Kanishka I's Coins with the Buddha Image on the Reverse and Some References to the Art of Gandhara

Home , Huvishka, Kanishka, Kushan coinage

KANISHKA I'S COINS WITH THE BUDDHA IMAGE ON THE REVERSE AND SOME REFERENCES TO THE ART OF GANDHARA

KATSUMI TANABE The University of Tokyo

Preface I. List of documents II. Coin-types III. Stylistical and Iconographical analysis, and chronological order of the coin-types IV. Epigraphical investigation and chronological setting of the legends Conclusion

Preface

Since the numismatic researches of the various coins discovered in the area covering Afganistan, Pakistan, Nothern India was inaugurated, some numismatists, archaeologists, historians have opined that there are several kings who adopted as one of their dynastic tutelary(1) deities the Buddha Image standing or sitting on the reverse of their coins, such as Saka king Maues, Kushan kings Kujula Kadphises and Kanishka I, Sasanian kings Hormuzd I, Peroz, Hormuzd II, Sapor II, not mentioning the earlier cases of the symbolic representations tried by Indo-Greek kings.(2) Among those coins issued by these kings, the most varied and also most important from the art-historical view-point, are those which were issued by Kanishka I who is said to have converted himself to a fervnt Buddhist and contributed much to the development of the Buddhist Sanghas in Kushan Empire. But, in spite of several scholars' due attentions to these issues and frequent references and comments,(3) none has yet attempted any comprehensive investigation of the coins concerned,(4) though we should take into account the fact that the primary source materials are extremely rare, compared with the large number of the catalogued coins of other types issued by this king. Nor,

31 therefore, the author of this paper cannot afford to make a detailed account of Kanishka I's coins with the Buddha image, due to the scarcity of the documents available, and also to their poor quality of conservation except of a few. Quite recently, however, the author happened to get one copper piece (pl. I) and thought it more approapriate to publish it with some preliminary notes and suggestions, referring to some art-historical problems concerning Kushan Art, for the sake of those who are interested in Kushan numismatics and art- history.

I. List of Documents

No. I, AU (pl. II) Obv. The king standing l., wearing helmet & diadem, clad in coat, trousers & cloak; flames rise from his shoulders; holding in his r. hand elephant-goad over small alter; in his l, hand, spear; sword at his l. waist. Leg. (in Greek-letters); p AONANO p AOKA (l.), NH p KIKO p- ANO (r.). Rev. Buddha standing en face with big usnisa & long ears; with (two- circled) round nimbus & oval aureole; clad in uttarasanga, antarvasaka & sanghati; r. hand raised in abhaya-mudra, l. hand holding the hem of sanghati. Leg. (in Greek-letters); BODDO. Monogram; to r., H. References; B. M. C., p. 130, pl. XXVI, 8. No. II, AU (pl, II) Obv. Do. Leg. (in Greek-letters); p AONANO p AOKA(l.), NH p KIKO- p ANO(r.). Rev. Do. Legend; do. Monogram; to r., H. References; Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Acc. Num. 31,895 (Seth K. Sweetser Fund). MFA, BULLETIN (1965), p. 147, fig. 10. No. III, AU (1/4 dinar) Not consulted.

32 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS

References; Gobl, R., GNOMON, 1963, p. 254. Said to behoused at Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. No. IV, AE (pl. II) Obv. The king standing l., clad in coat, trousers & cloak; holding r. hand over small alter, in l. hand, spear. Leg. (in Greek-letters); (p AO) KA (r.), NH (p KI) (l.). Rev. Buddha Sakyamuni en face standing with long ears and (big) usnisa; clad in sanghati & trousers; r. hand raised in abhaya-mudra, l. hand holding the hem of the garment. Leg. (in Greek-letters) CAKAMA(l.), NOBODDO(r.). Monogram; to l., H (?). References; B. M. C., pl. XXVII, 2. N. C., Vol. XII, pl. VIII, 10, Ing- holt, H., Gandharan Art in Pakistan, pl. III, 3. No. V, AE Obv. & Rev., do. References; B. M. C., Kanerkes, no. 37. No. VI, AE (pl. II) Obv. The king standing l., wearing peaked helmet, long heavy coat & trousers; sacrifices at a small alter; long spear in l. hand. Leg. (in Greek-letters); p AO KANH p KI (P. M. C., p. 186). Rev. Buddha Sakyamuni standing en face with big usnisa and (ears); with round nimbus, clad in sanghati; r. hand raised in abhaya- mudra, l. hand holding the hem of the garment. Leg. (in Greek-letters); (CA)KAM(r.), (BOD)DO(l.). Monogram; to l., H. References; P. M. C., pl. XVIII, 113. No. VII, AE (pl. III) Obv. Bearded figure of king, and legend, as usual on copper coins. Leg. (in Greek-letters); p AO KANH p KI (N. C., Vol. XII, p. 43). Rev. Buddha Sakyamuni standing en face with big usnisa & long ears; with round nimbus, clad in sanghati; r. hand raised in abhaya- mudra, l. hand holding the hem of the garment. Leg. (in Greek-letters); CAKAM(r.), NOBOYDO(l.). Monogram; to r., H (?). References; Wilson, H., Ariana Antiqua, pl. XIII, 2.

Vol. X 1974 33 No. VIII, AE Obv. Similar to No. VII. Rev. Similar to No. VII, but the mudra is dharmacakra-mudra(?) and the body-representation does not fit so much the tri-bhanga pose as is shown in No. VII. Further, the position of monogram H is different (put outside the legend). References; Cunningham, A., N. C., Vol. XII, pl. VIII, 8. J. A. S. B., Vol. XIV, pl. 2, fig. 7. No. IX, AE (pl. III) Obv. & Rev., do References; Cunningham, A., N. C., Vol. XII, pl. VIII, 9. No. X, AE (pl. III) Obv. Similar to No. IV. Rev. Similar to No. IV. References; Wilson, H., Ariana Antiqua, pl. XIII, l. No. XI, AE (pl. III) Obv. do. Rev. Buddha standing en face with radiating nimbus (Strahlenkranz); clad in sanghati, though with r. shoulder disclosed; r. hand raised in abhaya-mudra, l. hand resting on the l. waist. Leg. (in Greek-letters); (C)AKA(M) (r.). Monogram; ? References; Wilson, H., Ariana Antiqua, pl. XIII, 3. No. XII, AE (pl. I) Obv. do (hilt of sword is observable). Leg. (in Greek-letters); p AOKA(l.), (NH) p KI (r.). Rev. Buddha standing en face in tri-bhanga pose, with round nimbus & clad in sanghati; r. hand raised in abhaya-mudra, l, hand resting on the l. waist (or holding the hem of the garment); usnisa in medium size & ears defaced or not represented. Leg. (in Greek-letters); (CAKAMA?) (l.), BOYDO (r.). Monogram; to r., H. References; Author's collection. diam: 2.3 centimetres, weight: 16.30 grams. No. XIII, AE (pl. III) Obv. Similar to No. IV.

