Annual Report 2014
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The Struggle for Ukraine
Chatham House Report Timothy Ash, Janet Gunn, John Lough, Orysia Lutsevych, James Nixey, James Sherr and Kataryna Wolczuk The Struggle for Ukraine Chatham House Report Timothy Ash, Janet Gunn, John Lough, Orysia Lutsevych, James Nixey, James Sherr and Kataryna Wolczuk Russia and Eurasia Programme | October 2017 The Struggle for Ukraine The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 Copyright © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2017 Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. ISBN 978 1 78413 243 9 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Latimer Trend. The material selected for the printing of this report is manufactured from 100% genuine de-inked post-consumer waste by an ISO 14001 certified mill and is Process Chlorine Free. Typeset by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Cover image: A banner marking the first anniversary of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea is hung during a plenary session of Ukraine’s parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, in Kyiv on 6 March 2015. -
The Struggle for Ukraine
Chatham House Report Timothy Ash, Janet Gunn, John Lough, Orysia Lutsevych, James Nixey, James Sherr and Kataryna Wolczuk The Struggle for Ukraine Chatham House Report Timothy Ash, Janet Gunn, John Lough, Orysia Lutsevych, James Nixey, James Sherr and Kataryna Wolczuk Russia and Eurasia Programme | October 2017 The Struggle for Ukraine The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 Copyright © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2017 Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. ISBN 978 1 78413 243 9 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Latimer Trend. The material selected for the printing of this report is manufactured from 100% genuine de-inked post-consumer waste by an ISO 14001 certified mill and is Process Chlorine Free. Typeset by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Cover image: A banner marking the first anniversary of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea is hung during a plenary session of Ukraine’s parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, in Kyiv on 6 March 2015. -
Ukraine in the Poroshenko Era Ebook2017
IT DOES NOT MUAkraTinTeE inR t hHe OW SPLorOosWhe nYkoO EUra : GO ThLNeG PAoS YliOtUic DsO No'Tf SPToOwP er, Reform, and War M PONARS Eurasia Policy Perspectives September 2017 Ukraine in the Poroshenko Era THE POLITICS OF POWER, REFORM, AND WAR PONARS Eurasia POLICY PERSPECTIVES SEPTEMBER 2017 PONARS Eurasia is an international network of scholars advancing new approaches to research on security, politics, economics, and society in Russia and Eurasia. PONARS Eurasia is based at the Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (IERES) at the George Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs. This publication was made possible in part by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. Program Directors: Henry E. Hale and Marlene Laruelle Managing Editor: Alexander Schmemann Senior Research Associate: Sufian Zhemukhov ResearchPONARS Eu Assistant:rasia Minhaj Abdullah Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (IERES) Elliott School of International Affairs The George Washington University 1957 E Street NW, Suite 412 Washington, DC 20052 Tel: (202) 994-6340 www.ponarseurasia.org © PONARS Eurasia 2017. All rights reserved Contents About the Authors vii Foreword ix Marlene Laruelle, George Washington University I. Ukrainian Foreign Policy Perceptions and Its Interactions with the West The Demise of Ukraine’s “Eurasian Vector” 3 AND THE RISE OF PRO-NATO SENTIMENT Olexiy Haran, University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Mariia Zolkina, Democratic Initiatives Foundation Will Europe Blink First on Ukraine? 11 Arkady Moshes, Finnish Institute of International Affairs Coercion and Financial Secrecy in Ukraine’s Emerging Economy 17 WHAT THE IMF APPROACH MISSES Andrew Barnes, Kent State University Is Ukraine a “Client State” of the United States? 23 Volodymyr Dubovyk, Odessa National University How Can the EU Help Ukraine Build the Rule of Law and Fight Corruption? 27 ROMANIA AND BULGARIA AS GUIDEPOSTS Maria Popova, McGill University v II. -
Ukraine's New Government
