An Analysis of the Relations Between Iran and the Usa During the Pahlavi Era by Use of Alliance Theories
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History Brief: Timeline of US-Iran Relations Until the Obama
MIT International Review | web.mit.edu/mitir 1 of 5 HISTORY BRIEF: TIMELINE OF US‐IRAN RELATIONS UNTIL THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION Key Facts & Catalysts By Sam Sasan Shoamanesh Looking back at key events in this US‐Iran chronicle is helpful in understanding some of the traditional causes of friction and mistrust between Tehran and Washington. A reference to the annals of US‐Iran relations will also be valuable in appreciating that the policies of the past sixty years have not been advantageous to US interests and on the contrary, have resulted in blowbacks, which still vex the relations to this day. 1856: Genesis of Formal Relations | Diplomatic relations between Iran and the United States began in 1856. 1909: American Lafayette in Iran | In 1909, Howard Baskerville, an American teacher and Princeton graduate on a Presbyterian mission in Tabriz, Iran, instantly becomes an Iranian national hero where after joining the Constitutionalists during the Constitutional Revolution of 1905‐1911, loses his young life while fighting the Royalists and the forces of the Qajar king, Mohmmad Ali Shah’s elite Cossack brigade. He is remembered as saying: ʺ[t]he only difference between me and these people is my place of birth, and this is not a big difference.ʺ To this day he is revered by Iranians. Second World War | Until the second World War, the US had no interest or an active policy vis‐à‐vis Iran and relations remained cordial. 1953 C.I.A. Coup | In 1951, Prime Minister Mossadegh and his National Front party (“Jebhe Melli”), a socio‐democratic, liberal‐secular nationalist party in Iran, nationalize the country’s oil industry. -
Egyptian Policy Toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break up to Normalization
JOURNAL FOR IRANIAN STUDIES Specialized Studies A Peer-Reviewed Quarterly Periodical Journal Year 1. issue 4, Sep. 2017 ISSUED BY Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies Egyptian Policy toward Iran and the Challenges of Transition from Break Up to Normalization Mo’taz Salamah (Ph.D.) Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit and Director of the Arabian Gulf Program at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Mohammad Saied Alsayyad Intellectual and Ideological Studies Researcher in the Arabian Gulf Center for Iranian Studies espite the news and calls of some Egyptian and Iranian personalities to restore relations between the two Dcountries, no significant development has been noticed in Egypt-Iran ties for about four decades. Some observers expected that the Iranian nuclear deal in 2015 would enhance rapprochement between Cairo and Tehran, but so far, no changes have been made, nor do signs indicate a normalization of relations between the two countries.(1) Journal for Iranian Studies 41 Diplomatic ties between Egypt and Iran have been severed since the Iranian revolution in 1979, the Camp David Accords, and process of establishing peace between Egypt and Israel. These relations deteriorated primarily due to Egypt’s hosting of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi– Iran’s former monarch – despite the new Iranian leaders’ demands that Egypt hands him over for trial. In addition, the Iranian leadership adopted a hard line against Cairo by naming one of Tehran’s main streets after Khalid Islambouli, who assassinated President Sadat in 1981 – and hosting a number of Egyptian Islamic groups that escaped trial in Egypt and took refuge in Iran.(2) Iran’s practices also included inciting the Egyptian people against their regime and even hosting terrorist groups that, until recently, the Iranian media called Muslim Rebels.(3) Egypt and Iran are two key powers in the region. -
Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf
Roham Alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Alvandi, Roham (2012) Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf. Diplomatic history, 36 (2). pp. 337-372. ISSN 1467-7709 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.01025.x © 2012 The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR) This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/32743/ Available in LSE Research Online: March 2012 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. roham alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: The Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf* On the morning of May 31, 1972, the shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, received U.S. -
Authority, but at a Price. the Shah Effectively Broke the Power of Iran
