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The End of Détente* a Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics
The End of Détente* A Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics By Thomas Smith After the election of autonomous and must resist all pressure of any Jimmy Carter as US kind whatsoever, whether of a political, religious President, Prime or economic nature.”1 With British government Minister Margaret documents from 1980 recently released under the Thatcher flew to Thirty Year Rule, the time seems apt to evaluate the Washington on 17th debate about the Olympic boycott, and to ask the December 1979 for question: to what extent was the call by the British her first official visit. government for a boycott of the 1980 Moscow Five days later NATO Olympics an appropriate response to the invasion of announced the de- Afghanistan? ployment of a new Before the argument of the essay is established, it generation of American is first necessary to provide a brief narrative of the rockets and Cruise main events. Thatcher’s government began discussing missiles in Western the idea of a boycott in early January 1980; however, Europe. On the 25th their first action was to call for the Olympics to be December Soviet moved to a different location. Once the IOC declared troops marched into that relocating the Olympics was out of the question, Afghanistan. Thatcher told the House of Commons that she was now advising athletes not to go to Moscow and wrote Photo: U.S. Government to Sir Denis Follows, Chairman of the BOA, informing Introduction him of the government’s decision. The BOA, which was Britain’s NOC and the organisation that could During the 1970s, relations between the West and the accept or decline the invitation to the Olympics, Soviet Union were marked by an era of détente. -
BAKALÁŘSKÁ PRÁCE Popular Culture and Margaret Thatcher, The
ZÁPADOČESKÁ UNIVERZITA V PLZNI FAKULTA FILOZOFICKÁ BAKALÁŘSKÁ PRÁCE Popular Culture and Margaret Thatcher, the Media Image of the “Iron Lady“ Kateřina Tichá Plzeň 2018 Západočeská univerzita v Plzni Fakulta filozofická Katedra anglického jazyka a literatury Studijní program Filologie Studijní obor Cizí jazyky pro komerční praxi Kombinace angličtina – francouzština Bakalářská práce Popular Culture and Margaret Thatcher, the Media Image of the “Iron Lady“ Kateřina Tichá Vedoucí práce: Mgr. Tomáš Hostýnek Katedra anglického jazyka a literatury Fakulta filozofická Západočeské univerzity v Plzni Plzeň 2018 Prohlašuji, že jsem práci zpracovala samostatně a použila jen uvedených pramenů a literatury. Plzeň, duben 2018 ……………………… Touto cestou bych chtěla poděkovat Mgr. Tomášovi Hostýnkovi, za cenné rady a připomínky v průběhu psaní mé bakalářské práce, které pro mě byly velmi přínosné. Table of contents 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 1 2 EARLY LIFE 1925 – 1947 .......................................................... 3 2.1 Childhood ..................................................................................... 3 2.2 Education ...................................................................................... 3 2.3 Relation towards her parents ..................................................... 4 3 EARLY FORAY INTO POLITICS 1948 – 1959 ........................... 5 4 POLITICAL LIFE 1959 – 1979 ................................................... 7 4.1 Opposition ................................................................................... -
University Microfilms International 300 N
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Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
François Mitterrand, of Germany and France
François Mitterrand, Of Germany and France Caption: In 1996, François Mitterrand, President of France from 1981 to 1995, recalls the negative attitude of Margaret Thatcher, British Prime Minister, towards German reunification. Source: MITTERRAND, François. De l'Allemagne. De la France. Paris: Odile Jacob, 1996. 247 p. ISBN 2- 7381-0403-7. p. 39-44. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/francois_mitterrand_of_germany_and_france-en- 33ae0d5e-f55b-4476-aa6b-549648111114.html Last updated: 05/07/2016 1/3 François Mitterrand, Of Germany and France […] In Great Britain, on 10 November 1989, the Prime Minister’s Press Office published a statement in which Mrs Thatcher welcomed the lifting of the restrictions on movements of the population of East Germany towards the West, hoped that this would be a prelude to the dismantling of the Berlin Wall, looked forward to the installation of a democratic government in the German Democratic Republic and warned, ‘You have to take these things step by step.’ On the subject of unification, however, she said not a word. Three days later, at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet at the Guildhall in the City of London, she spoke about free elections and a multiparty system in East Germany, cooperation with the emerging democracies of Central Europe and the new role which NATO would have to play. -