Ukraine’s New Government Olexiy Haran and Oleksii Sydorchuk Ukraine’s New Government POSSIBILITY OF PROGRESS OR ANOTHER PRE-TERM ELECTION IN SIGHT? PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 436 August 2016 Olexiy Haran and Oleksii Sydorchuk* Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Two and a half years after the Euromaidan revolution, Ukraine represents a mixed story of improvements and setbacks. In April 2016, a new cabinet was formed under Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman. So far, it is struggling to meet the expectations both of society and Ukraine’s foreign partners. The ongoing military conflict in the Donbas aside, popular demand for change remains high across Ukraine. A persistent energy emanates from Ukraine’s pro-European civil society, even while progress on key reforms remains uneven. The high quality of newly- adopted legislation contrasts sharply with its weak implementation. Although hope is high, trust in political actors continues to fall. While Groysman and President Petro Poroshenko are close, the disintegration of the parliament’s pro-European coalition has significantly reduced their support base, forcing them to work with non- aligned and “oligarchic” members of parliament. While the political opposition demands another round of pre-term elections, authorities would like to avoid it, arguing that elections would destabilize the country and play into the hands of Vladimir Putin. New Government, Familiar Practices Groysman’s ascent to the premiership was preceded by two months of political crisis, triggered by the dissolution of the ruling coalition. Tensions grew high in February after Ukraine’s parliament tried but failed to dismiss the cabinet of Arseniy Yatsenyuk, who had become extremely unpopular. -
The Struggle for Ukraine
Chatham House Report Timothy Ash, Janet Gunn, John Lough, Orysia Lutsevych, James Nixey, James Sherr and Kataryna Wolczuk The Struggle for Ukraine Chatham House Report Timothy Ash, Janet Gunn, John Lough, Orysia Lutsevych, James Nixey, James Sherr and Kataryna Wolczuk Russia and Eurasia Programme | October 2017 The Struggle for Ukraine The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 Copyright © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2017 Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. ISBN 978 1 78413 243 9 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Latimer Trend. The material selected for the printing of this report is manufactured from 100% genuine de-inked post-consumer waste by an ISO 14001 certified mill and is Process Chlorine Free. Typeset by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Cover image: A banner marking the first anniversary of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea is hung during a plenary session of Ukraine’s parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, in Kyiv on 6 March 2015. -
A Wake-Up Call for Ukraine's Civil Society
KENNAN CABLE No. 25 l August 2017 U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson chats with President Petro Poroshenko before their bilateral meeting in Kyiv, Ukraine, on July 9, 2017. Credit: [State Department photo/ Public Domain]. A Wake-up Call for Ukraine’s Civil Society Kateryna Smagliy When U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson paid his are peeking through in places. Three years after first official visit to Ukraine on 9 July 2017, he met Petro Poroshenko assumed the presidency, the with a small group of Ukrainian civil society activists consensus is that a new Ukraine remains out of prior to his meeting with President Poroshenko. reach. Numerous experts now warn that a counter- The sequence of Tillerson’s conversations in Kyiv revolution is on the horizon and that Ukraine may was not coincidental. It sent a clear signal: the U.S. slide back to authoritarianism.1 government values Ukraine's civil society’s efforts and urges our leaders to strengthen cooperation Ukraine is at serious risk of following its own with anti-corruption groups and reform activists. footsteps in the failure of its 2004-05 Orange Revolution, when civic activism failed to achieve Ukraine’s vibrant civil society played a crucial role in enduring political changes. There is evidence safeguarding its democracy during the Euromaidan. that today Ukraine’s anti-corruption activists are To paraphrase Alexis de Tocqueville, it was the subject to wiretapping, surveillance, searches, time when Ukrainians of all ages, all conditions, smear campaigns, and even death threats.2 The and all dispositions got busy forming associations. -
October 6, 2020 Case No. FL-2020-00028 Sean Dunagan
Obtained via FOIA by Judicial Watch, Inc. October 6, 2020 Case No. FL-2020-00028 Sean Dunagan Judicial Watch 400 Scott Avenue Fort Collins, Colorado 80521 Dear Mr. Dunagan: As we noted in our letter dated September 8, 2020, we are processing your request for material under the Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”), 5 U.S.C. § 552. The Department has identified six additional responsive records subject to the FOIA. Upon review, we have determined that five records may be released in part and one may be released in full. An enclosure explains the FOIA exemptions and other grounds for withholding material. Where we have made redactions, the applicable FOIA exemptions are marked on the document. All non-exempt material that is reasonably segregable from the exempt material has been released and is enclosed. We will keep you informed as your case progresses. If you have any questions, your attorney may contact Assistant United States Attorney Marsha Yee at [email protected] or (202) 252-2539. Please refer to the case