authority, but at a price. The shah effectively broke the power of Iran‟s “thousand families” without going far enough to substantially improve the lot of the peasantry. The ulama objected to land reforms that infringed on religious holdings and, more important, the entrance of women into Iran‟s political life. The shah offered no political liberalization, however, to placate the middle class, intelligentsia, and disaffected students. In Washington, the White Revolution offered modernizers their “reform” program. The shah‟s initiative effectively erased the sense of urgency among the likes of Komer that empowered free speech modernists during 1961 and 1962. In the words of one historian, “The White Revolution had coopted the New Frontier.”114 While the National Front rejected the politics behind the White Revolution, it was not, in principle, against all aspects of the reform program. The Organization of Tehran University Students labeled the six points of the White Revolution “propaganda stunts” which aimed “to mask its [the shah‟s] oppressive regime with a reformist new look.” In an effort to make clear that not all opponents of the White Revolution were feudal landholders or religious conservatives, as many in the West claimed, the students in Tehran emphasized that the shah failed to address “the thorny question of freedom and democracy and the safeguarding of the constitution.”115 A group of Iranian students in Southern California highlighted the White Revolution‟s contradictions. They asserted that 114 Goode, “Reforming Iran during the Kennedy Years,” 25. The shah describes his reform program in Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, The White Revolution, 2nd ed. -
Great Britain Reza Shah
Great Britain Reza& Shah This page intentionally left blank Great Britain Reza& Shah The Plunder of Iran, 1921–1941 Mohammad Gholi Majd University Press of Florida Gainesville/Tallahassee/Tampa/Boca Raton Pensacola/Orlando/Miami/Jacksonville/Ft. Myers Copyright 2001 by Mohammad Gholi Majd Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper All rights reserved 060504030201654321 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Majd, Mohammad Gholi, 1946– Great Britain and Reza Shah: the plunder of Iran, 1921–1941 / Mohammad Gholi Majd. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8130-2111-1 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Iran—Relations—Great Britain. 2. Great Britain—Relations—Iran. 3. Iran— History—Pahlavi dynasty, 1925–1979. 4. Reza Shah Pahlavi, Shah of Iran, 1878–1944. I. Title. DS274.2.G7 M35 2001 955.05'2—dc21 2001023565 The University Press of Florida is the scholarly publishing agency for the State University System of Florida, comprising Florida A&M University, Florida Atlantic University, Florida Gulf Coast University, Florida International University, Florida State University, University of Central Florida, University of Florida, University of North Florida, Univer- sity of South Florida, and University of West Florida. University Press of Florida 15 Northwest 15th Street Gainesville, FL 32611–2079 http://www.upf.com Dedicated to the memory of all the victims of the reign of terror and murder in Iran from 1921 to 1941 This page intentionally left blank List of Illustrations ix List of Tables xi Acknowledgments xiii 1. Introduction 1 2. The British Invasion and the Strangulation of Persia, 1918–1920 21 3. -
Human Rights in Iran Under the Shah
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 12 Issue 1 Article 7 1980 Human Rights in Iran under the Shah Richard W. Cottam Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard W. Cottam, Human Rights in Iran under the Shah, 12 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 121 (1980) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol12/iss1/7 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Volume 12, Number 1, Winter 1980 COMMENT Human Rights in Iran Under the Shah by Professor Richard W. Cottam* I. INTRODUCTION FOR ANY ADVOCATE of human rights, the events surrounding the Iranian revolution must be a source of continuing agony. But for any- one interested in gaining a sharper understanding of some of the basic issues concerning human rights, the dramatic developments in Iran should be highly instructive. The early summary executions in Iran and the later public trials conducted by revolutionary Islamic courts were properly condemned by western human rights advocates as failing to ap- proach the requirements of due process. Yet the great majority of those who were tried and executed were charged with terrible violations of the most elemental human rights; and the testimony of the accused, so rich in detail and so internally consistent as to be credible,1 tends to confirm the worst charges against the Shah's regime. -
