DOCSLIB.ORG

Lessons from Bolivia

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Lessons from Bolivia On the Link Between Ethnic Politics and Identification: Lessons from Bolivia Paper prepared for the Political Studies Association International Conference 2013 Draft, please do not cite without permission. Comments welcome. Anaïd Flesken Institute of Latin American Studies, German Institute of Global and Area Studies [email protected] Abstract The politicization of ethnic diversity has long been regarded as perilous to ethnic peace and national unity, its detrimental impact memorably illustrated in Northern Ireland or Rwanda. The process of indigenous mobilization in Bolivia over the past decade has hence been seen with some concern by observers in policy and academia alike. This paper presents an analysis of the link between ethnic politics and identification in Bolivia by, first, qualitatively examining the development of political identity discourses and, second, quantitatively examining two dimensions of indigenous identification through time-series survey data. The analyses show that ethnic identifications do indeed change with changing political discourses, that they do so more quickly than expected, and not necessarily in the manner as expected: the type of reaction in identification depends on the type of dominant discourse, demonstrating that it is necessary to distinguish different elements of ethnic identification. 1 Introduction The politicization of ethnicity has long been regarded as perilous to ethnic peace and national unity, its detrimental impact memorably illustrated in Northern Ireland, former Yugoslavia, or Rwanda. Ethnic identities, so the common assertion, may be the basis of political mobilization of their group members, resulting in more salient identification with the in-group, in an ever more entrenched hatred for members of the out-group and thus, potentially, in conflict (see also Davis and Brown 2002; Gibson 2006). However, the causal processes as such have rarely been studied directly (see also Fearon and Laitin 2000; Green and Seher 2003). Instead, inferences about individuals – those who purportedly identify with their in-group and harbor ethnic hatred – are often made on the basis of observations at the aggregate level, such as the occurrence of violence within a country (e.g. Cederman, Wimmer, and Min 2010; Gurr 1993; Rabushka and Shepsle 1972; see also Joras and Schetter 2004). Such analyses may not only lead to ecological fallacies, overestimating the relationship at the individual level, but also to biases in theories on the causal mechanisms linking ethnicity and conflict. This paper addresses this gap, analyzing the link between the politicization of ethnicity at the macro- level and ethnic identification at the micro-level for the case of Bolivia. Bolivia provides the setting for a particularly interesting development of a process of ‘reindianization’ which has recently swept the Latin American continent; the emergence and evolution of new cultural and political indigenous discourses (Jackson and Warren 2005, 549). Long marginalized in both the social and political spheres, indigenous Bolivians began to mobilize in social movements in the 1970s. The mobilizations have hence given rise to indigenous-based parties in the 1990s, which successfully contested in local, regional, and national elections. Between 2000 and 2005, they contributed to the ousting of two presidents and today support the first indigenous president of the country, Evo Morales Ayma. His presidency saw the introduction of policies designed to end indigenous marginalization, including the nationalization of the country’s gas resources, the passing of an anti-discrimination law, and, perhaps most importantly, the passing of a new constitution in 2009. This constitution formally established Bolivia as Plurinational State of Bolivia, in special recognition of the country’s thirty-six indigenous nations as well as its Afro-descendant population. This paper presents a systematic analysis of the development of ethnic identifications in Bolivia over the past decade, examining the extent to which identifications have been affected by ethnic politics. To this aim, both the political discourses as well as ethnic identifications are examined. First, drawing on mainly anthropological accounts as well as expert interviews, I map out the development of political identity discourses and identify three strands: i) a rising salience of indigeneity and its inclusion into the notion of Bolivian national identity or ‘Bolivianhood’, particularly during the so-called protest cycle from 2000 to 2005; ii) a rising assertiveness of indigeneity, specifically surrounding the election and inauguration of Morales in 2005 and 2006; and iii) rising tensions between different 2 interpretations of indigeneity during the constitutional assembly, recently played out in the still- ongoing TIPNIS conflict. 1 The second part quantitatively examines indigenous identification in Bolivia, using representative survey data collected by the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) over the past decade. 