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University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/4527 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. God and Mrs Thatcher: Religion and Politics in 1980s Britain Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2010 Liza Filby University of Warwick University ID Number: 0558769 1 I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. ……………………………………………… Date………… 2 Abstract The core theme of this thesis explores the evolving position of religion in the British public realm in the 1980s. Recent scholarship on modern religious history has sought to relocate Britain‟s „secularization moment‟ from the industrialization of the nineteenth century to the social and cultural upheavals of the 1960s. My thesis seeks to add to this debate by examining the way in which the established Church and Christian doctrine continued to play a central role in the politics of the 1980s. More specifically it analyses the conflict between the Conservative party and the once labelled „Tory party at Prayer‟, the Church of England. Both Church and state during this period were at loggerheads, projecting contrasting visions of the Christian underpinnings of the nation‟s political values. The first part of this thesis addresses the established Church. -
KGB Boss Says Robert Maxwell Was the Second Kissinger
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 21, Number 32, August 12, 1994 boss says Robert axwe KGB M ll was the second Kissinger by Mark Burdman On the evening of July 28, Germany's ARD television net Margaret Thatcher, who was frantically trying to prevent work broadcast an extraordinary documentary on the life German reunification. and death of the late Robert Maxwell, the British publishing Stanislav Sorokin was one of several top-level former magnate and sleazy wheeler-and-dealer who died under mys Soviet intelligence and political insiders who freely com terious circumstances, his body found floating in the waters mented on Maxwell during the broadcast. For their own rea off Tenerife in the Canary Islands, on Nov. 5, 1991. The sons, these Russians are evidently intent on provoking an show, "Man Overboard," was co-produced by the firm Mit international discussion of, and investigation into, the mys teldeutscher Rundfunk, headquartered in Leipzig in eastern teries of capital flight operations out of the U.S.S.R. in the Germany, and Austria's Oesterreicher Rundfunk. It relied late 1980s-early 1990s. Former Soviet KGB chief Vladimir primarily on interviews with senior officials of the former Kryuchkov, a partner of Maxwell in numerous underhanded Soviet KGB and GRU intelligence services, who helped ventures who went to jail for his role in the failed August build the case that the circumstances of Maxwell's death 1991 putsch against Gorbachov, suggests in the concluding must have been intimately linked to efforts to cover up sensi moments of the broadcast, that f'the English-American [sic] tive Soviet Communist Party capital flightand capital transfer secret services, who are experienced enough, could, if they to the West in the last days of the U.S.S.R. -
Pdf, Accessed 10 August 2013
Notes Introduction 1 . Kristan Stoddart, Losing an Empire and Finding a Role: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1964–1970 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012) and Kristan Stoddart, The Sword and the Shield: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1970–1976 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 2 . He eventually defeated Michael Foot in the leadership run-off. Foot would succeed Callaghan as leader in 1980, defeating Denis Healey. 3 . James Callaghan, Time and Chance (London: Fontana, 1988), pp. 385–408. 4 . David McKie, ‘Lord Callaghan Labour prime minister who, uniquely, held all four of the great offices of state, but whose consensus politics were washed away in the late 1970s’, The Guardian , 28 March 2005. 5 . ‘Why grass roots protests are now a “Must”’, The Guardian , 4 March 2010. 6 . Callaghan, Time and Chance , p. 400. 7 . Ibid. p. 448. 8 . Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: Penguin, 1990), pp. 388–464. 9 . Ibid. pp. 381, 393, 422–424, 429–435 and Callaghan, Time and Chance , pp. 413–447, 478, 498, 515. 10 . For a comprehensive synopsis see Richard Vinen, Thatcher’s Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the 1980s (London: Simon and Schuster, 2009). 11 . Andy McSmith, ‘Margaret Thatcher obituary: the most divisive political leader of modern times’, The Independent , 8 April 2013. 12 . Quoted in Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (London: Allen Lane, 2000), pp. 408, 397–436. 13 . www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/collections/BDOHP/Coles.pdf, accessed 10 August 2013. 14 . John Nott, Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Recollections of an Errant Politician (London: Politico’s, 2002), p. -
Margaret Thatcher, Thatcherism and Education
Commentary Reginald Edwards McGill University Margaret Thatcher, Thatcherism and Education The changes in educational policy in Britain that are being promoted by Margaret Thatcher's government are of such significance that educators in North America might be well advised to take notice of them. Professor Buck, in the Win ter issue of this journal, detailed many of these changes and compared them to the policies of Matthew Arnold. In this commentary, an attempt is made to examine the personal and political background of Margaret Thatcher and to draw sorne inferences about the origin of her ideas and policies, which have come to be known commonlyas "Thatcherism." Thatcher's personal background Margaret Roberts, born in Grantham, Lincolnshire, in 1925, began her education in a local primary school, and at the age of eleven began secondary education at the Kestevan and Grantham Grammar School for Girls. Admitted to Somerville College, Oxford, in 1943, she graduated in Science in 1946. In her final year she was the President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and, in this capacity, was invited to her first Annual Conference of the Conservative Party in 1946. She attended her second conference in 1948, as the representative of the Graduates' Association, and met representatives of the Dartford constituency. Asking to submit her name as a candidate for nomination, she was accepted, and she contested, unsuccessfully, the elections of 1950 and 1951 for that constituency. Through her political activities she met Dennis Thatcher, whom she married in an East London Methodist Chapel in December 1951. After marriage she began to study law, specializing in taxation law, and was adJTJitted to the Bar in 1954, one year after giving birth to twins. -