US Covert Operations Toward Iran, February-November 1979
This article was downloaded by: [Tulane University] On: 05 January 2015, At: 09:36 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Middle Eastern Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 US Covert Operations toward Iran, February–November 1979: Was the CIA Trying to Overthrow the Islamic Regime? Mark Gasiorowski Published online: 01 Aug 2014. Click for updates To cite this article: Mark Gasiorowski (2015) US Covert Operations toward Iran, February–November 1979: Was the CIA Trying to Overthrow the Islamic Regime?, Middle Eastern Studies, 51:1, 115-135, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2014.938643 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2014.938643 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Hassan Modarres
Hassan Modarres 1. Seyyed Hassan Modarres (c. 1870 - December 1, 1937), was an Iranian Twelver Shi'a cleric and a notable supporter of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. He was among the founding members, along with Abdolhossein Teymourtash, of the reformist party Hezb-e Eslaah-talab of the time, which was formed during the fourth national Majlis of Iran. He has been called "brave and incorruptible" and "perhaps the most fervent mullah supporter of true constitutional government."[1] Biography The sources disagree on his birthplace. Some mention that he was born in Shahreza in around 1870, while others mention that he was born in a village named Sarābe-Kachou ( near Ardestan in the early 1870s, and that he moved to Shahreza when he (سرابهکچو was six. Having studied Islamic sciences in Isfahan and Najaf, Modarres turned to become a religious teacher in an Esfahan's madrasa. The name Modarres, that means "teacher", is because of his job there. In 1910, he was chosen by Najaf's cleric community and sent to Tehran to supervise the laws passed by the Majlis of Iran, to make sure they are not against the rules of sharia. Later, in 1914, he was elected as a Majlis representative of Tehran. In 1916, during the World War I, he migrated to Iraq, Syria, and Turkey together with a handful of other politicians, and served as the Minister of Justice in a cabinet formed in exile by Nezam os-Saltaneh. After returning to Iran, he was elected in the Majlis elections a few more times. Modarres fought against the presence of British forces in Persia, vigorously opposing the proposed 1919 agreement that would have transformed Iran into a British protectorate. -
The Role of Education in the Fall of Mohammed Reza Shah By
Incapacitated by Education: The Role of Education in the Fall of Mohammed Reza Shah By Adam Marcy The University of Kansas, 2010 Submitted to the Department of Global and International Studies and the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. _____________________________ Dr. Rose L. Greaves Chairperson _____________________________ Dr. Hal Wert _____________________________ Dr. Robert Baumann _____________________________ Dr. Eric Hanley Date Defended: 12/13/2010 The Thesis Committee for Adam Marcy certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: Incapacitated by Education: The Role of Education in the Fall of Mohammed Reza Shah ______________________________ Chairperson: Dr. Rose L. Greaves Date approved: 12/13/2010 ii Abstract: The Iranian revolution of 1979 was a cataclysmic event that forever changed the course of history. While the events that preceded the overthrow of Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi have been studied at great length, there is one aspect in particular that has been ignored, education. This paper seeks to examine the adverse effects that the problems within the educational sector had on the fall of Mohammed Reza. Although he invested an enormous amount of time and money into creating a strong educational system for his people, he encountered problems that ultimately contributed to his demise. It was these both these problems and their effects that helped make Iran ripe for revolution from 1977 to 1979. This paper will seek to examine the advances made, shortcomings, and the problems that resulted as a result of Mohammed Reza’s desire to educate his people. -
Little Girls, Inanimate Objects, and the Violence of a System