2 The analyses show changes in ethnic identifications that can be linked to the political identity discourse. They show that there has been indeed an increase in the number of people who identify as indigenous but that this increase may be due to the inclusive discourse during the protest cycle, rather than due to the rising assertiveness during Morales’ first years in presidency. Instead, the latter has given rise to an increased sense of cohesion among members of the diverse indigenous peoples as one community. Quarrels during the writing and implementation of the new constitution reversed this process, however, if they did not even further lessen this sense of community. Besides shedding light on the situation in Bolivia, this analysis thus also contributes to the wider debate on the effects of ethnic politics. It shows that ethnic identifications do indeed change with changing political discourses, that they do so quicker than expected, and not necessarily in the manner as expected: the type of reaction in identification depends on the type of dominant discourse, demonstrating that it is necessary to carefully distinguish different elements of ethnic identification in the analysis of ethnopolitics. Ethnic Groupness Today, scholars of ethnicity agree virtually unanimously that ethnic identities are not primordial and fixed but constructed, multiple, and situational (e.g. Chandra 2012; Eriksen 1993; Gil-White 1999; Hale 2004).3 Ethnic identities are constructed in that they are not determined by a structure essential to them but come into being in social interaction; they are multiple in that one individual may be, for example, Bavarian, German, and Jewish all at the same time; and they are situational in that one of these identities may be more salient to the individual in one situation than in another. One important impetus for the changing salience of ethnicity is said to be its political mobilization through ethnic entrepreneurs. In the struggle for popular support, politicians define or activate ethnic cleavages which, as a result, begin to structure not only political but also social relations (e.g. Chandra 1 TIPNIS is the Spanish acronym for Indigenous Territory and National Park Isiboro–Securé. Government plans for the construction of a road through the territory was protested in autumn 2011 with a 700km-long march from the city of Trinidad to the seat of government in La Paz. The protest march was met with incomprehension by government officials and violent action by the police. This reaction increased public support for the protesters and the lowland indigenous marchers were joined by other organizations (see Bolivia Information Forum 2011). The TIPNIS crisis was resolved in favour of the protesters but ongoing tensions gave rise to a second march to La Paz at the time of writing. 2 I thank the Latin American Public Opinion Project and its major supporters (the United States Agency for International Development, the United Nations Development Program, the Inter-American Development Bank, and Vanderbilt University) for making the data available. 3 They do not, however, agree on the potential for change of ethnic identities once constructed (see also Hale 2004). 3 2004; Horowitz 2000; Lake and Rothchild 1997; Rabushka and Shepsle 1972). Through politicization, categories do not only become more salient but also a source of identification and sense of community, if not of collective action and inter-group rivalry (see also Lieberman and Singh 2012). While this effect has sometimes been explained with reference to social psychological processes (e.g. Birnir 2007; Horowitz 2000), it has rarely been studied directly. Indeed, in spite of the widespread acceptance of the view that ethnicity is socially constructed, studies analyzing the effect of political processes on ethnicity – rather than vice versa – are scarce (see also Cooney 2009; Green and Seher 2003). It is the aim of this paper to analyze the effects of ethnic politicization on in-group processes. In doing so, the paper is based on the distinction – common in the theoretical, much less the empirical literature – between ethnic category and ethnic group. An ethnic category is defined by its attributes, such as a common language, culture, history, locality, and/or physical appearance. On the ground, these attributes are perceived to arise from a common descent of the members of each ethnic category. An ethnic group, on the other hand, is marked by cohesion and solidarity among
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Changing Ethnic Boundaries
    Changing Ethnic Boundaries: Politics and Identity in Bolivia, 2000–2010 Submitted by Anaïd Flesken to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Ethno–Political Studies in October 2012 This thesis is available for library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other university. Signature: …………………………………………………………. Abstract The politicization of ethnic diversity has long been regarded as perilous to ethnic peace and national unity, its detrimental impact memorably illustrated in Northern Ireland, former Yugo- slavia or Rwanda. The process of indigenous mobilization followed by regional mobilizations in Bolivia over the past decade has hence been seen with some concern by observers in policy and academia alike. Yet these assessments are based on assumptions as to the nature of the causal mechanisms between politicization and ethnic tensions; few studies have examined them di- rectly. This thesis systematically analyzes the impact of ethnic mobilizations in Bolivia: to what extent did they affect ethnic identification, ethnic relations, and national unity? I answer this question through a time-series analysis of indigenous and regional identification in political discourse and citizens’ attitudes in Bolivia and its department of Santa Cruz from 2000 to 2010. Bringing together literature on ethnicity from across the social sciences, my thesis first develops a framework for the analysis of ethnic change, arguing that changes in the attributes, meanings, and actions associated with an ethnic category need to be analyzed separately, as do changes in dynamics within an in-group and towards an out-group and supra-group, the nation.
