Red, White, and Shades of Gray: the Development And
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RED, WHITE, AND SHADES OF GRAY: THE DEVELOPMENT AND ENTRENCHMENT OF CONFEDERATE IDEOLOGY IN AMERICA, 1865-1939 A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY December 2002 By Kevin Tom Thesis Committee: Robert E. McGlone, Chairperson Marcus L. Daniel Margot A. Henriksen TABLE OF CONTENTS List ofFigures iv Introduction. ..................................................... 1 Chapter I: The Establishment ofa Confederate Tradition: The Lost Cause in the Postwar South, 1865-1877 7 Southern Honor 10 Southern Masculinity Under Siege and the Capture ofJefferson Davis 15 Lee, Longstreet, and the Confederate Elites .31 The Virginians 33 The Apotheosis ofRobert E. Lee 34 The Vilification ofLongstreet .45 Attempts to Reassert White Rille and Early Commemorative Activities 64 Chapter 2: Commemoration and Sectional Reconciliation: The Expansion ofSouthern Civil War Memory, 1877·1907 76 Challenges to Identity and Social Cohesion in the North and South. ........ .. 80 Northern and Southern Uncertainties 80 Responding to the Challenges 83 Northern and Southern Commemoration 95 Commemoration in the North 97 Commemoration in the South .106 The Spanish-American War and Its Role in Reconciliation 119 Civil War History and the Advent ofProfessional Historians 124 Chapter 3: Popu1ar Cu1ture and the Spread ofConfederate Ideology in America, 1905·1939 133 The Clansman and Birth ofa Nation 135 Thomas Dixon's The Clansman 136 D. W. Griffith's BirthofaNation .149 Gone With The Wind 172 Gone With The Wind: The Novel. ...... .. .. ..... .. .. ...... .. 173 Gone With The Wmd: The Movie 185 Epilogue. .......................................................... .. .. 193 Bibliography ................................................ .. 195 iii LIST OF FIGURES 1. Jefferson Davis Memorial, Richmond, Virginia 77 2. Freedman's Memorial to Abraham Lincoln 100 3. Shaw Memorial, Boston .I03 4. Abraham Lincoln Memorial, Washington, D. C. 105 5. Confederate Soldiers' and Sailors' Memorial, Richmond, Virginia .....110 IV 1 INTRODUCTION On July 1,2000, the state ofSouth Carolina removed the Confederate battle flag from atop the dome ofits Capitol building. The move followed a six month economic boycott ofthe state led by the NAACP, which sought to have the flag banned from flying on public grounds. To the NAACP and those siding with it in the flag controversy, the Confederate banner represents a legacy ofslavery and hate, and displaying it in public is highly offensive. Defenders ofthe flag, however, maintain that it stands as a symbol of their history, and removing it is akin to a repudiation ofpart oftheir heritage. The economic boycott cost South Carolina as much as $20 million in lost tourism revenue, pressuring business interests to call for the flag's removal. Ultimately, it was decided that the flag should come down, but the victory ofthose who wanted the flag gone from the Capitol dome was bittersweet. Opponents ofthe flag attained only a partial triumph, since instead ofcompletely banning the display ofthe Confederate flag on public grounds, a compromise solution was worked out in the state legislature. Under the compromise, in exchange for the removal ofthe flag from atop the Capitol dome a slightly similar flag was allowed to fly at a nearby Confederate memorial located just in front ofthe building. Thus, despite the efforts ofthe state legislature to bring an end to the controversy, the compromise solution was unsatisfactory to many on both sides ofthe issue. l (Brian Cabell, "Hundreds protest as Confi:derate battle flag comes down in South Carolina," CNN.com, 1 July, 2000, http://www.cnn.c0m/2000IUS/07/Ol/scflag.02/index.h1ml (4 November 2002). 2 The flag controversy highlights the continued pervasiveness ofthe Confederate legacy in America, which continues to make its presence felt, even though it has been almost a century and a halfafter the Confederacy's demise. My thesis traces the establishment ofConfederate legacy: first, as a collective memory held by Southerners ofthe generation who fought the war and lived through Reconstruction; and secondly, as an ideological force that spread outward beyond the South, eventually becoming accepted and entrenched as a legitimate part ofhistorical and popular interpretations ofthe Civil War era that have proven difficult to uproot. The work ofFrench sociologist Maurice Halbwachs on collective memory offers a central rationale behind the formation and establishment ofa Confederate collective memory within the post-war South. For Halbwachs, recalling the past depends upon the social conditions which currently influence the person remembering, as well as the environment in which the memory originally