Cruise Tourists in Spitsbergen Around 1900: Between Observation and Transformation

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Cruise Tourists in Spitsbergen Around 1900: Between Observation and Transformation CRUISE TOURISTS IN SPITSBERGEN AROUND 1900: BETWEEN OBSERVATION AND TRANSFORMATION Ulrike Spring (University of Oslo) Abstract This article examines the early commodification of the Arctic, using emerging cruise tourism to Spitsbergen as an example. Its objective is to investigate how an Arctic tourism discourse emerged around 1900 and what its central characteristics were. Covering the period between 1893, when German Arctic cruise tourism took off, and 1914, the article argues that early cruise tourists drew on exploration, adventure and leisure discourses in order to frame their experiences. However, unlike explorers and explorer travellers (Laing and Frost 2014), they wished only to a limited extent to experience adventure themselves, or report transformative experiences due to the sublime landscape; rather, the travel narratives indicate that they were interested above all in observing adventure, this process being facilitated by the advanced technology and luxurious lifestyle of the cruise ships. As the article demonstrates, this ambivalence between images of a wild, uncontrolled and sublime Arctic and an Arctic controlled by modern technology and modern life helped to map the Arctic as a tourism space. Keywords Arctic history; Spitsbergen/Svalbard; cruise tourism; exploration; nature/culture divide Setting off to the North In the 1890s, a bourgeoning European tourism industry discovered the archipelago of Spitsbergen as a travel destination. It extended the already well-trodden tourist path of steamship traffic along the coast of Norway, which had brought hundreds of tourists to the North Cape every summer since the 1870s, with numbers increasing during the 1880s (Spring 2017; Birkeland 2000). Most ships to Spitsbergen would take the route along the Norwegian coast and past Bjørnøya, whilst others would leave from the British Isles, in some cases stopping over at Iceland before passing the island of Jan Mayen, and from there on to Spitsbergen. Before the advent of cruise tourism to the High Arctic, North Cape had been the northernmost point on the journey for the majority of leisure travellers: now it became an intermediate stop, a halt in-between South and North. I argue elsewhere that the Cape had been an epistemological border between the known and the unknown for a long time; with the tourist moving northwards, the border moved as well (Spring 2017). As a result the European Arctic, including Spitsbergen, increasingly became part of a shared space of experience, no longer exclusively reserved for scientists, explorers, hunters, and wealthy hunter tourists. The activities of the latter continued in parallel with the constant growth of Northern tourism, however, and provided a frame of reference for the cruise tourists. Scientific and geographical expeditions embarked to the North in an effort to reach the North Pole, or to investigate the area around it. During the 1890s, when cruise tourism to the Arctic was taking off, Norwegian scientist explorer Fridtjof Nansen and his crew undertook the famous Fram expedition (1893–96), British Sir William Martin Conway explored the interior of Spitsbergen (several expeditions between 1894 and Nordlit 45, 2020 https://doi.org/10.7557/13.5026 © 2020 The author(s). This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly credited. Cruise Tourists in Spitsbergen Around 1900 1909), and Swedish explorer Salomon August Andrée and his team attempted to reach the North Pole by air (1896, 1897). Such expeditions became a tourist attraction in themselves, with tourists visiting Andrée, and encountering Conway and other explorers on Spitsbergen. The islands were also rapidly becoming a point of departure for spectacular and speculative attempts to reach the North Pole, perhaps best illustrated by US journalist, explorer and aëronaut Walter Wellman who, like Andrée, tried to reach the North Pole by air (1906–9). The early tourist tours reflected these varied interests in Spitsbergen; unlike today’s Arctic cruises with their focus on leisure and possibly adventure, they integrated different forms of tourism, including leisure, hunting, scientific investigation, and exploration/adventure.1 Laing and Frost have coined the term “explorer travellers” for elite travellers who travel to unknown regions or visit places that have either never been or are not often visited by tourists, and who draw on “the myths of the explorer and the discoverer” (Laing and Frost 2014, 4). Explorer travellers were a wide-spread phenomenon in the nineteenth century, as a result of Romanticism and its focus on the exotic and