    [Show full text]
  • OEA/Ser.G CP/Doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF
    OEA/Ser.G CP/doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION IN BOLIVIA PRESIDENTIAL AND PREFECTS ELECTIONS 2005 This document is being distributed to the permanent missions and will be presented to the Permanent Council of the Organization ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION IN BOLIVIA PRESIDENTIAL AND PREFECTS ELECTIONS 2005 Secretariat for Political Affairs This version is subject to revision and will not be available to the public pending consideration, as the case may be, by the Permanent Council CONTENTS MAIN ABBREVIATIONS vi CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 A. Electoral Process of December 2005 1 B. Legal and Electoral Framework 3 1. Electoral officers 4 2. Political parties 4 3. Citizen groups and indigenous peoples 5 4. Selection of prefects 6 CHAPTER II. MISSION BACKGROUND, OBJECTIVES AND CHARACTERISTICS 7 A. Mission Objectives 7 B. Preliminary Activities 7 C. Establishment of Mission 8 D. Mission Deployment 9 E. Mission Observers in Political Parties 10 F. Reporting Office 10 CHAPTER III. OBSERVATION OF PROCESS 11 A. Electoral Calendar 11 B. Electoral Training 11 1. Training for electoral judges, notaries, and board members11 2. Disseminating and strengthening democratic values 12 C. Computer System 13 D. Monitoring Electoral Spending and Campaigning 14 E. Security 14 CHAPTER IV. PRE-ELECTION STAGE 15 A. Concerns of Political Parties 15 1. National Electoral Court 15 2. Critical points 15 3. Car traffic 16 4. Sealing of ballot boxes 16 5. Media 17 B. Complaints and Reports 17 1. Voter registration rolls 17 2. Disqualification 17 3.
    [Show full text]
  • From Petro-Nationalism to Post-Extractivism in Ecuador Thea
    Thea Riofrancos Resource Radicals From Petro-Nationalism to Post-Extractivism in Ecuador Resource Radicals fl1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 9 10 10 11 11 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 15 16 16 17 17 18 18 19 19 20 20 21 21 22 22 23 23 24 24 25 25 26 26 27 27 28 28 29 29 30 30 31 31 32 32 33 33 34 34 35 35 36 36 37 Radical Américas 37 38 A series edited by Bruno Bosteels 38 39 and George Ciccariello- Maher 39 fl1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 9 10 10 11 11 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 15 16 16 17 17 18 18 19 19 20 20 21 21 22 22 23 23 24 24 25 25 26 26 27 Resource Radicals 27 28 28 29 29 From Petro- Nationalism 30 30 31 to Post- Extractivism 31 32 in Ec ua dor 32 33 33 34 Thea Riofrancos 34 35 35 36 36 37 Duke University Press 37 38 Durham and London 38 39 2020 39 © 2020 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of Amer i ca on acid- free paper ∞ Designed by Drew Sisk Typeset in Portrait Text and Helvetica Neue by Westchester Publishing Services. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Names: Riofrancos, Thea N., author. Title: Resource radicals : from petro-nationalism to post-extractivism in Ecuador / Thea Riofrancos.