34 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS

Leg. (in Greek-letters); p (A)OKA(r.), NH(p KI) (l.). Rev. Buddha sitting en face cross-legged on asana with big usnisa & long ears; clad in sanghati(?) with radiating round nimbus (formed of dots); r. hand raised (in abhaya-mudra), l. hand on the l, thigh (holding the hem of the garment). Leg. (in Greek-letters); CAKA(?)(l.), OBOYD(r.). According to A. Cunningham's deciferment, O DDO BOD(DMA). Monogram; to l., H (?). References; J.A.S.B., Vol. XIV, pl. 2, fig. 6. No. XIV, AE (pl. III) Obv. do Leg. (in Greek-letters); NH p KI (l.). Rev. Buddha sitting en face cross-legged on asana with round nimbus. (big) usnisa & long ears; clad in sanghati, r. hand raised in abhaya- mudra, l. hand resting on the l. thigh. Leg. (in Greek-letters); BAGOB(l.), OYDO(r.). References; von Sallet, A., Die Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen in Baktrien und Indien, pl. VI, fig. I. B. M. C., pl. XXXII, 14. No. XV, AE (pl. IV) Obv. The king standing l., holding r. hand over a small altar (similar to No. IV). Leg. (in Greek-letters); defaced. Rev. Buddha sitting en face cross-legged on asana with big usnisa & long ears (similar to No. XIV). Leg. (in Greek-letters); OBOYD(r.), (CAKAMAN)(l.). Monogram; ? References; Cunningham, A., N. C., Vol. XII, pl. XVIII, fig. 12. Ingholt, H., loc. cit., pl. III, 4. No. XVI, AE (pl. IV) Obv. The king standing l., as on No. IV. Leg. (in Greek-letters); (p AO KA)(r.), NH p KI(l.). Rev. Buddha sitting en face cross-legged on asana with round nimbus & long ears; clad in sanghati, both hands raised in front of breast (in dharmacakra-mudra ?). Leg. (in Greek-letters); CAK(A) (l.), NBOYD(r.). References; Cunningham, A., N. C., Vol. XII, pl. XVIII, 14. Ingholt,

Vol. X 1974 35 H., loc. cit., pl. III, 5. No. XVII, AE (pl. IV) Obv. The king standing l., with spear in l. hand. Leg. (in Greek-letters);...H p KI (l.). Rev. Buddha sitting en face cross-legged on asana with (big usnisa & long ears); clad in sanghati with r. hand raised in abhaya-mudra, l. hand on l. thigh (similar to No. XVI.). Legend is blurred. References; excavated at Dharmarajika Stupa, Taxila, AR.ASI (1915- 16), p. 34. Marshall, J., Taxila, vol. III. pl. 243, No. 261. No. XVIII, AE Obv. The king standing l., holding r. hand over a small altar, clad in long coat, trousers & cloak. Legend defaced, but probably, (p AO KANH p KI). Rev. Buddha seated en face cross-legged on a chauki with broad feet. The r. hand is held near the chest in abhaya-mudra and the l. hand with clenched fist resting on the thigh; head nimbate, ears elongated; traces of drapery on both shoulders (due to V. S. Agrawala's descrip- tion) (quite similar to Nos. XV, XVII). Legend defaced. References; J. N. S. I. 1946, pl. III, 2. No. XIX, AE (pl. IV) Obv. Not published, but is said to be Kanishka I's issue. Rev. Buddha seated en face cross-legged on asana with long ears; clad in sanghati with r. hand raised in abhaya-mudra, l. hand on l, thigh. Legend is blurred. References; Catalogue of the Exibition "Alexander Daio no Michi- from Parthenon to Shosoin". 1971, Mainichi-Shinbunsha, p. 16 (in Japanese), given by Dr. H. Watanabe.

II. Coin-types

Based on the afore-shown list of the documents, we should like to clarify the numbers of the dies, and to classify them into definite coin-types. (i) AU There are known three documents, two of which are called dinar, and the

36 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS rest is said to be I/4 dinar.(5) We could not examine the last-mentioned gold coin nor look at its photographs, therefore we will treat with so-called two dinars only.(6) These two (pl. II, No. I & II) are quite similar to each other in general features of the rev. and obv. But the shapes and styles of the Greek letters engraved both in obv. and rev, show clearly different hands, so we can surely conclude that these two pieces were struck out from the different dies. But as far as the coin-type is concerned, we may assign them to the same iconographical and stylistic stage. Furthermore, according to Dr. Gobl's classification,(7) they might have been struck out at the same mint. So we may take these two pieces as A-type, neglecting trivial differences. When we compare the Buddha images on Kanishka I's coins with those of Gandharan stone make, we can perceive that A-type Buddha image is most similar in every iconographical respect to them, except the treatment of the left hand and both feet. Only in A-type Buddha image, we can notice the same arrangement of antarvasaka (lower garment), uttarasanga (upper one) and sanghati (cloak) as is usual with Gandharan stone Buddhas. As for the usnisa, those of A-type are comparatively bigger, and this feature is considered by Sir J. Mar- shall as one of the stylistic characteristics of the earlier Buddha images.(8) What attracts more our attention is the existence of the aureole. Usually the Buddha images of Gandharan make lack this element, and we can exceptionally find the aureoled Buddha images in stucco at the Buddhist monastery of Shah-ji-ki- dheri(9) which is said to be founded by king Kanishka I, and also remains a fresco-fragment found at Hadda in which Buddha is depicted with nimbus and aureole.(10) (ii) AE We have 16 documents, which we can devide into two categories: Buddha standing and Buddha sitting (seated). (a) Buddha-standing types. After having examined the obverse and reverse of the coins listed above, we came to regard the following elements as the criteria for the classification of the types. I. Representational peculiarities of the Buddha's body, including the hand and foot representation. II. Nimbus III. Legend's direction and content. IV. Monogram.

Vol. X 1974 37 First of all, from the view-point of criterion No. I, we can properly divide our documents into three groups: the copper pieces which belong to the first group (here-after, B-type) are those on which the body of Buddha reflects the so- called tri-bhanga pose, as is clearly discerned in No. XII (pl. I). The reverse of No. VII (pl. III) also shows the same characteristic, although there are some differences: the monogram (rev.) of No. VII is represented as H while that of No. XII is H. As for the legend, which is arranged anticlockwise, the left-part of No. XII seems to be cut off on minting, and it might be added "CAKAMA" to the left and to the right "NO" might be worn out, compared with the legend of No. VII (rev.). As for the tri-bhanga posture, which is traditional in the case of representing Heracles on coinage since Greco-Bactrian times, we can rarely acknowledge this sytlistic convention in standing Buddha images in stone and in stucco of Gandharan make.(11) And the represantation of both feet slightly spread with the left in profile and the right in three-quartered or sideway view is of the Hellenistic convention handed over also by Greco-Bactrian coinage. Next comes the coin-type in which Buddha is represented quite naturalistically as Greco-Buddhist sculptures (standing) in slightly contra-posted posture. Our document No. VI (pl. II) belongs to this type (C-type). The legend runs clockwise "CAKAM" to the right and "...YDO" to the left. Among "CAKA- MANO BOYDO" typed legends, this is the only one example of clockwise legend as far as the standing Buddha images are concerned. To D-type belong those coins on the reverse of which is represented Buddha "as if he were teaching, e. g., in dharmacakra -mudra." According to A. Cun- ningham's drawing (J. A. S. B. Vol. XIV, pl. 2, fig. 7), Buddha shows surely this mudra, and those illustrated at pl. VIII, Numismatic Chronicle, Ser. III, Vol. XII are liable to make us believe that Buddha is in this mudra as Cun- ningham regarded. The reasons are as follows: both hands seem to be raised upwards symmetrically in front of breast; the angle made around left-elbow is quite accute compared with those of other examples of coins and stone sculptures. On the other hand, when we remember the iconography of standing Buddha images in stone found in Gandhara, there is not a single image of this kind showing this mudra as far as the author's knowledge goes. Therefore, it is more likely that the left-hand of Buddha in D-type ex- presses nothing but the hand holding the hem of the upper-garment. Cunning- ham might have copied incorrectly. The reason why the die-cutter represented the left-hand as if in dharmacakra-mudra contrary to the stone-sculptural conven-

