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Hitler, Anti-Semitism, and the Demise of the Third Reich Jacob T Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville The Research and Scholarship Symposium The 2017 yS mposium Apr 12th, 2:00 PM - 2:30 PM Hitler, Anti-Semitism, and the Demise of the Third Reich Jacob T. Mach Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ research_scholarship_symposium Part of the Political History Commons, and the Social History Commons Mach, Jacob T., "Hitler, Anti-Semitism, and the Demise of the Third Reich" (2017). The Research and Scholarship Symposium. 14. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/research_scholarship_symposium/2017/podium_presentations/14 This Podium Presentation is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Research and Scholarship Symposium by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Mach 1 Hitler, Anti-Semitism, and the Demise of the Third Reich Jacob Mach 12 April, 2017 Cedarville University Mach 2 Since the end of the Second World War, and the uncovering of the atrocities enacted by Adolf Hitler and the Nazis on the Jewish population of the European continent, many theories have been proposed as to how the “Final Solution” was accomplished. What is shocking, however, is the growing number of people, including historians, who deny the events of the Holocaust altogether. Given the preponderance of evidence, this conjecture is unfounded and irresponsible. The greater debate waging between historians today is who initially planned the “Final Solution” and who drove it to its completion. Two camps have arisen to explain the origins of the “Final Solution.” Intentionalists believe Hitler was directly responsible for the planning of the “Final Solution,” and purposefully gave the orders for the execution of said plan. In other words, he used his position as Fuhrer and Nazi leader to put his genocidal plan into motion, disguising them as Nazi policies.1 He planned to exterminate the Jews from the beginning, and his position of power gave him the opportunity. German historian Klaus Hildebrand goes as far as to say “one should not speak of National Socialism, but of Hitlerism.”2 Functionalists, on the other hand, believe Hitler could not possibly be the major force behind the Holocaust, and that many factors contributed to the genocide. Some Functionalists, like Uwe Dietrich Adam, even believe mass extermination was not part of the original plan, arguing that Hitler and the Nazis “final resort” was the slaughter of the Jews.3 Historians such as Gerald Fleming and Daniel Goldhagen see this approach nearing a dangerous conclusion: alleviating any and all accountability for the genocide of six million Jews, as if the Nazi’s just “stumbled” upon the idea of genocide. Such a debate should not and cannot be taken lightly. To better understand this debate, one must first study Hitler and his political evolution. A more well- 1 Gerald Fleming, Hitler and the Final Solution (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1985), ix. 2 Ibid, ix. 3 Ibid, xv. Mach 3 rounded, comprehensive view of Hitler before World War 1, during the First World War, and in the two decades leading up to the Second World War will allow for a more complete analysis of his part in the Final Solution. Many recognize Adolf Hitler as the Fascist leader of Nazi Germany, running rampant through Europe on a quest for total domination. What many do not recognize, however, is the failed Austrian artist who made a name for himself in the grim, deadly trenches of World War I. The political juggernaut was not made overnight. His political leanings and ideologies were formed during and after his years of service in the military. World War 1 cannot be overlooked in the development of Hitler as a person, and his political/societal beliefs. Several of his wartime companions remembered how vehemently he would react to any talk of German defeat.4 To him, they recalled, there could be no defeat. Germany must emerge victorious. Another interesting observation recorded by his compatriots noted the lack of anti-Semitic language exhibited by Hitler pre-1919.5 This comes as a surprise, given the mission that consumed Hitler two decades later. What this does mean, however, is at some point between his release from the military and his rise as a predominant political figure in Germany, Hitler experienced a radical shift, altering his ideology in an encompassing manner, driving his political and personal decisions for years to come. But what precipitated this ideological evolution? A brief overview of Hitler’s service in the German military is necessary to provide a backdrop for the tumultuous years following the war. 4 Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1889-1936: Hubris (London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1998), 93. 