    [Show full text]
  • In Bolivia: the Political Activities of Branko Marinković Rajković, Ana
    www.ssoar.info Opposing the policy of the twenty-first century socialism in Bolivia: the political activities of Branko Marinković Rajković, Ana Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Rajković, A. (2015). Opposing the policy of the twenty-first century socialism in Bolivia: the political activities of Branko Marinković. Südosteuropäische Hefte, 4(2), 37-47. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-454920 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Ana Rajković – Opposing the Policy of the Twenty-First Century Socialism in Bolivia Ana Rajković Opposing the Policy of the Twenty-First Century Socialism1 in Bolivia The Political Activities of Branko Marinković Abstract The Marinković family, which originated from the island of Brač, immigrated to the eastern Bolivian province of Santa Cruz in the mid-1950s. Thanks to a successful agricultural business, among other things, the family has become one of the richest and most influential families in Bolivia. Some analysts link Branko Marinković's origins with his oppositional activities in Bolivia. This is due to the fact that Marinković compares the contemporary “Twenty-first century socialism” policies of Bolivian president Evo Morales with the communist policies of Tito in Yugoslavia.
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia: Elections Postponed to October
    INSIGHTi Bolivia: Elections Postponed to October Updated July 24, 2020 On July 23, 2020, Bolivia’s electoral tribunal announced the postponement of general elections from September 6 to October 18 due to the escalating Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Bolivia has been polarized since the November 2019 resignation of President Evo Morales of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party and already postponed elections originally scheduled for May 3 due to a national quarantine. Unrest and the surging pandemic (Interim President Jeanette Añez and several in her cabinet have contracted COVID-19) could threaten the elections. The United States remains concerned about the political volatility in Bolivia and has supported efforts to ensure the upcoming elections are free and fair. October Elections Annulled Morales, Bolivia’s first indigenous president, transformed Bolivia, but observers criticized his efforts to remain in office (he won elections in 2006, 2009, and 2014). In 2017, Bolivia’s Constitutional Tribunal removed limits on reelection established in the 2009 constitution, effectively overruling a 2016 referendum in which voters rejected a constitutional change to allow Morales to run for another term. Allegations of fraud marred Bolivia’s October Figure 1. Bolivia at a Glance election. The electoral tribunal said Morales exceeded the 10-point margin necessary to avoid a runoff over former president Carlos Mesa, but Mesa rejected that result. Some protesters called for a new election; others demanded Morales’s resignation. On November 10, 2019, the Organization of American States (OAS) issued preliminary findings suggesting enough irregularities to merit a new election. (Some experts have since challenged aspects of those findings.) Morales Sources: CRS Graphics, International Monetary Fund (IMF), agreed to hold new elections, but the opposition Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Instituto Nacional de rejected his offer.
    [Show full text]
  • Indigenous Movements from Oppressed Nationalities
    From Oppressed Nationalities to Ethno-Nationalists: Historicizing Ecuador’s Indigenous Movement Marc Becker 3209 Atwood Ave Madison, WI 53704 608-244-7817 [email protected] December 5, 2007 Abstract: Activists and academics alike celebrated the consolidation of an ethno-nationalist identity among Ecuador’s Indigenous movements in the 1980s and 1990s as a novel and important development in the Andes. Many people, however, are unaware of the deeper historical roots of this discourse. In the 1920s the Moscow-based Communist International constructed Indigenous peoples as a nationality, and advocated an independent Indigenous republic in the Andes. By the 1930s Indigenous and leftist activists in Ecuador had made that construction their own as they commonly began to refer to Indigenous nationalities. Although little noted, this discourse persisted in leftist circles throughout the twentieth century. What emerged at the end of the century was not so much a new way of constructing identities, but a return to time-proven methods of organizing popular movements. Thus, it is not a break from the past but successfully building on previous struggles that explains a strong Indigenous movement in Ecuador. Bio: Marc Becker is an associate professor of Latin American History at Truman State University, Missouri’s premier, highly selective liberal arts institution. He writes and teaches about race, class, and gender in popular movements in Latin America. He has a forthcoming book from Duke University Press on the history of Indigenous movements in twentieth-century Ecuador. He is the Chair of the Andean Studies committee of the Conference on Latin American History (CLAH), and a council member of the Ethnicity, Race and Indigenous Peoples (ERIP) section of the Latin American Studies Association (LASA).