38 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS tion of Buddha images must be sought in other direction.(12) The legend is anti-clockwise. Consequently we regard our documents Nos. VIII, IX (pl. III) as belonging to this type. Forthly we can make into E-type those pieces on which Buddha is represented in strict and rigid frontality as is the case with our documents Nos. IV, V, X (pl. II, III). The reverse of these three shows Buddha in abhaya-mudra with right- hand raised, but with left-hand catching the hem of the sanghati and resting at the left-waist. This type of Buddha is utmost different from its stone-counterparts, in that Buddha puts on something like nomadic trousers and boots in addition to something like mandane cloak. Compared with the sanghatis seen in A-type and Gandharan stone Buddha images, the sanghati of this type is quite different from them, in the case of its length: in the former cases sanghati (cloak) is represented always shorter than the antarvasaka (lower-garment), but in E-type the length reversed or equalled. The legend is anti-clockwise and the position of the monogram is outside the legend. The latter fact is quite against the monetary convention in Kushan coinage. As for the fifth type (F-type), we have only one specimen (pl. III, No. XI), which seems smaller than others in size. Here, according to Wilson's drawing, Buddha is represented as in E-type in strict and rigid frontality, but the peculiarity of this type lies in these respects that the nimbus is radiate (Strahlenkranz), and that the right shoulder is disclosed. However, as for the latter, there is not any standing Buddha image in stone found in Gandhara which is represented in this way. The Buddha images of this type reminds us rather of the Mathuran standing Buddhas, though the treatment of the garment below the loin is quite incompatible with the Mathuran rendering. As for the radiate nimbus itself, it is employed to Helios and Mithra in Kushan coinage. But the standing Buddha images in stone and stucco of Gandharan make are not adorned with this kind of nimbus, except those excavated at Shotrak, Paitava etc, of Ancient Kapishi region.(13) If Wilson's drawing is proved to be correct, most of sculptures found in Kapisha should rather be postulated to Kanishka period, although some postulate them to 3-4th centuries A. D.(14) The legend runs anti-clockwise "(CAKA)" to the left, but the right half is defaced. (b) Buddha-sitting types. (They are divided into three groups (G, H, I). To the first type or group (G) belong those coins, No. XIV (pl. III) and

Vol. X 1974 39 probably No. XVII and XIX (pl. IV).(15) Buddha is depicted seated just as sitting Buddha images of Gandharan sculptural types: right-hand raised and the left on the left thigh. The execution of cross-legged posture is simillar to that of Buddhas in stone and also to that of seated kings like Maues, Kujula-Kadphises(16): cross-legged posture is represented as it is when seen frontally, and from the same level with that of both feet and legs. Monogram is lacking. Another peculiarity of these pieces consist in the clock-wise arrangement of legend together with the titulature "BAGO BOYDO", that is to say "Buddha the God". We take this group as type-G. To H-type we should like to assign the coins Nos. XIII, XV, XVIII (pl. III, IV), on the following basis-(a) the alleged existence of monogram (cf. No. XIII). The other two are so much worn out that we are not certain, but at least on the reverse of No. XVIII seems to remain the trace of the monogram; (b) the arrangement of legend seems to run clockwise (Nos. XIII, XV clearly, No. XVIII doubtful); (c) we can find out the representational peculiarity of the shoulders and arms, namely they are not executed symmetrically, and the right arm is rather out-stretched or the right arm and shoulder are lowered. To I-type we should assign the coin No. XVI (pl. IV). In this case, the Buddha is represented rigidly frontally and the mudra is seemingly dharmacakra-mudra, and allegedly taken for that hitherto.(17) Our interpretation against this traditional one will be shown in the next chapter.

III. Stylistic and Iconographical Analysis, and Chronological Order of the Coin-types

Now that we have established nine fundamental coin-types (A-I) of Kani- shka I's issues with Buddha image on the reverse, we should here proceed to put these types in a chronological setting. This problem, naturally is quite defficult and thorny at the present stage of our documents available, and our following method and results, though preliminary, will not be exempt from some mistakes and might necessitate future amendments, but we hope that our chronological order might be in principle in the right and correct way. Firstly, we must confess that we resorted to style-criticism of the coin-types in order to work out a relative time-scale due to the paucity of historical evidences concerning Kushan monetary history which might have cast a grand side-light towards the solution of the numismatic problems of Kushan coinage. And further we must add that we are aware of the fact that styli-criticism is not al-

40 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS ways applicable and conclusive.(18) So, we do not take into consideration any technical nor aesthetical standard, but only the stylistic principles of figural representation, in the case of analyzing the coins concerned, and later we will reexamine our chronological hypothesis, naturally relative, in the light of epigraphical point of view. To begin with, we take up a stylistic principle which attracts our attention, shown on the obverse: among general elements constituting the obverse coin-types, we confine ourselves to the representational idea of the king's sword, because other stylistic elements such as frontality, linearisme, flatness together with other iconographical elements such as garments, attributes, do not change themselves in principle through various issues of Kanishka I's coinage. So, when we compare the king on the coin (A-type: pl. II, No. I & II (Obv)) with that on No. XII (pl. I), we can easily notice the difference of the representational idea of the sword: in the former case, king's swords are represented far and detached from the coat, while in the latter, represented just attached to the coat. Here, on the other hand, we should like to examine other representations of Kanishka I with the view to compare the above-mentioned stylistic characteristic with those of other issues of this king. We pick up the allegedly earliest issues of Kanishka I's, e. g., those coins with Greek-languaged legend on both fields (AU & AE).(19) In these kinds, the sword is always represented in the same way that is employed in the latter case. The Kushan way of wearing sword from the left waist is well illustrated in a Gandharan stone sculpture (Fig. I) where Kushan soldiers bear the sword by a sort of hanging-instrument attached to the belt.

