Irreducible Essence: Tectonics and Cultural Expression in Traditional

Irreducible Essence:

Tectonics and Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

A Thesis submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies Of the University of Cincinnati

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE IN ARCHITECTURE

In the School of Architecture and Interior Design Of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning

2011

Mae Al-Ansari

Bachelor of Architecture, Kuwait University, 2006

Committee: Aarati Kanekar, PhD (Chair) Karl Wallick Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Abstract

The adoption of new construction techniques and materials, after the sudden shift in Kuwait's economy in the 1950s, yielded an architecture that is today locally unsuitable. This thesis attempts to reconnect Kuwait's rich heritage with its lost architectural identity through explorations of the ways in which architectural tectonics express culture in traditional forms of Kuwaiti dwelling. Tectonics comprises relationships between structure, surface, and assembly; what Kenneth Frampton calls poetic construction. The irreducible essence of the building unit informs architectural form. Tectonics, as Marco Frascari and Vittorio Gregotti claim, is expressed in relationships between part-to-whole, material, texture, surface, and joinery, all capable of articulating specificities of culture and context. Analytical approaches are used to study architectural drawings, sketches, and photographs to interpret the cultural expressiveness of tectonics. Archives, artwork, and books support inferences about culture, construction methods, and assembly. Detailed tectonic interpretations of three

Kuwaiti case studies (the mud-brick beit, Bedouin beit sha'ar, and the dhow) support these claims, exploring questions such as: How does tectonics relate to architecture? To culture? How is this relationship expressed? What socio-economic, religious, political, and historical contexts shaped pre-1950s Kuwaiti building culture? How is culture tectonically manifest in each traditional form of dwelling? This work affirms the ways in which tectonics is linked to culture, reinforcing details as tell-tales of culture and valuable elements in architecture and its discourse. This thesis bridges architectural identity with culture, present with past, and Western architectural theory with Eastern architecture, to enhance and better appreciate the built environment and the profession.

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Acknowledgements

I am fortunate to have had the opportunity to attend the Master of Science in Architecture program at the University of Cincinnati. I have grown to love the University and the city of Cincinnati for their rich histories, great architecture, and kind people.

First and foremost, I would like to thank God, most Gracious most Merciful, for all the blessings He has given me.

I would not have been able to succeed without the persistence, wisdom, sacrifice and continued support of my parents. Thank you for instilling in me a strong love of knowledge and respect for education. Most importantly, thank you for being there when I needed you. This work is dedicated to you.

To my siblings, thank you for your support and, without complaint, allowing one parent to always be missing from home. I appreciate your patience and compromises. Moudhi, thank you for sacrificing your vacations to accompany me. I loved our time in Cincy.

To Stacy Dellinger, my Academic Advisor at the Embassy of the State of Kuwait – Cultural Division, thank you for your continued assistance and support. Special thanks go to the Architecture Department-Kuwait University for awarding me this scholarship.

To my friends in Kuwait, thank you for continuously asking about me and always keeping me in the loop so I didn't miss out. To my cousins, thank you for your support.

To my colleagues in the MSArch program, thank you for your friendship. Your company made even the toughest classes bearable. Your strength and support helped me get through my thesis. I know the ties that have been made will be life-long.

To my professors at SAID: thank you for your support, wisdom, and guidance. Your faith in me opened new doors and opportunities in my life. To Professor David Saile, thank you for taking us in as first-year international students and making us feel welcome in the MSArch program. Thank you for teaching us to appreciate the significant contributions of culture and society in architecture. You are missed.

To Professor Adrian Parr, thank you for your patience and willingness to help us grow as critical thinkers, researchers and intellectuals in the MSArch program. Most importantly, thank you for challenging us to improve our work and always pushing us to participate in the world around us. Thank you for reminding us that being nervous, anxious, or scared of a topic is only a sign that we want to do our best at it.

To Professor John Hancock, thank you for your support and encouragement. Your continued guidance during pre-thesis research helped set the stage for my thesis and made it so much easier to write.

To Professor Aarati Kanekar, thank you for the guidance, support, and advising you provided throughout my involvement with the MSArch program at UC. I appreciate everything you have done to assist me in my studies.

Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

To Professor Karl Wallick, thank you for the support and contribution you gave to this thesis. Thank you for allowing me to benefit from your experience and permitting me to freely bounce ideas on my topic. I appreciate your participation in my work.

To Professor Nnamdi Elleh, thank you for all you have done and continue to do for the MSArch program and students. You have been an inspiration to us all. Thank you for the extraordinary effort you put in for your students, and for believing in me. Thank you for teaching us to look beyond the words on the page, and encouraging us to keep asking questions and read between the lines. Thank you for sharing with us your writing practices and allowing us to benefit from your work and experience.

Last but not least, to Professor Edson Cabalfin, thank you for keeping Place & Dwelling alive. We learned a lot from that class. Thank you for mentoring me and allowing me to walk into your office to freely discuss my issues. Thank you for the many opportunities you gave me to review your students' studio work and gain experience. I am forever indebted. I wish you the best of luck in your career.

I hope the next stage in life will bring more success, health, happiness, and prosperity.

Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Preface

Image 1: Archway and side street, Kuwait, circa 1938. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006).

Architecture is a field of intriguing concepts and theoretical relationships continuously undergoing development and modification. While in school, many issues intrigued me regarding the meaning of architecture. One might say its meaning lies in form, function, and structure; the Vitruvian triad of delight, commodity, and firmness.

Delight, form or the tectonic, can be defined in different ways, one of which is the detail.

I came across this interest as a result of my involvement in studying traditional forms of dwelling in Kuwait. I became increasingly interested in the issue of local identity and its expression in the local architecture. I believe Kuwaiti architecture today is losing its links with its origins and adopting mostly foreign concepts from the West, and I feel there is a need to reconnect with what is relevant and meaningful to the local environment and traditions. It is heartbreaking to realize that indigenous mud-brick

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling houses, which my grandparents had struggled to build, were torn down to make way for newer, more "stylish" foreign structures that in most cases did not respond to local traditions, materials, construction techniques, or environmental conditions. It creates a certain tension and frustration not knowing how to go about designing for the local context and society. Coming upon writings by Kenneth Frampton on critical regionalism, tectonics, and the power of structural units to express cultural specificities, I felt slightly relieved that these issues had been discussed in the architectural realm. I began to wonder how these theories could be applied to Kuwaiti culture and architecture. By exploring these theories in relation to my own culture, I hope to learn about Kuwaiti tradition and discover more about my own identity and the architectural design choices that I have made throughout my career. I also hope to become more aware of my origins and the ways in which they can alter the design decisions I make in the future.

Accordingly, my thesis focuses on investigations of the architectural tectonic.

The objective of my research is to identify connections between tectonics, cultural expression, and the Kuwaiti tradition, as seen in traditional forms of Kuwaiti dwelling.

The work allows tectonic elements in architecture to narrate the story of Kuwaiti culture in particular, and has the potential to enrich the way architects approach tectonics when designing buildings. By realizing and evaluating the role of the tectonic in architecture, designers can benefit, enhance, and better appreciate the creative design process, the built environment, and the profession. Furthermore, this investigation contributes to the limited literature available in the region on architectonics in Kuwait.

Tectonics can be defined as the relationships between architectural structural configuration, space, form, surface, and assembly. Today this notion calls for an expressive relationship between structure, form, and poetic construction. This concept can manifest in many ways. It can be achieved through the expressive relationship between construction, the use of materials, textures, patterns, and technology, among

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling others. These tectonic components have the ability to transcend function and material presence in order to express cultural identity. Tectonic expression in architecture thus enhances the experience of building and reinforces the significance of craft and poetic construction. This outlook gives strength to designs and helps them achieve higher levels of prominence and relevance to the sites in which they are implemented. The ways in which tectonics and the craft of building are applied in architecture can articulate cultural practices and enrich cultural identity.