AGGREGATE MATTER AUTHOR The Thing We Love(d): Talinn Grigor Little Girls, Inanimate Objects, and the Violence of a System Fig. 2. Detail of the vandalized tile-work of a Qajar courtier, View full image + Golestan Palace, Tehran, Iran, late nineteenth century. Photograph by Talinn Grigor, 2007. The history of cultural destruction in modern Iran is, by and Slavoj Žižek would have large, syndromatic of its top-down modernizing impulse. agreed that the With a few exceptions, it has rarely witnessed a systematic destruction of its cultural heritage in the hands of destruction of cultural fundamentalists, despite a turbulent twentieth century heritage by ISIS and the political history. However, like most modernizing agendas murder of African- Talinn Grigor, "The Thing We Love(d): Little Girls, Inanimate Objects, and the Violence of a System," Aggregate, December 12, 2016. 1 around the globe in the early twentieth century, in Iran, the Americans by the police process of modernization from top-down underpinned the are both examples of impulse to destroy the old in order to give birth to a new, modern Iran. Reza Shah’s court minister’s 1927 comment to “objective violence” the British secretary that “Persia, after 20 years of so-called because they are easily Constitutional Government, had made little progress. framed in language and Everything had to be started over again…” is telling of this media as the disturbance impulse.1 The Pahlavi “progress along modern lines” was of normative bourgeois conditioned by the erasure of the past—a deep desire to change and start over again. The realization of a tabula rasa, consumerist life. -
Fainting Francis Or Weeping Willie: the Construction of American
“FAINTING FRANCIS OR WEEPING WILLIE” Under the Media’s Eye. Chloe Marcheli. SPRING 2020 6 ALLEN SELLERS “FAINTING FRANCIS OR WEEPING WILLIE”: LEAR THE CONSTRUCTION PRIZE OF AMERICAN WINNER PERCEPTIONS OF MOHAMMED MOSSADEGH The April 1951 election of Mohammed Mossadegh as Prime Minister of Iran and the subsequent nationalization of oil sparked a prolonged crisis that involved both the British and U.S. governments. No agreement could be reached between the British and Iranians. The crisis culminated in the joint U.S. and British effort, called Operation AJAX, which overthrew Mossadegh in August 1953. The seeds of this coup were sewn before the summer of 1953, however, and this article documents American perceptions of Mossadegh and the situation in Iran during the crisis. It contends that American ideas concerning gender, communism, and peoples of the Middle East, formed an ideology which heightened the Soviet threat, justified Anglo-American intervention, and ultimately resulted in the Eisenhower administration’s greenlighting of Operation AJAX. The changes and continuities of this American mindset are reflected in magazines, newspapers, memoirs, and government documents that span from WWII to the overthrow of Mossadegh. These reflections reveal how cultural attitudes informed perceptions of Iran and its people, which in turn shaped American attitudes and policy towards Iran. Allen Sellers Written for America in the Middle East (HIST 436) Dr. Nathan Citino The former CIA operative Kermit Roosevelt’s memoir, Countercoup, begins by recounting a June 1953 meeting of high-ranking policymakers on a rainy day in Washington, DC. The men gathered included Secretary of State John Dulles, his brother CIA Director Allen Dulles, Ambassador to Iran Loy Henderson, and Under Secretary of State Walter Bedell Smith, among others. -
Partners in Crime
PARTNERS IN CRIME: FEDERAL CRIME CONTROL POLICY AND THE STATES, 1894 – 1938 G. Jack Benge, Jr. A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2006 Committee: Judith Sealander, Advisor Scott Highhouse Graduate Faculty Representative Gary R. Hess Donald G. Neiman ii ABSTRACT Judith Sealander, Advisor The dramatic expansion of federal criminal law jurisdiction and policing responsibilities in recent times has raised questions regarding the historical origins of these developments and their impact upon the continuing efficacy of the nation’s federal system of government. This dissertation examines, within the context of federal criminal law enforcement and the evolving nature of crime, those social, economic, and legal forces and events that played a critical role in the growth of the states’ police powers and made federal collaboration an increasingly important factor in the suppression of crime. Since the founding of this nation, federal anti-crime legislation, which tended to be reactionary in its formulation, inconsistent in its development, and supplemental by design, implicitly embodied a policy that forbade the impairment of the powers of the states. This orientation remained a fundamental aspect of federal criminal jurisdiction until well after the New Deal, the central point of this thesis, and did not begin to change until the latter half of the century when the nation’s doctrinal ties to federalism and its faith in the importance of local police powers in the constitutional balance that defined the nation’s political structure were substantially weakened.