Fig. I (from Roscnfield, J., DAK)

Vol. X 1974 41 In this way, the sword must hang parallely to the king's body following the law of gravity, for king's left hand does not grasp the hilt. Our specimen (No. XII. pl. I (Obv)) shows us clearly an approapriate representation. But the position of sword is a little removed from the side-body to the left front. Why the die-cutter did like that? We imagine that the die-cutter must have investigated the king from various points of view and he must have seen sideways the sword hanging down perpendicularly along the left-side of the body. He remembered this frontal position of the sword, and he depicted the sword as seen frontally ,but attached it illogically on the front in order to give a far-reachingly descriptive expression to it. To sum up our argumentations, he adopted at least two points of view, and combined their results. This explanatory way of figural representation has a long tradition behind in the Oriental bas-reliefs, and in early centuries of Christian Era, this mode still was prevailing in the arts of Iranian races such as Parthian and Kushan.(20) On the other hand, the former case in which the sword is represented detached and as if suspended in the air, are confined to the coins with Kushan- languaged legend, posterior in date to the Greek-languaged ones. And when examined the various issues of this kind, we came to notice a few different angles :some swords are nearly attached to the coat making around 75 degrees of angle while the others are brought upwards making around 45 degrees. Such a way of wearing sword as is shown (pl. II No. I & II Fig. II) making 45 degree-angle is completely illogical and improbable in the case of Kushan (also Parthian) way of wearing a sword. So, the very existence of such a depiction of sword-position must be done intentionally due to the artistic convention of the die-cutters. On the contrary, the wearing way of sword making 75 degree-angle (pl. I. Fig. II), seems quite logical and naturalistic, because in the case of ……Sword-direction Kushan way of wearing sword it

Fig. II cannot but hang in that way,

42 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS

and the same representational idea is also reflected rather predominantly in later Kushan issues, e.g., those of Vasu-deva I'Kushano-Sassanian kings.(21) There- fore, we might as well take this quite naturalistic representation as reflecting the latest stage of the representational principles. But this principle is already employed in the earliest issues of copper. So, we might conclude that in principle the naturalistic representation of sword is anterior to unnaturalistie one employed mostly in Kanishka I's gold coins. Depending upon the above-described investigation, we might make as our working hypothesis, the following time-sequence: copper coins (types B-H) are in principle anterior to gold ones (A-type), therefore, A-type must be the latest one. Next, we are going to classify chronologically seven types of copper coins, treating with types B-F and types G-I, separately. I. Types B-F where Buddha is represented standing. Our point of view employed here for the chronological order are: (a) principle of body-representation; (b) principle of representing hands and feet. In the case of B-type, Buddha is in tri-bhanga pose (monetary adaptation of ronde-bosse statue) as is already mentioned. When we investigate bodily representation of other gods and goddesses on Kushan coinage, we can acknowledge that this stylistic convention is not particular to Buddha only, but frequently applied to most of the deities.(22) And particularly we can notice this pose in the representation of Heracles on Kujula's coins (DAK, pl. I, No. I-3) and of Siva on Wema's coins (DAK. pl. II, No. 29).(23) It goes without saying that this convention is originated in Greco-Bactrian style (ex. Euthydemus' Heracles, B. M. C. pl. III, No. 3-4; Demetrius' Heracles, B. M. C. pl. II, No. 9-12) and inherited as dominant style through Saka coinage (Manes' Lakshmi (?), B. M. C. pl. XVI, No. 3) and Indo-Parthian ones (Azes I's Zeus, P. M. C. pl. XI, No. 46) and Kushan coinage. So, it is most likely that the die-cutter followed faithfully the most orthodox convention then widely and long in vogue. So, no matter what Buddha image was already created before Kanishka coin- type B or not, it is quite probable that the die-cutter resorted to this traditional bodily representation when he wanted to engrave the die itself. Next, we will investigate the representation of both hands; as for the right hand which shows abhaya-mudra, die-cutter felt seemingly some difficulty in representing realistically the raised hand with the palm exposed towards the

Vol. X 1974 43 spectator, for the right hand of standing Buddha images in stone which he might have modelled, is raised perpendicularly along the right chest. So much so that the die-cutter could have copied the right hand as it was only by employing fore-shortening method. That is to say, from the perfectly frontal position of the die-cutter, he was considerably troubled by the problem of depicting two-dimensional hand, well compatible with the three-dimensional one of ronde-bosse statue. So, it seems that the die-cutters did not master the fore-shortening method, or they intentionally discarded it and employed the traditional side-way depiction to represent the bent right elbow inclined towards the left around 45 degrees. That is why every right hand raised in abhaya-mudra in copper coinage does not exactly coincide with those of stone Buddha images. And we can perceive the same attitude to avoid three- dimensional representation of right raised hand, in the Buddha image of the famous Bimaran casket. On the other hand, when we turn our attention to the left hand and remember how it is represented in stone and stucco images of Standing Buddha, we cannot help imagining that the die-cutters must have confronted with the same difficulty how to express on the two-dimensional surface the three-dimensional left-hand as actually looks in stone images, for in this case, the left arm is hanging along the body towards the spectator. In order to avoid the difficulty of representing the bent forearm, it is clear from the stone-Buddha sculptures that the die-cutters cast of the fore-shortening technique as in the case of right-hand representation. The die-cutters represented the left hand and forearm which they hanged with garment, as if seen side-ways, while the arm (upper part) is represented clearly seen frontally. At least, they intentionally disregarded the actual pheno- menon which we can perceive in the standard Gandharan sculptures of standing Buddha. They, to the contrary, applied the conventional method of putting the left hand upon the left waist, that is frequently employed in representing other deities in Greco-Bactrian, Indo-Greek, Scytho-Parthian and Kushan coinages. If so, it is also probable that they did not need any ready-made model in stone of standing Buddha image. Altough we cannot decide which interpretation is more probable, such a guess might be of trivial significance. The important point is that they tried as much as possible to depict Buddha with detailed iconographic and optical informations, and that their intention lied in making an explanatory images of Buddha well equal to ronde-bosse images

44 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS of standing Buddha in stone. The difference between C-type and D-type is already mentioned, but these two types share the same stylistic characteristics: Buddha's body is quite naturalistically rendered with slight trace of contra-post as is seen in Gandharan stone-Buddha images, and both feet are seemingly treated as in type-B. As for the D-type, Buddha seems to be in Dharmacakra-mudra, for both hands are raised, but compared with C-type, we are sure that they grasp the hem of the sanghati. Further, as for the way in which Buddha holds the hem of the garment, most of the standing Buddha images in stone show the different way, e. g., the back of the left hand is represented, and it is usually suspended, not raised as in copper coinage. But there are exceptionally some standing Buddha images of stone make in relief (Fig. III) and in ronde-bosse(24) in which Buddha's left hand is raised to the same height as the right one, holding the hem of the garment as in types C and D. This type of holding garment with raised left hand is said to designate that Buddha is advancing.(25) According to Marshall's chronology for Gandharan stone sculptures, these images with this kind of holding garment, are regarded as belonging to the earlier group. We do not go further about the iconographic meaning nor the date of this type, but the important point seems to be the way how the die-cutters represented the both hands just symmetrically raised as in the D-type. In this case also, we cannot help acknowledging the same intention of the die-cutters to avoid the direct adaptation of fore-shortening method. Therefore, it is quite plausible that the die-cutter adopted this pose of hands exceptional in stone standing Buddha images, but he represented the left hand seen not frontally but as seen sideways. In this way they could avoid employing fore-shortening. On the other hand, they might have not copied then-extant Buddha Fig. III (from Marshall, J., BAG)

