversity, each part contribute to the tapestry of Jamaican religiosity.

191

CONCLUSION

The task of defining Baptist theology, while arduous, is certainly an enlightening one. In truth, Baptists by their actions have demonstrated their theology sometimes better than they have been able to articulate it. Despite divergent theories of origins, the majority of Baptists find their identity in English Separatism. Following their formation in Europe, Baptists later spread throughout the United States where they began establishments that continued to highlight their belief in religious freedom. Furthermore, Baptists appealed to a variety of sources that informed their religious practices. Among these were preacher theologians, covenants, hymns, and the later works of academic theologians. Also, Baptists have at times redefined

Protestant doctrines to accommodate the cultural and socio‐religious nuances of the contexts in which they sought to practice their beliefs. In retrospect, the most significant development of British and American Baptists since the development phases of the Baptist tradition have been in the evangelical and missiological sphere.

The formation of the BMS and similar societies in the United States were instrumental in the later introduction and development of the Jamaican religious landscape.

Indeed, it is true that Baptists, along with other Protestants, follow the traditions of the New Testament by subscribing to believers’ baptism, the authority of Scripture and the doctrine of religious liberty. Furthermore, Baptists have shared a history of cooperation with other protestant denominations. For example, Baptists have followed the lead of Anabaptists by affirming Biblical authority, promoting religious

193 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT liberty, and practiced believers Baptism. ’s Book of Common Prayer

(1549), for example, is one resource that has helped to shape certain worship practices within the Baptist tradition.414 Baptists have also cooperated with other

Protestants through exchanging pulpits, sharing confessions, evangelical and missiological endeavors, and in the overall vision of ecclesiology. Such cooperative actions are visible in the formation of the Bible Society in 1802, the World Council of

Churches in 1948, and in the formation of various associations and religious affiliations. This tradition is even more prevalent today where Baptists cooperate with numerous other ecclesiastical bodies for the advancement various ethical and socio‐religious causes. Furthermore, Baptists continue to demonstrate an unwavering commitment to the fulfillment of the throughout the world.

When Baptist missionaries first came to Jamaica they were met with very mixed reactions. On one hand the colonial government and local elites met them with strong opposition, but on the other, the slaves welcomed them. Missionaries soon disassociated from the plantocracy and aligned themselves more closely with the

African slaves who welcomed their message of redemption and religious freedom.

Consequently, the mission of the Church as an intermediary between the enslaved population and the plantocracy vacillated between addressing the oppression and

414 William H. Brackney, “Baptist Contributions to Protestantism” from the Special 2005 Series: Baptist Heritage and the 21st Century, (Baptist History & Heritage Society)., Available online from: http://www.baptisthistory.org/contissues/brackney.htm. [Accessed on Dec. 6, 2009]. The article gives more specific examples and notable names of those who have left an indelible mark on how Protestants practice theology today.

194 Conclusion suffering of the Afro‐Jamaicans, and redressing the ethnocentric and materialistic policies and practices of the Euro‐Jamaicans.

The impetus of the missionary enterprise was an emphasis on religious experience, evangelistic zeal, equalitarian beliefs, and practical morality. Motivated by a desire for individual freedom through personal evangelism and religious voluntarism, the missionaries strived to eradicate the “heathenish” religious practices that were characteristic of the African slave experience. Early missionaries also addressed the problems of slavery and worked to promote morality and civility among the slaves.

However, Spanish and British dominance had led the slaves to seek refuge in traditions that they had been more acquainted with rather than with Christianity which seemed to affirm their oppression. Baptist missionaries however, committed themselves to nurture the spiritual lives of slaves and enlisted natives in the dissemination of the gospel throughout the island. Overtime, they interests of the missionaries was interwoven with the desires of Afro‐Jamaicans for freedom and equality.

The impact of a Baptist contribution to the development of the Jamaican society is extensive. Early missionaries fought for and acquired the disestablishment of the slave system and the promotion of Free Villages, the ownership of land, better working conditions and equality. Furthermore, through the founding of reputable institutions such as Calabar and the UTCWI have led to a increase of sound theologians that has held prestigious positions both in Jamaica and in worldwide contexts. Furthermore, through Baptist initiatives various community organizations

195 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT and social enterprises have been undertaken in the promotion of a better Jamaica.

The evidences of these developments are still prevalent in the Jamaican psyche and physically, throughout the Jamaican landscape.

Despite the contribution of outside influences, African natives were not without their own conception of what the essential ingredients of the gospel ought to be.