Tectonics are viewed as a rich source of meaning in architecture. The tectonic can be articulated pragmatically through details, required elements in a building that should be used more often as opportunities for tectonic expression rather than as conventional construction parts. Kenneth Frampton suggests “the structural unit [is] the irreducible essence of architectural form.”1 The link between tectonic components in a building is the joint. According to Marco Frascari, the joint is “the fertile detail…the place where both the construction and the construing of architecture take place.”2 Vittorio

Gregotti claims the differences between building and architecture are evident in the details, which create a hierarchy between parts and the whole, demonstrate properties of the materials in use, and articulate construction as a process of "becoming" in which materials provide a narrative of design decisions.3 To Gregotti, the detail is a meaningful ornament, while Frampton maintains that cultural differences are revealed in the joints - essential parts of a building, not accessories - making up a tectonic syntax. If cultural differences can be expressed through tectonic syntax, then this concept can be applied to traditional forms of dwelling in Kuwait in efforts to uncover cultural specificities through architecture.

1 Kenneth Frampton, "Rappel à l’Ordre, the Case for the Tectonic," Architectural Design 60, no. 3-4 (1990): 20. 2 Marco Frascari, "The Tell-the-Tale Detail," in Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of Architectural Theory 1965-1995, ed. Kate Nesbitt (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996), 511. 3 Vittorio Gregotti, "The Exercise of Detailing," in Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of Architectural Theory 1965-1995, ed. Kate Nesbitt (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996), 496-7.

Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

During the course of my study, I investigate the rich qualities of construction joints, material, color, light, technology, and the tactile in traditional Kuwaiti (pre-

1950s) dwellings. The structures historically used as dwellings in Kuwait were mud- brick houses and Bedouin goat-hair tents. Large dhows, or trade-ships, which left for months at a time, also acted as dwellings for pearl-divers, tradesmen, and their captains.

Each of these structures presents unique kinds of details that are used to relate to the local practices in part and the culture as a whole.

Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

God is in the details

- Mies van der Rohe, "On Restraint in Design," The New York Herald Tribune (28 June, 1959)

Construction is the mother tongue of the architect. The architect is a poet who thinks and speaks in terms of construction.

- Auguste Perret, Contribution a une theorie de l'architecture (1952)

Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Table of Contents ______

Abstract iii

Acknowledgements v

Preface vii

List of Illustrations xiii

Introduction 1

Chapter 1: Situating the Discourse: Architecture & the Tectonic 1.1 Definitions of the tectonic 16 1.2 The evolution of tectonics 23

Chapter 2: Culture as Con(text) 2.1 Culture Defined 44 2.2 The Land 48 2.3 The Traditional: architecture of mass, plane, & frame 57 2.4 The Dweller 64 Shore-Dweller: Madani Desert-Dweller: Bedouin Sea-Dweller: Bahhar

Chapter 3: Materials & Surfaces 3.1 Materials 72 3.2 Surface as canvas for light & shadow 92 3.3 Color 95

Chapter 4: Structure, Construction Assembly, & Technique 4.1 Structure & Construction 98 4.2 Scale 122

Chapter 5: Joinery 5.1 Joints 125 5.2 Relations of part to whole 144

Conclusion 151

Bibliography 164

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

List of Illustrations

Page #

Image 1: Archway and side street, Kuwait, circa 1938. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006)……………………..………………….vii

Image 2: Main elevation and ground floor plan of PAHW housing type E. Source: http://www.housing.gov.kw/Others/types.asp (accessed May 5, 2011)...... 2

Image 3: Main elevation and ground floor plan of PAHW housing type F. Source: http://www.housing.gov.kw/Others/types.asp (accessed May 5, 2011)...... 2

Image 4: Proposed image for the 2030 Madinat Al Hareer, Kuwait, by CivicArts. Source: http://www.civicarts.com/image.php?i=Business_City_CGI.jpg&h=555&id=31&c= (accessed May 8, 2011)…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...... 3

Image 5: Gottfried Semper's knot studies (1878). Source: Gottfried Semper, Der Stil in den Technischen und Tekonischen Kunsten vol 1 (Munich, 1878), 172-5…………………………………………………..29

Image 6: Abbe Marc-Antoine Laugier's rustic hut (1753). Source: http://www.hkstracepaper.com/?tag=architecture (accessed May 5, 2011)……...... 40

Image 7: Undated photograph of a Kuwaiti door. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 16…………………….42

Image 8: Ferya, the threshold that connects two households. Source: HINDHEART, "ϲηϮϠΒϟ΍ΪϨϫ_ AlFerya Movie_Δϳήϔϟ΍ ϢϠϓ", YouTube, 0:22, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LtQabrERluU (accessed May 5, 2011)…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………48