Vol. X 1974 45 images in stone and painting, but they might have got a general idea of standing Buddha image, inspired by Buddhist monks' features which they encountered with every day, and accordingly they gave shape to the idea in their own way of representing. And this peculiar way of depicting hands which is rather exceptional in stone sculptures, continued up to be adopted in gold coins, though in the latter the palm-side of Buddha's left hand confronts us, e. g., the direction of hand is turned outward horizontally about 180 degrees (A-type), in order to adjust the left-hand representation in copper coinage to that of standard standing Buddha images in stone. Taking into account the above-mentioned characteristics as far as the hand- representation is concerned, we cannot but acknowledge that the die-cutter tried to avoid in each case, the troublesome fore-shortening method that is not quite unsuitable in coinage but lacking in visional details equivalent to those seen in ronde-bosse images, for as seen in stone images, Buddha's left hand is unconveniently bent to be copied without stylistical modification in almost two- dimensional bas-relief of coin-blank. So we might say that the die-cutters analyzed the Buddha images in stone from various points of view, and adopted the most suitable view-point according to their aesthetical senses, supposing that Buddha images in stone and other materials were available to them.(26) And we can perceive the die-cutter's principle avoiding consistently the fore-shortening method, as most clearly discernible in the case of representing both feet. As far as the Gandharan stone Buddha images (standing) are concerned, the feet are represented parallel to each other. But in coinage the feet-representation is completely different: feet are spread- ed making roughly V-shape. If the die-cutter had copied the parallely set feet of stone standing Buddha images without sufficient knowledge of fore-shortening, he would have depicted in the coinage the Buddha's feet as if standing on tip-toe as was the case with Parthian examples of Dura-Europos paintings. In this sense, it seems quite clever that the die-cutters disregarded the fore-shortening and adopted a Hellenistic way of feet-arranging, which was already applied in Siva image of Indo-Parthian king Gondophernes' issues and Wema Kadphises' ones.(27) Lastly we should take up types E and F. We can easily notice that common stylistic peculiarity of these types lies in the strict and rigid frontality, quite Anti-Classic and peculiar to stone-sculptures found in Kapishi region. And other peculiarities reflected in the representations of the left-hand(28) and forearm,

46 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS

follow in principle those seen in B, C and D types. But both feet are treated differently: instead of the conventional Hellenistic way suggestive of depth and corporeality of lower body, they are represented more schematically and symmetrically (pl. II, No. IV, pl. III, No. X). And this peculiar method might have been influenced by the more-schematized advanced representation of Kushan kings' feet, and lead to that quite illogical feet-representation strictly in profile of standing Buddha images in gold coinage.(29) Therefore, from all our discussions hitherto described, we might for the time being, offer the following chronological setting of Buddha images of coin-types A-F: Bodily representation changes from a distinct tri-bhanga posture into a slightly contra-posted one (that employed in Gandharan Buddhist sculptures) and lastly into a rigid frontal one. As for the left-hand representation, firstly the left-hand is attached to the left-waist as is often the case with other deities in Kushan coinage. At the next stage, left-hand is detached from the waist, and represented hanging in the air around the left-waist, perhaps in order to make the hand consistent typologically with then-extant standing Buddha images in stone. Both feet are represented at first illusionistically based upon the Hel- lenistic convention, but gradually rendered more schematically completely dis- regarding the naturalistic representation.

type B→type C type D→type E type F→type A

II. Buddha seated (types: H, I, G) First, we try to investigate I-type in which Buddha is represented completely symmetrically and frontally, rather giving a rigid impression. But before treating with stylistic features, we should discuss the iconographical problems, for an iconographical element seems to be intimately connected with the problem of numismatic chronology of Kanishka I's coins. According to the illustration in Numismatic Chronicle,(30) Buddha is seemingly in dharmacakra-mudra: left hand is not put on the thighs as on other types, nor on the feet as is shown in sitting Buddha images in stone and in this mudra. And further, as for this mudra, it is unanimously admitted that this mudra appeared in the relatively later period in Gandhara.(31) On the other hand, when we examine attentively both forearms of this type, they are not represented raised so high as is usual in stone seated Buddha images in dharmacakra-mudra. Furthermore, the treatment itself of triangled cross-legs and feet does not necessarily coincides, when

Vol. X 1974 47 seen frontally, with the cross-legged posture of stone seated Buddha images, though the idea of cross-legged posture is commonly perceived. Therefore, we cannot help doubting the precedent interpretation that this is the dharmacakra- mudra, for unluckily that primary source material has the cleanched hands so much defaced that we cannot ascertain the combined fingers of both hands constituting this mudra. So much so that we cannot deny the probability that this posture agrees rather with jhana-mudra (meditation) which is quite common in Gandharan seated Buddhas with both shoulders covered. Our reasoning might be endorsed by the fact that in Gandhara every stone seated Buddha images in dharmacakra-mudra is represented with right shoulder disclosed. But the Buddha of I-type is distinctly shown with both shoulders wrapped with sanghati as is proved by the V-shaped neck of the Buddha image (pl. IV, No. XVI). Next we should mention a little about the stylistic features of the triangled cross-legs (pl. IV, No. XVI). We attribute this clumsy representation to the artistic intention of the die-cutter to suggest the depth of the cross-legged posture. For, the cross-legged part of the seated Buddha images in stone of Gandharan make is usually too much out-stretched towards the spectator to be copied frontally as it is, without relying upon fore-shortening method. And in fact the die-cutter die not resort to this method, but to the bird's eye view, particularly in the case of representing cross-legged posture. We suppose this is the reason why there appears exceptionally such a distinct triangled posture. And if our reasoning of this posture is correct, our interpretation that Buddha is in jhana-mudra might become more convincing, for both hanhs can as well be regarded as put just below the navel. Lastly we examine the resting two types G and H. In these types, the representation of Buddha's cross-legged posture is more advanced, e. g., fore- shortened, although Cunningham's sketch (type-H: pl. III, No. XIII) is quite unintelligible and awkward, compared with the so-called yoga-pose in Buddhist sculptures. Except this example, these types (pl. III, IV) resemble stylistically each other so much that we should better take these as belonging to one coin- type, from the style-critical point of view. The reason why we divide them into two types is simply due to the difference of the direction and content of legends. But, for the time being, we put aside the problems of legends. It is clear, remembering how the seated Buddhas are rendered in stone, that the seated Buddha images of types G and H are so naturalistically rendered as to