    [Show full text]
  • View / Open Pomeslorences Oregon 0171N 12517.Pdf
    WHOSE AUTONOMY? AN ANALYSIS OF THE DIFFERENT MEANINGS OF AUTONOMY IN BOLIVIA, AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE AUTONOMY REGIME by MARIA POMÉS LORENCÉS A THESIS Presented to the Department of International Studies and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts June 2019 THESIS APPROVAL PAGE Student: Maria Pomés Lorencés Title: Whose Autonomy? An Analysis of the Different Meanings of Autonomy in Bolivia, and their Impact on the Autonomy Regime. This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in the Department of International Studies by: Derrick Hindery Chairperson Erin Beck Member Will Johnson Member and Janet Woodruff-Borden Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2019 ii © 2019 Maria Pomés Lorencés This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial United States License. iii THESIS ABSTRACT Maria Pomés Lorencés Master of Arts Department of International Studies June 2019 Title: Whose Autonomy? An Analysis of the Different Meanings of Autonomy in Bolivia, and their Impact on the Autonomy Regime. This thesis explores the diverse meanings attached to the concept of autonomy in Bolivia. Different sectors of society at the state level, and individuals from indigenous nations at the local level –in particular the Monkoxt of Lomerío–, attach different meanings, expectations and hopes to autonomy. This thesis analyzes how the different understandings have impacted the implementation of the autonomy system, and it also explores how they may influence the future of the autonomy model in Bolivia.
    [Show full text]
  • IHRC Submission on Bolivia
    VIOLATIONS OF THE RIGHT TO LIFE, RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, RIGHT TO ASSEMBLY & ASSOCIATION, AND OTHERS: ONGOING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BOLIVIA Submission to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions from Harvard Law School’s International Human Rights Clinic Cc: Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers Special Rapporteur on the f reedom of opinion and expression Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous peoples Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism The International Human Rights Clinic (IHRC) at Harvard Law School seeks to protect and promote human rights and internation-al humanitarian law through documentation; legal, factual, and stra-tegic analysis; litigation before national, regional, and internation-al bodies; treaty negotiations; and policy and advocacy initiatives. Table of Contents Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations to the U.N. Special Rapporteurs ........................................................................... 2 Facts ............................................................................................................................................... 3 Background on the Current Crisis ........................................................................................................ 3 State Violence Against Protesters
    [Show full text]
  • THE RAINBOW FLAG of the INCAS by Gustav Tracchia
    THE RAINBOW FLAG OF THE INCAS by Gustav Tracchia PROLOGUE: The people of this pre-Columbian culture that flourished in the mid- Andes region of South America (known as The Empire of The Incas) called their realm: Tawantinsuyo, meaning the four corners. The word INCA is Quechua for Lord or King and was attached to the name of the ruler e.g., Huascar Inca or Huayna Capac Inca. In Quechua, the official language of the empire; Suyo is corner and Tawa, number four. Ntin is the way to form the plural. Fig. 1 Map of the Tawantinsuyo Wikipedia, (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/file:inca expansion.png) 1 Gustav Tracchia The "four corners" or suyos radiated from the capital, Cuzco: - Chincasuyo: Northwest Peru, present day Ecuador and the tip of Southern Colombia. - Contisuyo: nearest to Cuzco, south-central within the area of modern Peru. - Antisuyo: almost as long as Chincansuyo but on the eastern side of the Andes, from northern Peru to parts of upper eastern Bolivia. - Collasuyo: Southwest: all of western Bolivia, northern Chile and northwest of Argentina. Fig. 2 Cobo, Historia, schematic division of the four suyos 2 The Rainbow Flag of the Incas Fig. 3 Map of Tawantinsuyo, overlapping present day South American political division. ()www.geocities.com/Tropics/beach/2523/maps/perutawan1.html To simplify, I am going to call this still mysterious pre-Columbian kingdom, not Tawantinsuyo, but the "Empire of the Incas" or "The Inca Empire." I am also going to refer to events related to the culture of the Incas as "Incasic" or "Incan".