Image 9: Map of Kuwait. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kuwait (accessed April 28, 2011)...... 49

Image 10: World map situating Kuwait. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kuwait (accessed April 28, 2011)...... 49

Image 11: An undated photograph of a sloping street in Kuwait, showing the drainage network from the water spouts to the ground. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 54…………………………………………….50

Image 12: Beit AlGhanim spatial organization. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978),117. Labels by author……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………54

Image 13: Bedouin tent's spatial organization. Source: Shirley Kay, The Bedouin (New York: Crane, Russak, & Company, Inc, 1978), 14……………………54

Image 14: Pre-1950s aerial view of Kuwait. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 54……………………………………55

Image 15: Kuwaiti pearling dhows travelling in groups for company. Source: http://iml.jou.ufl.edu/projects/spring06/eisa/history.htm (accessed April 20, 2011)...... 55

Image 16: Deck plan of a deep-sea dhow. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 27………………………………………………..………55

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 17: Settlement pattern of Bedouin tents. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 86……………………………………56

Image 18: Sadu weaving. Source: http://www.flickr.com/photos/13014156@N06/2654733171/ (accessed May 3, 2011)………………………………………………………………………………….…………………………...... 56

Image 19: Oil painting by Ayoub Hussein Al-Ayoub of the interior of a beit. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 150……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………57

Image 20: Men gathered on the bench in front of a beit. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 48……………….57

Image 21: Beit AlBadr floor plan. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 116…………………………………….…….59

Image 22: Beit AlGhanim floor plan. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978),117……………………………….…….59

Image 23: Beit AlAskar floor plan. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978),117…………………………….……….…….59

Image 24: Small openings above doors in beit AlBadr serve to flush out warm humid air from bedrooms and support natural ventilation. Source: author, 2010….…………………………………………….……60

Image 25: Traditional Bedouin tent. Source: Paul Oliver, ed., Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 1450………………………………………….………62

Image 26: The madani in the local souk. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 186……………………………….…64

Image 27: The Bedouin. Source: http://lahavnet.co.il/joalon/eng/arider.jpg (accessed March 3, 2011)...... 66

Image 28: The Bedouin tent in plan and sections. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Book, 1979), 19……………………………………………………………………………66

Image 29: The pearl diver. Source: http://www.1website.com/kuwait_gallery1/kg_p11/kg_p11.html (accessed February 25, 2011)...... 68

Image 30: The dhow. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006)…….…68

Image 31: Sailors on the halyards hauling up the mainsail of the dhow. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), back cover………………………………………………………………..…69

Image 32: The process of brick manufacturing in 16th century Italy. Source: David Leatherbarrow, The Roots of Architectural Invention: Site, Enclosure, Materials (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 158…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……74

Image 33: This painting by Ayoub Al-Ayoub (1997), entitled elDereesha (the Window), shows that window shutters used only protection bars, but that was only in rare cases. Most houses had minimal fenestration. Source: Ayoub Hussein Al-Ayoub, The Kuwaiti Heritage: in the Paintings of Ayoub Hussein Al-Ayoub (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2002), 371……………………….….75

Image 34: Mangrove trees. Source: http://poeppels.blogspot.com/2008/09/edge-of-paradise.html (accessed May 16, 2011)...... ……………………………………...... ………...... ………75

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 35: Malabar posts at beit AlBadr were used to support open areas with columnar support. Source: author, 2010……………………………………………………………………………….……….……………………………….76

Image 36: Detail of column-post connection Source: author, 2010…………………………………………..……….76

Image 37: Brick-making was done using wood molds, after which bricks were laid out in the sun to dry. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 116……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……77

Image 38: The many uses of palm fronds in the beit are depicted here in Ayoub Al-Ayoub's Domestic Utensils and Articles (1984); place mats, fans, baskets, and sweepers. Source: Ayoub Hussein Al- Ayoub, The Kuwaiti Heritage: in the Paintings of Ayoub Hussein Al-Ayoub (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2002), 257…………………………………………………………………………………….………………78

Image 39: Palm fronds were plaited to form waterproof mats for roof construction. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 123………………….……..78