48 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS fit in various respects with stone-counterparts. We can notice that the position of both hands coincide exactly with that of seated Buddha images in stone (pl. III, No. XIV, pl. IV, No. XVII, XIX): right hand raised in abhaya-mudra, left one put on the thigh holding the hem of the garment. And further, this iconographic convention seems to have appeared in Gandharan sculptures earlier than any other mudra, for the conventional form of right hand in abhaya- mudra and left hand hanging is the same as is employed in standing Buddha images. And when we take into consideration the monetary conventions of this area since Bactrian coinage, the deities except some like Zeus and Ardoxo, are represented standing. So, it is more likely that in Kushan coinage the standing Buddha images proceeded the sitting ones. Consequently, the G and H types where the attitude of Buddha follows exactly that of standing one, must be anterior to I-type where Buddha image shows a mudra never found in standing images both in stone and coinage. To sum up, our chronological scheme is as follows:

type G →type I type H

IV. Epigraphical Investigation and Chronological Setting of the Legends

First, we examine the content of legends. As far as the reverse of the Kushan coinage is concerned, it is usually occupied by the deities. So, the Buddha represented in coinage should have been deified as a god, for he is nimbate in coinage. At least, the Buddha inscribed as "BAGO BOYDO" (god the enlightened) is no doubt regarded as a god, not as a sacred human being.(32) On the other hand, those inscribed as "CAKAMANO BOYDO" (great person enlightened of Saka tribes-men) do not literally mean the abstract god. So, this titulature is quite against the monetary tradition of Kushan coinage where only gods and goddesses occupy the reverse. This contradictory feature might be solved in the following way: the die-cutters represented Gautama Sidhartha as equal in status as other deities, probably due to King Kanishka I's decision after he was converted to the Buddhist faith, but adopted the designation then in vogue in Kushan Empire where most of indegenous Buddhists still clung to the traditional view that Sakyamuni Buddha is an enlightened great man. This might

Vol. X 1974 49 have been one of the reasons why Gautama was deified in coinage, notwithstand- ing his titulature showing him as a human being.(33) Furthermore, such a long legend of a god "Sakamuni Buddha" is quite exceptional in so far as the Kushan coinage is concerned in which the designation or appellation of a god is mormally short and simple. This long titulature of Buddha also make us presuppose that the die-cutters simply followed the local appellation when they were ordered to inscribe the legend. Perhaps the designation "BODDO" was not yet established as cliche exclusively designating deified Gautama. Therefore, from the comparison of the contents of both legends, we might as well consider the latter as anterior to the former, e. g., "SAKAMANO BOYDO" proceeds in date to "BAGO BOYDO." As for the simple "BODDO," this titulature quite surely reflects that Gautama established himself as a genuine god and his deification was already widely admitted in Kushan Dynastic circle. Together with this stage of legend, the fact that this legend appears only in gold pieces which are higher in status and value than copper ones, leads us to conclude that this type of legend is the latest. Here, we should refer to several representative inscriptions engraved in other materials; Budhasa bhagavate Sakiyanam (Piprawa Casket Inscription).(34) Bhagavato Sakamunino Bodho (Bharhut, Barua, II, p. 5).(35) Bhak(r)avat(r)o Sakamunisa Budhasa (Mathura, Lion Capital, Konow, CII, p. 48). Bhag(r)avatasa Sakyamunisa.... (Kurram Casket Inscription, Konow, Ibid., p. 155). Gotamashamanasa.... (Konow, CII, p. 152). Bhagavato S(a)kyamunisya pratima (Mathura, Mathura Museum No. 270). ... Buddha (pra)ti(ma) (Luders, p. 110)(36) From these examples, we can know that the term "Buddha" was used through-out all the ages. But the meaning seems to have changed from "Englishtened man" to "God the Englishtened." And the deification itself is said to have begun already in Maurya period, though the memory that he had been a great human being was preserved.(37) Therefore, it might have been with the coexistence of his deification with his historicity that the Kushans came into contact when they began to convert themselves to Buddhist. So, we might as well suppose that "SAKAMANO BOYDO" in copper coinage derived, though partly abridged from the traditional local appellation

50 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS

"BHAGAVATO SAKAMUNINO BODHO" of sramana Gautama Shidartha. Next, we examine the directions and the starting-points of legends. As for the legend "CAKAMANO BOYDO" type, running anti-clockwise and beginning around at eleven o'clock, the direction and the starting-point fit exactly those of Kharoshti legends (rev.) only employed in the earliest two kings of Kushan Dynasty (Ghirshman's Ist Dynasty). The die-cutters probably modelled in these respects the bi-lingual legends of Kujula's and of Wema's, and from this might have resulted the anti-clockwise direction. We take this convention as the first stage. On the other hand, the obverse legend running clockwise and starting around at eight o'clock "p AO KAHE p KI" follows exactly the legendal convention of the Greek languaged-and-lettered legends of Wema's and Kanish- ka I's earliest issues. Therefore, it is utmost likely that these characteristics concerning the direction and the starting-point are most faithful to the monetary tradition handed down since the Indo-Greek coinage in Gandhara regions. So, we might as well regard this most conservative type of the direction and the starting-point of legend as the earliest. As for the "BAGO BOYDO" type running clockwise and starting around at seven o'clock, its direction and starting-point seem nothing but the parallel adaptation of the reverse legend to the obverse one which starts around at eight o'clock and runs clockwise "p AONANO p AO KANH p KI KO p A- NO." And when we investigate the directions and the starting-points of legends shown in various coins with other deities of Kanishka I's, Huvishka's and Vasudeva's, we can acknowledge that the legendal convention just mentioned is prevalent more than ninety percent.(38) In other words, the die-cutters abandoned the earlier convention which was adopted in bi-lingual system of Wema's coinage and also in Kanishka I's Greek-languaged coins. Therefore, we take this stage as the second. Lastly, the "BODDO" type legend running anti-clockwise and beginning at eleven o'clock, though the obverse legend "p AONANO p AO KANH p KI KO p ANO" starts at seven o'clock and runs clockwise, seems to be inherited from "CAKAMANO BOYDO" type in the respects of the direction and starting-point, and nothing but a shortened form as regards the content. Probably the term "BODDO" came to be accepted by the Kushan Buddhists at large, not as an adjective "enlightened" but as meaning a god itself. And further we must mention that this type of direction of the legend on the reverse is quite

Vol. X 1974 51 exceptional in Kanishka I's issues at large and naturally incompatible with the direction shown in the earliest issues by this king. So, when the die-cutters of the gold coins (pl. II, No. I & II) engraved the Buddha image on the reverse, they might perhaps modeled the legends engraved already in copper coinage, and they modified them as well as some stylistic respect already mentioned. To sum up, we might put these legends into the following chronological setting.(39)

SAKAMANO BOYDO types (B, C, D, E, F, H, I). BAGO BOYDO (G). ↓ BODDO (A).