number, FL-2020-00028, and the civil action number, 20-cv- 00229, in all correspondence about this request. Sincerely, Susan C. Weetman Deputy Director Office of Information Programs and Services Enclosures: As stated. Obtained via FOIA by Judicial Watch, Inc. The Freedom of Information Act (5 USC 552) FOIA Exemptions (bX 1) Information specifically auth9rized by an executive order to be kept secret in the interest of national defense or foreign policy. Executive Order 13526 includes the following classification categories: I .4(a) Military plans, systems, or operations l .4(b) Foreign government information 1.4(c) Intelligence activities, sources or methods, or cryptology l.4(d) Foreign relations or foreign activities of the US; including confidential sources 1.4(e) Scientific, technological, or economic matters relating to national security, including defense against transnational terrorism 1.4(0 U.S. -
Learning the Lessons from the Euromaidan: the Ups and Downs of LGBT Activism in the Ukrainian Public Sphere
Learning the Lessons from the Euromaidan: The ups and downs of LGBT Activism in the Ukrainian Public Sphere Author(s): Maryna Shevtsova Source: Kyiv-Mohyla Law and Politics Journal 3 (2017): 157–180 Published by: National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy http://kmlpj.ukma.edu.ua/ Learning the Lessons from the Euromaidan: The ups and downs of LGBT Activism in the Ukrainian Public Sphere Maryna Shevtsova Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation Humboldt University Abstract This paper addresses the growing visibility of LGBT civil society organizations in Ukraine’s political sphere after the Euromaidan. Drawing on the data collected through in-depth, semi- structured interviews; participant observations; and an analysis of social media, this study answers this question: How did Ukrainian LGBT groups reshape their political strategies after the Euromaidan? The Euromaidan was an anti-government, citizens’ protest that began in November 2013 in response to the government’s unlawful actions. During it, Ukrainian LGBT activists strategically decided to keep their presence in the protest camp invisible. Though this helped to avoid conflicts, the LGBT movement’s hopes for reforms in sexual minorities’ rights after the Euromaidan remained unfulfilled. This article illuminates how the LGBT activists’ approach to the public sphere in post-Euromaidan Ukraine has changed. It argues that the LGBT movement’s disillusion over the new government’s lack of support triggered a wave of LGBT activism that has resulted in new political strategies. Despite the visible backlash against sexual minorities in 2014–2015, Ukraine’s current turmoil has given the LGBT movement opportunities for political alliances and transnational activism that have seemed to have borne fruit. -
LGBT Rights Before and After Euromaidan
A Revolution of Dignity? LGBT Rights Before and After Euromaidan A Qualitative Study of LGBT Rights in Ukraine Silje Fines Wannebo Master thesis in European and AmeriCan Area Studies, Department of Literature Area Studies and European Languages, FaCulty of Humanities, UNIVERSITY OF OSLO September 2017 I II A Revolution of Dignity? LGBT Rights Before and After Euromaidan A Qualitative Study of LGBT Rights in Ukraine Silje Fines Wannebo Department of Literature, Area Studies and European Languages, Faculty of Humanities, University of Oslo September 2017 Supervisor: Geir Flikke III Copyright Silje Fines Wannebo 2017 A Revolution of Dignity? LGBT Rights Before and After Euromaidan; A Qualitative Study of LGBT Rights in Ukraine Silje Fines Wannebo http://www.duo.uio.no Trykk: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo IV V Summary This thesis seeks to examine legal and public perceptions of LGBT rights in Ukraine. Ukraine was the first post-soviet country to decriminalise homosexuality, but during Ukraine’s 25 years of independence, the development of expanding LGBT rights has moved rather slowly. In 2008, however, Ukraine increased its cooperation with the EU through the signing of the Visa Liberalisation Action Plan (VLAP) and in 2014, after the Euromaidan revolution and the Russian annexation of the Ukrainian peninsula Crimea, the president of Ukraine signed the Association Agreement. Both agreements include certain anti-discriminatory measures which Ukraine is recommended or even obliged to implement. Using a qualitative interpretative approach this thesis examines how LGBT activists and parliamentarians perceive the cooperation with the EU and Ukraine’s LGBT legislation. The data from in-depth interviews is analysed and presented using a thematic analysis. -