wild; urbanization, which went hand in hand with a growing interest in uncultivated nature; and exploration which, particularly in the late nineteenth century, led to European imperialism and colonialism on a global scale (see also Laing and Frost 2014, 5). Even though Laing and Frost (2014, 194) emphasize that the term may also include group tourists, explorer travellers in the nineteenth century and today have mostly been solitary travellers. Hence, while the concept helps us to understand the fundamental interrelatedness of exploration and tourism, reaching back through history, it might be less useful for defining late nineteenth- century cruise tourists who followed a pre-arranged schedule and often travelled in large groups, sometimes up to 300 people. Tourism scholars differentiate between various types of tourists, depending on factors such as their motivation, their mode of travelling and their destination (see Lohmann and Netto 2017, 161–167). As Lohmann and Netto (2017, 163) point out, such typologies are problematic, as they tend to subsume different people under a single category or, as often has been the case, define adventure and tourist practices from the perspectives of European travellers. At the same time they are helpful, as they provide an indication of specific features which characterize tourist experiences. Kolltveit (2006) defines the early Arctic cruise tourists as “deckchair explorers”, and points here at the general passivity of cruise tourists, who are transported to their destination and to solitary places, rather than actively seeking them out themselves. Whereas his term is useful for understanding a central feature of early Arctic cruise tourism, my material suggests that many of these early tourists played a more active role than this term allows for: they walked along Spitsbergen fjords and climbed mountains; some of them were scientists or dilettante scientists, who spent hours gathering research material; others collected stones, birds, and human remains as souvenirs; a number of tourists intervened directly in Spitsbergen animal life through hunting; and the cruise ships left behind traces of their presence, such as a wooden board with the name of the ship written on it. In other words, they defied categorization into a single type of tourist: at most we may call them explorer tourists or explorer mass tourists, although this does not necessarily cover the scientists on board. Kolltveit’s term (2006), however, makes it explicit that the tourists drew on exploration discourses and practices, whilst at the same time not wishing to be involved in the adventures of exploration, nor even organizing and 1 I have discussed this more extensively in Spring 2018. 40 Ulrike Spring executing them: rather, as I shall show, observing and enacting adventure were key activities on these tours, much more so than experiencing and living it. In this paper I draw on narratives of travel to Spitsbergen that were published in German language newspapers and journals or books between 1893, when German cruise tourism to Spitsbergen started on an extensive scale, and 1914 at the outbreak of the First World War, which was to change patterns of travel significantly.2 The German Arctic explorer captain Wilhelm Bade (1843–1903), who was among the key personnel in initiating organized Spitsbergen tourism, drew inspiration for his future career as a tourism manager from the Württembergische Spitzbergen-Expedition to the archipelago in 1891, which investigated the possibility of exploiting Spitsbergen’s natural resources. Tourism and exploration were thus closely intertwined from early on in German Northern discourse. The Spitsbergen cruise tours seem to have become very popular quite quickly, and by the mid-1890s travellers could choose between tours arranged by Bade and by steamship companies such as the Hamburg-Amerika-Line (HAPAG), the Orient Line and Norddeutsche Lloyd. The North Norwegian Vesteraalens Dampskibsselskab started a regular tour, aimed particularly at hunter tourists, between Trondheim/Hammerfest and Spitsbergen in 1896 (Arlov 2003, 211–212; K. J. 1896, 2; “Sportsroute nach Spitzbergen” 1897). Botanist Julius Wiesner, who took this tour and spent the summer in Spitsbergen in 1897 carrying out scientific research, pointed out that for enjoyment, leisure and a superficial experience of the islands, tours on the big cruise ships were suitable, but that people interested in gaining a deeper understanding of the landscape should use the Vesteraalen Dampskibsselskab’s route (Wiesner 1897, 1–2). While his criticism neglects the fact that cruise passengers were a widely heterogeneous group of tourists, it illustrates the difference between travellers spending a longer period of time on Spitsbergen
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