Conclusion

First of all, we must say that all the coins discussed here were made during less than 28 years of Kanishka I's reign. So, it is quite defficult to arrange them in a chronological, though relative, sequence of such a short span of time. From our style-critical discussions described above, we might classify broad- ly the standing Buddha images into two categories: one group reflecting or maintaining the tri-bhanga posture, the other the rigid frontality. And the the one which shows most clearly the former peculiarity is B-type, while the other which shows the latter one most typically is A-type. Furthermore, from the epigraphical view-point, B-type is included into the earliest types, while A-type into the latest. So, we might regard B-type as the earliest, and A-type as the latest. As for the others, types C and D seem to be near stylistically and epigraphically to B-type, therefore we might postulate them after B-type and before A-type. On the other hand, types G and H of sitting Buddha correspond to types C and D stylistically, though epigraphically type G seems to be later than the latters. As for the rest (types E, F, I) which show the Kushan or Iranian stylistic peculiarity, e.g., the rigid frontality are more difficult to postulate accurately. Here we should remember that all the deities represented on the earliest coins of Kanishka, e.g., Greek-languaged coins do not show any rigid frontality, and also that the Iranian kings(40) are represented rigid in their coins. As for the Kushan kings, the standing king's type introduced by Wema Kadphises and adopted by later ones follows the principle of rigidity. When we take into account this Kushan convention, we might say that the

52 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS standing Buddha images of E-type and the sitting ones of I-type are to some extent influenced by the Kushan kings' images. At least, the fact that the Buddha image of E-type seems to wear a king's coat and trousers, suggests us that the rigid representation of the Buddha image on coinage was modeled after the king's image. As for F-type, reflecting the same principle as E-type seems later than this and might be even later than A-type from the iconographical point of view (radiating nimbus). Type-I also seems to follow the same idea of rigid representation and we might put it later than H and G types, also on the basis of one iconographical evidence. Therefore, if we disregard(41) that these types (E, F, I) were made by the other mint than that having produced types B, C, D, H, we might, as a preliminary hypothesis, make the following chronological scheme.

type B→type C→type E→(type F)→type A type D type H→type G→(type I)

This relative time-sequence, though naturally admitting a wide time- margin of each coin-type and their overlappings, suggest us an artistic transformation from the Greco-Bactrian convention of deity-representation to the distinct Kushan Dynastic or Greco-Iranian one(42), through the transitional stage of reflecting most vividly the style of stone Buddha images. And we should add that this transformation was intimately connected with the die- cutters' contrivance to give as much corporeality and iconographical details of Buddha images as possible in almost two-dimensional small coin-blank. And one more suggestion should be added. If we carefully investigate the Buddha's head of our document No. XII (pl. I), it is highly probable that Bud- dha's head is turned right or rather three-quatered. In Gandhara Art, the Buddha's heads usually confront us, but there is at least one image once kept at Hoti-Mardan and regarded by Dieter Ahrens(43) as one of the earliest Buddha images, in which the Head is turned rather left, e.g., three-quatered. Therefore, if our Buddha's head of No. XII was really engraved with three-quatered view, the die-cutter may well have made it after a ready-made Buddha images in stone or in other material just like Hoti-Mardan Buddha, for the three-quater representation of head is rather exceptional in Gandharan coinage and almost completely rejected in the case of deity on Kushan coinage.

Vol. X 1974 53 Notes

(1) As for the investiture and the divine endorsement of regality, see M. Bussagli, Un particolare aspetto religioso della regalita presso i kusana (Studi e materiali di Storia delle Religioni, Vol. XXIV-XXV (1955), p. 96). Also D. G. Shepherd, Two Silver Rhyta (The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, Vol. 53 (I966), p. 301). (2) Succinctly documented by Dr. O. Takata, The Origin of the Buddha Image (in Japanese) 1967, p. 84-86. Cf. E. Herzfeld, Paikuli, Vol. 1, p. 45, and M. A. S. I., No. 38, p. 30, 38, 40. (3) J. Prinsep, Indian Antiquities, Rep., 1971, p. 135-36. V. A. Smith, J. A. S. B., 1897, p. 300- 01, 1898, p. 135-36. Ch. Lassen, Indische Altertumskunde, Vol. 11, 1973, p. 844-47. A. S. Altekar, J. N. S. I., Vol. XIV (1952), p. 53-55. H. V. Trivedi, J. N. S. I., Vol. XV (1953), p. 155-56. V. S. Agrawala, J. N. S. I., Vol. XVIII (1946), p. 61-62 etc. (4) A. von Sallet, Die Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen in Baktrien und Indien, 1879, p. 189-96. B. Chattopadhay, The Age of the Kushanas, 1967, p. 182-88. (5) R. Gobl, Gnomon, Vol. 34 (1962), p. 265, and also from personal communication with him. (6) The photos with the courtesy of both British Museum and Museum of Fine-Arts, Boston (Seth K. Sweetser Fund). (7) R. Gobl, Die Munzpragung der Kusan von Vima Kadphises bis Bahram IV, in Altheim, F and Stiel, R, Finanzgeschichte der Spatantike, 1957, p. 186-91. (8) J. Marshall, Buddhist Art of Gandhara, 1960, p. 41-62: of Adolescent Period. (9) Cf. J. Ph. Vogel, Archaeological Exploration in India 1910-11, J. R. A. S., 1912, pp. 113 ff., pl. 1, fig. 1. (10) Now kept at Musee Guimet. (11) Some stone Buddha images excavated at Butkara, Swat show this posture, Cf. D. Facenna, Sculptures from the Sacred Area of Butkara I (Swat, Pakistan), Vol 11/2 and Vol. 11/3, 1962, pl. LXXVIII, CXIII etc. (12) Cf. next chapter, p. 17-18. (13) Cf. J. Meunie, Shotorak (MDAFA, tome X), 1942. J. Hackin, Sculptures greco-bouddhiques du Kapisa, Monuments Piot, Vol. XXVIII (1925-26), p. 35-44. Sh. Mustamandi, Ves- tiges bouddhiques a Koh-i-Mori, Archeologia, No. 25, 1968, p. 50-55. (14) Cf. K. Tanabe, On the date of the Buddhist Sculptures excavated at Kapisa, Afganistan (in Japanese), Orient, Vol. XV, 1973, p. 87-145. (15) As for No. XVII, general characteristics are quite similar, but the arrangement of the legend seems to be different: to the above-left, the trace of the Greek letter C or A remains. As for No. XIX, the assignment is quite difficult, for the legend is lamentably defaced and blurred. But if we compare the representation of both arms and legs of No. XIX with those of No. XVI, we can acknowledge that they belong to different types from each other. And as the monogram is surely lacking, so No. XIX cannot belong to the same die nor the type as No. XIII (type-H). The general features of the Buddha of No. XIX are comparatively similar to those of type G, though the representation of shoulders differs apparently, we might include No. XIX into type H, for the time being, or regard it as belonging to another type. (16) Cf. O. Takata, loc. cit., p. 84-85, fig. 34, 35. (17) Recently, B. Chattopadhay, loc. cit., p. 183. (18) We already know that there exists a probability that in Gandharan History of Buddhist sculptures, anti-classic style is not necessarily posterior to the classic one, or that an inferior technique reflected in Greco-Bactrian tetra-drachms does not mean always later degene- rated stage of minting technique. Cf. K. Tanabe, loc. cit., p. 97 ff. Also, Allouche- le Page, M.-Th., L'art monetaire des royaumes bactriens, p. 157-58.