Thus, they synthesized European Christianity with Afro‐Jamaican elements to the frustration of the missionaries. Soon after, the social and political climate required a more actively involved stance than the neutral one originally intended by the missionaries. This inevitably led to strong contentions between African and Mission thought. The increase of revivalistic fervor throughout the nineteenth century led to the formation of a unique religious tradition that demonstrate the influences of

British, American and African religious influences.

Like Baptist development, Jamaican Baptist thought is polygenetic in its origin.

Although its origins and identity is more easily traceable, Jamaican Baptist thought is interplay between variegated sources of theology. Among these are the African religious practices, the American and British interpretations of scripture and the ideas and opinions of native Jamaican Hermeneutists such as Samuel Sharpe, Paul

Bogle and Marcus Garvey and others. Jamaican Baptists are also indebted to the early covenants and hymns, which have served as foundational pieces in the Afro‐

Jamaican understanding of soteriological, pneumatological and eschatological doctrines. Furthermore, the contribution of Jamaican pastors and academic

196 Conclusion theologians continue to be instrumental in the formation of a pluralistic tradition that affirms the liberating and freeing qualities of the gospel.

The Future of Jamaican Baptist Theology

As we look at the direction of Baptist theology in Jamaica over the next century, it is clear that the heterogeneity of the country will continue to trump any overarching claim that religion may have on the society. While society is greatly influenced and affected by the religious fervor in the island, it is evident that Jamaicans practice their theology under the influence of certain pluralistic cultural norms. The historical demographic of Jamaica continues to be shaped by a syncretistism of various social influences of new immigrants. Thus, religion and theology in Jamaica continues to be the co‐operative result of a society that has incorporated various traditions into their respective genres of faith to produce a kind of “New World ethos.” Furthermore, this variety is maintained by a religious plurality where “non‐

Christians, Voodoo practitioners, Jews, Hindus, Muslims or Bahais alongside a community of Christian believers” such as Roman Catholics, Anglicans, Methodists,

Baptists, Evangelicals, Pentecostals and Rastafarians.415

In a broader context, a number of Caribbean theologians continue to identify theology throughout the islands as a “theology of imposition.” The implication is that what Jamaicans understand about faith, liturgy, creeds and polity are not entirely equivalent or relevant to their immediate dispositions. Instead, the argument may well be that Jamaican and their Caribbean neighbors still practice

415 A. Luvis‐Núñnez, “Caribbean Theology”, 133.

197 THE DEVELOPMENT OF BAPTIST THOUGHT IN THE JAMAICAN CONTEXT theology that is in keeping with European and Western concepts of God, liturgy, ministry, ethos, and church government. As such, most scholars would agree that

“‘contextualization’ and ‘indigenization’ are crucial steps on the path toward the transcendence of the ‘missio‐colonial’ theological substructure that has long characterized Caribbean Christianity in general and toward the development of a more relevant Caribbean church…”416 Furthermore, at a recent international dialogue of faiths, Jamaican Baptists argued strongly that contextualization cannot simply be an option for hermeneutics in the Caribbean. Instead, for theology to be truly relevant to the Jamaican context, it must emphasize a theme of liberation.417

Even more, it must be adapted to the political, religious, and social circumstances that are so prevalent in the culture.418 In light of the historical data, there are obvious evidences that Jamaicans have seriously redefined their theological position from being one solely defined by foreign influences. Today, Jamaicans continue to seek relevancy in the contexts where their beliefs and practices are lived out. Over and above ecclesiastical tradition, God, His Word, and His work in the world continue to take precedence. What continues to emerge is a religious culture ‘tried and true’, and Jamaican religious thought and practice will be forever better for it.

416 Terry Edward Rey, “Caribbean Theology” from Journal of Ecumenical Studies, Vol. 34. Available online from: FindArticles.com. [Accessed on March 22, 1997]. See also Michael St. A. Miller, Reshaping the Contextual Vision in Caribbean Theology: Theoretical Foundations for Theology Which is Contextual, Pluralistic, and Dialectical. (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, Inc., 2007).

417 Cawley Bolt, “Colonialism, Liberation and the Mission of the Church in the Caribbean: A Baptist View’, 6, 8.

418 “Conversations around the World 2000‐2005: Report of the International Conversations between the Anglican Communion and the Baptist World Alliance:” in Growth in Agreement III: International Dialogue Texts and Agreed Statements, 1998­2005, Faith and Order Paper No. 204, ed. Jeffrey Gross, Thomas F. Best, and Lorelei F. Fuchs. (Geneva, Switzerland: WCC Publications, 2007), 331.

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