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www.odfoundation.eu The Open Dialog Foundation was established in Poland, in 2009, on the initiative of Lyudmyla Kozlovska (who is currently the President of the Management Board). The statutory objectives of the Foundation include the protection of human rights, democracy and rule of law in the post-Soviet area. The Foundation focuses particular attention in countries, such as Kazakhstan, Russia, Moldova and Ukraine. The Foundation pursues its goals through the organisation of observation missions, including election observation and monitoring of the human rights situation in the post-Soviet area. Based on these activities, the Foundation produces reports and distributes them among the institutions of the EU, the OSCE and other international organisations, foreign ministries and parliaments of EU countries, analytical centres and the media. In addition to observational and analytical activities, the Foundation is actively engaged in cooperation with members of parliaments involved in foreign affairs, human rights and relationships with the post-Soviet countries in order to support the process of democratisation and liberalisation of internal policies in the post-Soviet area. Significant areas of the Foundation's activities also include support programmes for political prisoners and refugees. The Foundation has permanent representative offices in Warsaw, Kyiv and Brussels. Copyright: Open Dialog Foundation, June 2017. 00-580 Warsaw Aleja Szucha 11а, office 21 Tel. +48 22 307 11 22 E-mail: [email protected] en.odfoundation.eu For more detailed information, please contact us: Project Manager: Lyudmyla Kozlovska [email protected] Author: Andriy Osavoliyk [email protected] Editing: Lyudmyla Kozlovska, Igor Savchenko Design of cover photo: Kamil Grajda The original report was produced in the Russian language Reproduction of the materials contained in this report, whether in whole or in part, is permissible subject to due reference being given to the Open Dialog Foundation as the source. -
Ukrainian Political Parties Before the Parliamentary Elections
PERSPECTIVE | FES KIEV Old and New Elites Ukrainian Political Parties before the Parliamentary Elections INA KIRSCH VAN DE WATER October 2014 n In the run-up to the early parliamentary elections on 26 October all Ukrainian par- ties have put Independence Square (»Maidan«) activists, investigative journalists and commanders of volunteer units in a prominent position on their party lists. The next parliament will thus consist of many newcomers to the business of politics. We can therefore expect that the voting behaviour of the parliamentary factions will be even more unpredictable and radicalised. n The election campaign is in full swing. As one might expect, there is little substan- tive debate on the urgently needed reforms. Nor is there much discussion of the future of the Donbass region and a rational policy towards Russia. Instead, hogging the limelight are the personal »political projects« of the leading politicians. To that extent any attempt to categorise the parties in terms of the right/left pattern familiar from the West is futile. n The parties are pretty much locked-in to trying to outdo one another in talking tough and embracing or at least accommodating populism. The favourites, the »Petro Po- roshenko Bloc«, with close ties to the president, is the most moderate, by and large, notwithstanding numerous gaffes perpetrated by leading candidate Vitali Klichko. In view of the likelihood that, in accordance with Ukrainian custom, the president will be able to win over many of the direct candidates standing as »independents« after the election Poroshenko will probably achieve his aim of a broad base in parliament. -
The Ukrainian Weekly, 2016
Part 1 of THE YEAR IN REVIEW pages 5-13 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXXIV No. 3 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 17, 2016 $2.00 Shokin-Kasko rivalry seen by U.S. Commentators react to Obama’s as hindering anti-corruption eff orts choice of words regarding Ukraine KYIV – U.S. President Barack Obama in open and democratic decision to demand his State of the Union (SOTU) address to the basic human rights, journalistic and econom- U.S. Congress on January 12 chose question- ic freedoms and closer integration with able words relating to Ukraine, saying it, like Europe during the Revolution of Dignity.” Syria, is being propped up by Russia. For observers and experts on foreign Speaking about threats faced by the U.S. relations, Mr. Obama’s choice of words was and the world, Mr. Obama said: “Even as a puzzle, as Voice of America noted. their economy severely contracts, Russia is Below are some of the tweets on the pouring resources in to prop up Ukraine issue. and Syria – client states they saw slipping away from their orbit.” According to vari- Calling our friend and ally #Ukraine a ous news media reports, apparently the Russian• Rep. “client Peter state”Roskam shows (PeterRoskam): an alarming word “client” was a departure from the lack of understanding of geopolitical reali- president’s prepared text, which referred ties. #LastSOTU to “states,” not “client states.” The Ukrainian Congress Committee of why Obama vetoed prominent Cabinet America reacted with a statement released support• Casey – MichelKerry, (cjcmichel):Biden, Carter, Maybe etc.