54 ORIENT KANISHKA I'S COINS

(19) Cf. Gobl, R., Zwei Neufunde in der Numismatik der Kuschan, Mitteilungen der Oster- reichishen Numismatischen Gesellschaft, Band XI (1960), Nummer 8, p. 95, Kanishka I's earliest issues were restruck with Bactian or Kushan languaged legend. Cf. also Rosenfiled, J., The Dynastic Arts of the Kushans, 1968, pl. II, nos. 30-32. (20) Cf. Sculptures and Paintings excavated at Nimrud-Dagh, Dura-Europos, Hatra, etc., and so-called Kanishka Statues (Mathura, Surkh Kotal). (21) Cf. Rosenfield, DAK. pl. X-XIII. (22) Cf. Rosenfield, DAK. Hlios (pl. II, 31), Athsho (pl. II, 33), Miiro (pl. III, 51), Mao (pl. II, 52), Ohsho (pl. IV, 72), Salene (pl. IX, 185), Ardoxsho (pl. X, 198), etc. (23) Cf. M. M. Spagnoli, The Symbolic Meaning of the Club in the Iconography of the Kusana kings, East and West, 1967, p. 260 "...the figure of the Indian God (Siva) as it appears on the coins of Kadphises II, reveals in the way of treating the body and the wearing of the tiger-skin draped over one arm, the influence of the standing Heracles shown on Indo-Greek coins." This is also the case with the Buddha images of our B-type. (24) Cf. J. Marshall, The Buddhist Art of Gandhara, 1960, pl. 40, 58. (25) Cf. O. Takata, loc. cit., p. 243. Striding pose. (26) As for the Buddha images in painting we have scarcely source-materials relating to Ku- shan art. In a fresco painting found at Hadda, Buddha is represented with left-hand raised just like the Buddha of our types C and D. However, in a fresco painting excavated at Miran, we can perceive the painter's contrivance to depict Buddha from sideways, quite differently from coin-engraver's method, in order to give a three-dimensional illusion or corporeality to Buddha image. (27) P. M. C., pl. XV, 43, pl. XVII, 31, 33. As for Kanishka I's issues, cf, pl. XVII, 53 (Helios). (28) The way to attach the left-hand to the left-waist is frequently employed in the images of other deities in Kushan coinage, though most of them grasp the hilt of sword. In the case of E-type, it is not quite certain whether Buddha makes his left-hand rest on the waist. (29) Typified by the representational way of Buddha's both feet (pl. II). This convention already appeared in the Indo-Greek coins (of Agathokles), but in Kushan coinage, usually applied to that of king's both feet (cf. also Kanishaka Statues found at Surkh Kotal and Mathura). Cf. J. Filliozat, Representation de Vasudeva et Samkarsana au IIe siecle avant J-C., Arts Asiatiques, tome XXVI (1973), p. 113-23. (30) Loc. cit., Cf. also, lngholt, GAP., pl. III, 5. (31) Cf. lngholt, GAP., p. 30, Group III (A. D. 300-400). This mudra is not known in Mathura of Kushan period. (32) Cf. Rosenfield, DAK., p. 77. He regards this epithet as the Persian counter-part of Bhaga- vat (venerable). Also B. Chattopadhay, loc. cit., p. 222, translated as divine. But here we follow the interpretation of von Sallet, loc. cit., p. 195. Even if BAGO is a Persian (Kushan) transliteration of Prakrit Bhagavat, the transliteration itself must have happened later than the "(Bhagavato) Sakamano Boydo" was adopted. And we might pos- sibly suppose that BOYDO was an appellation used by Gandharan local people while BO- DDO was especially Kushan designation or the Kushan transliteration of Prakrit BOYDO. But, these points do not seem to change drastically our chronological reasoning. (33) We regard the deification of Sakamuni as influenced in principle by the Kushan ideology which also deified king himself, not as promoted by local and indegenous Buddhists. (34) J. F. Fleet, The Inscription on the Piprahwa Vase, JRAS, 1907, p. 130. (35) Barhut, Book II, Jataka-scenes, 1934, Calcutta. (36) Mathura Inscriptions, 1961, Gottingen. (37) H. Nakamura, Gautama Buddha (in Japanese), 1969, p. 503-17. (38) We calculated depending upon the illustrations of plates II-XI of J. Rosenfield's DAK. (39) Naturally we should have tried the palaeographical investigation. It is a well known fact

Vol. X 1974 55 that the letter-form has been regarded as one of the good Merkmaler for assigning a relative date to the monument, and Dr, Gobl already classified Kushan Greek alphabets, based on the letters of gold coins (Iranica Antiqua, vol. I, p. 93-116). But, copper pieces are generally not so suitable materials as the gold ones to establish fundamental letter- forms due to the poor conservation of letters inscribed and comparatively scarce number of documents fit for investigation. And furthermore, the traditional method based on the presupposition that a certain form corresponds to a certain distinguished epoch, is quite doubtful. If we cast a glance at the plate (II) No. I & II (Obv), we can extract from the same obverse legends, three types of Greek letter "A" such as A, A, A,. Therefore, we cannot straightforwardly regard that A and A are anterior to A, as indicated by Gobl. Even the same die-cutter (otherwise at least the same person) employs three kinds of letters, consequently so many die-cutters probably employed so many letter-forms. Therefore, we postponed the palaeographical problems for the future when some surer method has been established. Cf. A. H. Dani, Indian Palaeography, p. 10-11. At the present stage of our knowledge, we confine ourselves to say that the gold piece containing three different kinds of Greek letter "A" is proved to be comparatively later from the palaeographical view-point. (40) Maues. P. M. C., pl. X, 31. Azes. P. M. C., pl. XI, 195. (41) R. Gobl, loc. cit. (Die Munzpragung...), p. 187. (42) D. Schlumberger, Descendants non-mediterraneens de l'art grec, Syria, Vol. XXXVII (1960), p. 131-66, 253-318. J. Rosenfield, DAK. (43) Dieter Ahrens, Die Romischen Grundlagen der Gandharakunst, 1961, p. 25,.... Diese Sonderstellung, die den Buddha von Hoti-Mardan zum Prototyp I der gandharenen Zehnerreihe pradestiniert, beruht auf allgemeiner Wohlabgewogenheit, empfindlichem Sinn fur plastishe Werte und ausgeglichenem verheltnis zwischen Organik und Stofflichkeit. Mit einem jeden dieser Prinzipien werden sich seine neun Nachkommen auseinanderzuse- tzen haben. Cf. also B. Rowland, A Revised Chronology of Gandhara Sculpture, Art Bulletin, Vol. XVIII (1936), p. 396, fig. 4.

56 ORIENT PL. I

XII (Rev)

XII (Obv) PL. II

I (Rev) I (Obv)

II (Rev) II (Obv)

IV (Rev) VI (Rev) PL. III

VII (Rev) IX (Rev)

X (Rev) XI (Rev)

XIII (Rev) XIV (Rev) PL. IV

XV (Rev) XVI (Rev)

XVII (Rev) XIX (Rev)