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Separatismo Lozi Y La Política De La Autoridad Tradicional En Zambia

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Separatismo Lozi Y La Política De La Autoridad Tradicional En Zambia SECESIONISMO EN ÁFRICA (2l)7 15/3/10 11:59 Página 249 8 «No tenemos tiempo para esa gente» Separatismo lozi y la política de la Autoridad Tradicional en Zambia Wolfgang Zeller ¿Un largo proceso a ninguna parte? A partir de finales del siglo XIX Gran Bretaña, Alemania y Por- tugal colonizaron y se repartieron el reino lozi/barotse.1 En 1890 el centro político y económico del reino cayó bajo dominio británico, que lo administró como una parte más o menos integral de la colo- nia de Rodesia del Norte con el nombre de «Barotseland». Poco an- tes de la independencia, el gobierno británico, los dirigentes lozi y el gobierno de transición de Zambia firmaron un tratado conocido como el Acuerdo de Barotseland de 1964. Aquel acuerdo establecía los términos de la incorporación de Barotseland a la República de Zambia: sería una provincia con amplia autonomía, el litunga (el rey lozi) tendría poderes especiales y gozaría de un sofisticado aparato administrativo basado en autoridades regionales y locales «tradicio- nales». En 1969 el United National Independence Party (UNIP) en el poder bajo la presidencia de Kenneth Kaunda cambió unilateral- mente el nombre del territorio a «Provincia Occidental», lo que para los lozi supuso un nuevo agravio, ya que poco después de la independencia el gobierno de Kaunda también había empezado con éxito relativo a centralizar el poder del estado y a revocar la mayoría de las disposiciones especiales otorgadas a Barotseland por el tratado de 1964. Desde el punto de vista lozi, aquello equi- valía a una derogación sin paliativos de aquel tratado, y alimentó y fomentó el sentimiento separatista ya existente entre los líderes lozi en el período de transición a la independencia. Una minoría radical reclama desde entonces, y de forma reiterada, la secesión de la Pro- vincia Occidental/Barotseland de Zambia como último recurso contra lo que consideran un gobierno central opresivo. La mayoría de la élite y del pueblo lozi han reclamado insistentemente mayor 249 SECESIONISMO EN ÁFRICA (2l)7 15/3/10 11:59 Página 250 autonomía política y han denunciado el evidente déficit de desarro- llo económico y de infraestrucutras en la región. Pero ni siquiera los activistas lozi más radicales han defendido nunca la lucha ar- mada contra el gobierno zambio, aunque en la década de 1990 es- tuvieron muy cerca de ello. Al contrario, aceptaron a regañadientes formar parte de Zambia, en una relación nada entusiasta que mu- chos lozis que he conocido consideran «un largo proceso a ninguna parte».2 Si nos atenemos a la frecuencia de acciones radicales política- mente instigadas, la historia post-independencia de la Provincia Occidental/Barotseland de Zambia no es precisamente un ejemplo de secesionismo africano aparatoso, ya que está muy lejos del de- rramamiento de sangre y de la encendida retórica que suele aso- ciarse a los movimientos radicales y mucho más violentos que se opusieron al poder de los estados postcoloniales en otras partes del continente. Entonces, en un volumen dedicado al secesionismo en África, ¿cuál es el valor añadido de un capítulo dedicado al separa- tismo lozi en Zambia? Mi respuesta se compone de dos partes; la primera es muy breve. La parte del antiguo reino lozi/barotse que estuvo bajo dominio ale- mán y luego bajo dominio sudafricano es actualmente la Región de Caprivi de Namibia. Allí nació a finales de los años 1990 un movi- miento secesionista que en agosto de 1999 tomó las armas para re- clamar su independencia de Namibia. El cerebro del movimiento, Mishake Muyongo y otros dirigentes basaban buena parte de su peso político en la región en el hecho de que eran miembros desta- cados del linaje descendiente de un jefe regional al que en los años 1880 el litunga Leqanika le había encomendado la administración de aquella provincia periférica pero estratégicamente importante del reino lozi. Con el fin de autolegitimarse, Muyongo y los suyos no han dejado de insistir en lo que ellos consideran las diferencias «culturales» e «históricas» con los grupos étnicos del resto de Na- mibia, sobre todo con la mayoría de habla oshivambo, que consti- tuye el apoyo fundamental del partido dominante en Namibia, el SWAPO (UDP en 2005), el ex movimiento de liberación. El movi- miento secesionista de Caprivi utilizaba, así, referencias implícitas a la historia regional lozi para sus propios fines políticos. Pero nun- ca dijeron que quisieran restaurar el reino lozi o unirse a su tribu lozi de Zambia para formar un nuevo Barotseland. Los secesionistas de Caprivi querían un estado propio. Su referencia territorial era el ban- tustán de Caprivi, un territorio que en los años 1970 la Sudáfrica del apartheid declaró incluida en la política prescrita por la Comisión Odendall destinada a controlar a las poblaciones negras sometidas a 250 SECESIONISMO EN ÁFRICA (2l)7 15/3/10 11:59 Página 251 base de confinarlas en «homelands» étnicamente homogéneos (Ze- ller y Kangumu, 2007). Se vieron a sí mismos como «caprivios y no como namibios» (The Namibian, 2/2/2005 y 14/6/2007). El secesio- nismo de Caprivi en Namibia y el separatismo de Barotseland en Zambia son, pues, dos movimientos políticos muy distintos, pero el origen del primero no puede separarse completamente de las raíces históricas y culturales del segundo. La pregunta de si ambos movi- mientos están o no directamente vinculados más allá de algunas ex- presiones aisladas de solidaridad mutua en el pasado (véase más adelante), es todavía motivo de especulación, aunque sumamente cuestionable. El Ejército de Liberación de Caprivi no logró su ob- jetivo de formar un estado independiente en la región de Caprivi, y diez años después de los ataques de 1999 parece una fuerza ya ago- tada, tanto desde el punto de vista militar como político. La mayo- ría de sus líderes están exilados, muertos o juzgados por alta trai- ción en Namibia en unos procesos judiciales empantanados debido a interminables tecnicismos.3 La segunda parte de mi respuesta sobre la relevancia del caso de Barotseland ocupa el resto de esta ponencia. En el núcleo central del caso se encuentra una fuerza política con una capacidad de re- sistencia mucho mayor que los secesionistas de Caprivi, no sólo en la región en cuestión sino en toda África: me refiero a la institución de la jefatura («chieftaincy») y su vindicación de la autoridad «tra- dicional». Es sabido que la autoridad tradicional en África es un modelo organizativo sumamente extendido y fuente de identidad política, cuya legitimidad emana de su base popular, que suele coo- perar con el aparato del estado central aunque muchas veces tam- bién se oponga a él incluso mediante una resistencia organizada, y que reclama su hegemonía sobre el discurso nacional. Los llamados «jefes», «señores», o «líderes tradicionales» jugaron un papel fun- damental en la formación del estado colonial en África. Los europeos, empeñados en crear sociedades espacial y socialmente estables con el mínimo coste administrativo posible, incorporaron y adaptaron jefaturas ya existentes, o inventaron nuevas, e institu- yeron lo que Mamdani (1996) ha llamado un sistema de «despotis- mo descentralizado» para controlar y someter a la población indí- gena.4 Los amos coloniales trataron de reducir la existente diversidad de instituciones indígenas creando una estructura admi- nistrativa unificada, la «jefatura administrativa» (Beck, 1989). De ahí que los movimientos de liberación y los gobiernos de los esta- dos africanos recién independizados sobre todo en los países con nuevos gobiernos de orientación socialista asociaran muchas ve- ces a los jefes tradicionales al estado colonial. En Uganda, Ghana, 251 SECESIONISMO EN ÁFRICA (2l)7 15/3/10 11:59 Página 252 Tanzania y Zambia unos liderazgos fuertes trataron sin tapujos de acabar definitivamente con lo que consideraban un obstáculo feu- dal y anacrónico para el progreso de la sociedad, pero con éxito re- lativo y en general limitado. Hasta el día de hoy en muchos países africanos la jefatura sigue siendo una institución intermedia/media- dora e insoslayable del poder administrativo (Buur y Kyed, 2007). Sus representantes han conseguido ocupar y conservar el espacio político existente entre, por un lado, el gobierno central y la admi- nistración, y, por el otro, las grandes masas de población básica- mente rural, afianzando así su propio poder. Despliegan una gran adaptabilidad y mucha perseverancia a la hora de tratar con actores e instituciones del estado central y con las organizaciones interna- cionales y transnacionales. En el marco de los procesos de demo- cratización más o menos logrados de los años noventa, se reavivó el interés científico hacia la institución de la jefatura como actor político. En los últimos años varios autores han detectado en toda África un notable renacer del rol de los jefes (Oomen, 2000, 2005; Friedman, 2005; Koelble, 2005; Buur y Kyed, 2005, 2007; Kyed, 2008; Englebert, 2002, 2005). Los gobiernos africanos delegan cada vez más las tareas formales en las autoridades tradicionales, que a su vez acaparan activamente nuevas funciones y puestos en los gobiernos locales, regionales y nacionales. Su habilidad para afirmar su legitimidad merced a sus vínculos reales con el pueblo llano les confiere una especial influencia sobre las más altas ins- tancias del poder del estado postcolonial necesitados de votantes y de influencia política. La relevancia de este fenómeno para el tema de este volumen es obvia: la autoridad tradicional en África puede ser un instrumento útil y conveniente para quienes detentan el poder para hacer llegar el poder político y administrativo a la periferia y también para con- trolar y dispersar formas organizadas de disidencia política, como han demostrado varios estudios en Malawi (Chiweza, 2007), Mo- zambique (Kyed, 2008; Buur y Kyed, 2007) y Zimbabwe (Maped- za, 2007).
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