PSA Awards 2000
Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom 50TH ANNIVERSARY Welcome In 1951, its first complete year, the PSA had 100 members. Today we have 800 full members and 300 graduate members and numbers continue to rise. The first annual conference was held at the LSE in 1950 and 50 members attended. The 50th Anniversary Conference was also held at the LSE but this time 720 members attended. By all conventional indicators, the Association has arrived at Patrick Dunleavy, Paul Kelly and Mick Moran. Finally, we introduced its 50th Birthday in good condition. Indeed, at the other side a major addition to the services for members; the new, expanded of an era in which the Social Science Research Council became interactive PSA web site. Members can find information about all the Economic and Social Research Council on ministerial Association’s events; update their personal information on the whim, we should be grateful we survived. Association’s member database; access electronic versions of PSA News and Political Studies. The PSA exists to represent and promote the study of politics throughout higher education. To celebrate our healthy survival It is my pleasant duty to thank the Awards jury, made up of in pursuing these aims, the PSA’s Executive Committee mounted past Presidents of the Association and past editors of Political ‘Project 2000’. It has four objectives. Studies, who decided on their list with a startling lack of discord – a tribute to the winners. Also, I thank members of the Project 2000 Committee – Jack Arthurs, John Benyon, Charlie Jeffery and ■ To raise the profile and standing of the PSA Jon Tonge – for their hard work. -
What Was Margaret Thatcher's Legacy for Women, Purvis
WHAT WAS MARGARET THATCHER’S LEGACY FOR WOMEN? June Purvis, University of Portsmouth, UK Published in Women’s History Review, Vol 22, No 6, December 2013, pp. 1014-1018, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2013.801136 ABSTRACT This article considers the legacy for women of Margaret Thatcher (1925-2013), Britain’s first and to date only Prime Minister. It is suggested that although Thatcher had to struggle against many of the sexist prejudices of her day to achieve her political ambitions, she was no feminist. The hard ladder up which she had climbed was drawn up and not extended to other women. Yet for some women, such as the Spice Girls, she was the pioneer of their ideology of girl power. Overall, it is concluded that Thatcher was a polarising figure whose legacy is one of much divisiveness in which the divisions between women is only one strand. BIOGRAPHICAL DATA June Purvis is Professor of Women’s and Gender History at the University of Portsmouth, UK. She is the Founding and Managing Editor of Women’s History Review. She has published extensively on women’s education in nineteenth-century Britain and on the British suffragette movement in the Edwardian era. Her most recent book, co-edited with Francisca de Haan, Margaret Allan and Krassimira Daskalova is Women’s Activism: global perspectives from the 1890s to the present (Routledge, 2013). Correspondence to: June Purvis, School of Social, Historical and Literary Studies, University of Portsmouth, Burnaby Road, Portsmouth PO1 3AS, UK. Email: [email protected] The death of Margaret Thatcher, Britain’s first and to date only female Prime Minister, on Monday 8th April 2013, was widely covered in the British and international media. -
Falkland Islands War: Diplomatic Failure in April 1982
The Falkland Islands War: Diplomatic Failure in April 1982 By Joseph Mauro Wake Forest University The fate of over 1,000 souls was decided in April 1982. On April 2, Argentine Special Forces invaded and occupied the British Falkland Islands. For the next month, Britain and Argentina tried to resolve the conflict diplomatically. United States Secretary of State Alexander Haig served as mediator, shuttling multiple times between London and Buenos Aires. Haig and his team tried to develop a document to which both the Argentine military junta, led by President Leopoldo Galtieri, and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher could agree. However, despite long hours in negotiations and a genuine desire of both sides to avoid war, agreement was never reached. The British counterattacked on May 1, and the fighting that resulted saw 1,054 soldiers and seamen die.1 Diplomacy in the Falkland Islands failed for a number of reasons. First, the negotiations were flawed, both in Haig’s uneasy position as mediator and the junta’s unreliable decision- making process. In addition, each side misunderstood the other. The Argentines never believed the British would counterattack and the British struggled to believe that Argentina wanted a peaceful solution. The possibility of oil under the islands also may have played a role. However, the most important impediment to diplomatic success was the fact that neither side was able to compromise enough to prevent war. The main reasons for this inflexibility were two-fold: both leaders needed to appear strong to remain in power, and the political climate at the time, especially in terms of diplomatic principles relating to the Cold War, prevented the British from yielding to the minimum Argentine demands.