5 Ibid, 94 Mach 4 Numerous biographers and historians, including Hitler biographers Joachim Fest and Volker Ullrich, have assessed the “formative experience” of World War I.6 Ullrich goes as far as to state that without the War, “Hitler would not have become that which he was to become; it made his whole career possible in the first place,”7 while Ian Kershaw states the importance of World War 1 as a staging point for the political career of Hitler.8 Thus, the experiences must be given a fair look, if so much study is attributed to this time period by Hitler historians. Even before his enrollment in the German (Bavarian) ranks, Hitler had made one important political decision: he spurned his native Austria in support of Germany. He seemingly disliked the multinationalism of the Austrian empire, and opted to align himself with Germany instead.9 Heinrich Hoffman, who later worked with Hitler as a propagandist, unknowingly took a picture of Hitler cheering with a jubilant crowd in Munich after the announcement of Germany entering the First World War.10 That being said, little else is known about his views about politics before the war, although some claims are made by Hitler himself in Mein Kampf. Such statements can be taken at face value, but given the utter lack of corroboration with other sources, they should be taken with a grain of salt. Hitler saw little, if any, actual front line action as a solider during World War 1, though he spent much of his time in range of the front lines. He functioned as an orderly, running orders from the battalion command post to the leaders on or near the front lines.11 Wounded for the first 6 Brendan Simms, "Against a 'World of Enemies': The Impact of the First World War on the Development of Hitler's Ideology," International Affairs 90, no. 2 (03, 2014). 7 Volker Ullrich, Adolf Hitler: Biographie, vol. 1: Die Jahre des Aufstiegs (Frankfurt: S. Fischer, 2013), pp. 64–89 at p. 64. 8 Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1889-1936: Hubris (London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1998), 73, 101. 9 Brendan Simms, "Against a 'World of Enemies': The Impact of the First World War on the Development of Hitler's Ideology," International Affairs 90, no. 2 (03, 2014): page 4 10 Ibid, 4. 11 Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1889-1936: Hubris (London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1998), 91. Mach 5 time in 1916 when a British shell hit his dugout, Hitler spent two months in the hospital, until rejoining his unit in the spring of 1917.1213 While recovering in a Berlin hospital, Hitler was appalled at the conditions of his beloved Berlin, especially with the morale and attitude of its inhabitants. He noted in his account several years later the striking number, as he recorded, of Jewish clerks in Berlin, as opposed to the few number of Jewish soldiers at the front lines.14 This assertion appears to be contradicted by historian Brendan Simms, who notes the disproportionately high numbers of Jews in Hitler’s regiment.15 Whether or not this assertion from Hitler is a call for blame on the Jews for their alleged non-involvement in Germany’s struggle remains unknown. There is not enough evidence to point to this instance as being the launching of Hitler’s ardent anti-Semitism. This instance should not be overlooked, however, as many such occurrences work together to solidify Hitler’s ardent racism. After returning to his regiment, the wear and tear of war began to show within the German ranks. Defeat was followed by retreat, depleting morale. Hitler, however, personally excelled, receiving several medals for his service, including the Iron Cross.16 Hitler was wounded again in 1918 in a British gas attack near the end of the war. Separated from the front recovering in a hospital, he learned of Germany’s surrender to the Allies. In light of Hitler’s total devotion to Germany and his unwavering belief in the superiority of the nation at war, the news of surrender was crushing. Thomas Weber argues that this point proves pivotal in propelling Hitler to pursue a political career, as referenced by Hitler’s own writing about the end of the 12 Brendan Simms, "Against a 'World of Enemies': The Impact of the First World War on the Development of Hitler's Ideology," International Affairs 90, no. 2 (03, 2014): 7. 13 Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1889-1936: Hubris (London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1998), 95. 14 Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1889-1936: Hubris (London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1998), 95. 15 Brendan Simms, "Against a 'World of Enemies': The Impact of the First World War on the Development of Hitler's Ideology," International Affairs 90, no. 2 (03, 2014): 11. 16 Ian Kershaw, Hitler, 1889–1936: hubris (London: Allen Lane, 1998), pp. 96. Mach 6 war.17 Both Kershaw and Simms, however, disagree, stating that the evidence outside of Hitler himself does not suffice to suggest this was his launching point.1819 He first real political endeavors were at least a year away, which follows the timeline given by Kershaw and Simms.
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