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia's Divisions
    BOLIVIA'S DIVISIONS: TOO DEEP TO HEAL? 6 July 2004 Latin America Report N°7 Quito/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. HISTORICAL SYNOPSIS ............................................................................................ 2 III. THE MESA ADMINISTRATION ............................................................................... 4 IV. THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL OPPOSITION ...................................................... 7 A. EVO'S EVOLUTION AND THE MAS TODAY...............................................................................7 B. LABOUR ORGANISATIONS: THE STREET-BASED OPPOSITION.................................................8 C. OTHER POLITICAL PARTIES...................................................................................................9 D. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND NGOS ..................................................................................10 V. SPARKS THAT COULD SET THE COUNTRY AFLAME ................................... 11 A. NATURAL GAS ....................................................................................................................13 B. CAMBAS AND COLLAS ........................................................................................................14 C. THE COCA LEAF .................................................................................................................17
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights Violations to Indigenous People in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes in South America
    HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS TO INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES IN SOUTH AMERICA A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors by Jhanisse Vaca Daza May, 2016 ii Thesis written by Jhanisse Vaca Daza Approved by ____________________________________________ , Advisor _________________________ Chair, Department of Political Science Accepted by ___________________________________________________, Dean, Honors College iii iv TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................................................1 1. Research Question. ......................................................................................................1 2. Literature Review.........................................................................................................5 3. Research Design.........................................................................................................13 A. BOLIVIA ......................................................................................................................18 1. Background ................................................................................................................18 a. TIPNIS Territory ....................................................................................................18 b. Project of Roadway through the TIPNIS announced .............................................21 c. Erosion of democracy in Bolivia
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing Bolivia's 2020 General Elections (PDF)
    ELECTION REPORT ✩ Analyzing Bolivia’s 2020 General Elections Final Report Analyzing Bolivia’s 2020 General Elections Final Report 2021 June The Carter Center One Copenhill 453 John Lewis Freedom Parkway NE Atlanta, GA 30307 www.cartercenter.org Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 INTRODUCTION 11 RECOMMENDATIONS 12 CONCLUSIONS 16 CONTEXT 16 LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ELECTIONS 17 VOTER REGISTRATION 18 ELECTION CAMPAIGN 20 CAMPAIGN FINANCING 21 ELECTION ADMINISTRATION 21 ELECTION DAY 24 RESULTS AGGREGATION AND PUBLICATION 25 The preliminary results system 25 Official results aggregation 26 OUT-OF-COUNTRY VOTING 27 FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 28 IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON THE ELECTION 29 NATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION 29 PARTICIPATION AND REPRESENTATION 30 PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN 31 Political violence against women 34 PARTICIPATION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES 34 PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES 35 LGBTQI PERSONS 35 YOUTH 36 DISINFORMATION ON SOCIAL MEDIA 37 ANALYSIS OF FACEBOOK POLITICAL ADVERTISING DURING THE 2020 BOLIVIAN ELECTIONS 38 ANNEX A: DISINFORMATION ON SOCIAL MEDIA 41 ANNEX B: ANALYSIS OF FACEBOOK POLITICAL ADVERTISING 61 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The October 2019 elections were followed by a post-electoral crisis that was characterized by extreme polarization between the country’s political and social forces and numerous episodes of violence. Nonetheless, in the midst of this crisis, complex negotiations enabled the unanimous approval of the Nov. 24, 2019, Exceptional and Transitory Law for holding general elections. The law decreed the cancellation of the October 2019 elections and established deadlines for a new Tribunal Supremo Electoral (TSE) to organize a new electoral process. From the time the TSE was constituted as a result of wide political consensus, the task of the election administration was particularly challenging: to organize elections in a short timeframe with largely new personnel and a significant part of its infrastructure demolished — all in the context of extreme political polarization.
    [Show full text]