occurred. Collective memory is a reconstruction ofthe past, not merely a recollection ofevents. Even for people experiencing events as they occurred, individual memories become fragmented over time and are rebuilt within the framework ofpresent social contexts, and the memories of individuals and groups are shaped by the social environment in which they live and interact with one another. To an extent, the past does shape the present, at least in terms ofthe perception ofcontinuity. Halbwachs postulates, however, that the present social context is what exerts the definitive influence upon what is remembered about the past, and the remembered past is reconstructed to fit into the social frameworks ofthose living 3 in the present. It is only in relation to ideas held in the social setting ofthe present that memories ofthe past are called forth and are able to take shape in organized and meaningful ways. 2 Chapter I focuses on the reestablishment ofsouthern identity and the development ofa new collective memory within the South centered around the defeated Confederacy. Using Halbwachs, the social contexts surrounding Southerners, especially relating to (in terms ofthe Confederate legacy) white southern males, helped shape and direct the collective memories held by Southerners regarding the Confederacy following the war. White southern males needed a way to respond to the challenges confronting them in the face ofpost-war disillusionment and Reconstruction. With women stepping beyond their traditional roles, blacks seemingly holding the positions ofauthority, and Northerners belittling their masculinity, white males in the South needed to reestablish a sense ofidentity, and ultimately sought to reassert their dominance atop the social order. The development ofthe Lost Cause by elite Southerners was one way to respond to northern claims ofsouthern inferiority. Early commemorative activities and even direct action through violence by vigilante organizations like the Ku Klux Klan also aided white southern males in reestablishing a sense ofplace, and these activities also helped to link Southerners together around a shared Confederate past. Thus, the social conditions and southern responses to them contributed to shape the collective memories ofSoutherners, 2 Maurice Halbwachs, On Collo;ctiye Memory. trans. Lewis A. Coser (Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1992). 4 and Southerners used these memories to rebuild a sense ofcommonality and identity against the social and environmental uncertainties ofthe times. Chapter 2 deals with the celebration ofthe Confederacy, which intensified as Reconstruction came to an end in the South and Southerners sought vindication for their cause. During this period, the collective memories ofSoutherners began to coalesce into a shared Confederate tradition that began to move from the realm ofactual memory toward ideology. Southerners started to appropriate the Confederate legacy to build and reinforce their society in ways that bolstered their traditional values against the continued tensions brought on by economic and social changes. They increasingly linked the Confederate tradition with masculinity and white supremacy, and they used that tradition to help unify different classes ofsouthern white males against potentially contentious issues within their own ranks, such as economic disparities. For example, elite whites aimed to undermine dissent from those in the lower classes by playing up the example of the Confederate soldier, who carried on without complaint in the :fuce ofadversity. Further, the Confederate tradition was modified to fit an ideological position more conducive to sectional reconciliation. Instead ofthe previously harsh rhetoric put forward by the first Lost Cause advocates, Southerners increasingly used a softer, more conciliatory tone as they sought to reestablish their place as equals within a reunited nation. Additionally, both Northerners and Southerners began to reconstruct the remembrance ofthe Civil War in ways that removed the most contentious issues from the picture. For example, in commemorative events, the design ofmonuments, and historical 5 writings, the issue ofslavery as the central reason for the South seceding was denied in favor ofconstitutional justifications. Even the veterans themselves began to blot out the more horrific or shameful actions they experienced during the war in favor ofa glorified recollection ofthe period. This kind offorgetfulness was especially evident at reunions where former adversaries were in attendance. At these events, in a climate of conciliation, common hardships and camaraderie began to overshadow divisive issues. Finally, in this climate ofconsensus and conciliation, the Spanish-American war marked a critical