Image 40: Battil. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 13………………………………………………………………………….……………79

Image 41: Shewe. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 15……………………………………………………………………………………….79

Image 42: Jalbut. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 17……………………………………………………………………………………….79

Image 43: Transportation of palm-frond mats to be used on board the dhow. Source: Yacoub Y. Al- Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 130…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………80

Image 44: Roping was needed to secure the sails of the dhow. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Ϧϔδϟ΍ΔϋΎϨλ ΖϳϮϜϟ΍ϲϓΔϴϋ΍ήθϟ΍ [Dhow-building in Kuwait] (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 66……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..80

Image 45: The different dimensions of sails used on board the dhow. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 90………………..82

Image 46: Imported Indian teak planks. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 39………………………………………………….…….83

Image 47: Timber rib branches. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 41………………………………………………………………………83

Images 48-49: The Bedouin tent's spatial organization. Source: http://www.catnaps.org/islamic/gulfar ch6.html#tentmaterial (accessed January 19, 2011)…………………………………………………………………….……85

Image 50: The process of making tent-cloth. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 11…………………………………………………………………….…….86

Image 51: Sewing of tent-cloths into the roof cloth. Source:http://www.catnaps.org/islamic/gulfarch6.html#tentmaterial (accessed January 19, 2011)...87

Image 52: Detail of rope stay assembly. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 14……………………………………………………………………………………..…90

Image 53: Turkish-inspired door insets from Zubayr differed from the minimal Kuwaiti style. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 95…………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….93

Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 54: Persian-inspired doors from Bushir were sometimes found in Kuwait. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 96………………………………………………………………………………………………..………………93

Image 55: Play of light and shadows in the context of the mud-brick beit. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), front cover leaflet…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..94

Image 56: The Kuwaiti dhow as a surface for the play of light and shadow. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006)……………………………………………………………………….…………95

Image 57: Western liwan, Masjid-i-Jami, Isfahan, seen from courtyard. Source: Eduard F. Sekler, "Structure, Construction, Tectonics," in Structure in Art and Science, edited by Gyorgy Kepes (New York: Braziller, 1965), 91……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………99

Image 58: Western liwan, Masjid-i-Jami, Isfahan, seen from rear. Source: Eduard F. Sekler, "Structure, Construction, Tectonics," in Structure in Art and Science, edited by Gyorgy Kepes (New York: Braziller, 1965), 91…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..99

Image 59: Aerial view of Kuwaiti mud-brick houses circa 1947. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 55………………………………………………………………………….……………..100

Image 60: Rubble foundation used as splash protection. Source: Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region (Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges, 2003), 29………………….…102

Image 61: Wall section of house in Muharraq, Bahrain, believed to bear close resemblance to traditional Kuwaiti beit construction. Source: Ronald Hawker, Traditional Architecture of the Arabian Gulf: Building on Desert Tides (Boston: WIT Press, 2008), 87…………………………………………………..………103

Images 62-64: The roshena in beit AlBadr were visibly hand-sculpted in different shapes and sizes to accommodate domestic utensils. It is easy to notice the softness and rounded corners made by the human hand. Source: author, 2010.…………………………………………………………………………………………………104

Image 65: Typical roof assembly from traditional houses in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Source: Ronald Hawker, Traditional Architecture of the Arabian Gulf: Building on Desert Tides (Boston: WIT Press, 2008), 89……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………104

Images 66-67: Ceiling assembly from a house in the UAE. Source: http://www.catnaps.org/islamic/gulf arch3.html#floors (accessed January 19, 2011)……...... 105

Images 68-69: Construction scheme of a traditional house in the UAE. Source: http://www.catnaps. org/islamic/gulfarch3.html#floors (accessed January 19, 2011)...... 105

Images 70-71: Remnants of beit AlGhaith, a traditional Kuwaiti mud-brick house. Source: http://www.archofkuwait.com/blog/historical/al-ghaith-house (accessed January 19, 2011)...... 105

Image 73: The wicket door seen on a Kuwaiti door in Zubayr. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978) , 90……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……………………106

Image 74: Setting up a Bedouin tent camp. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 23…………………………………………………………….…………….………….109

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 75: Breaking a Bedouin camp. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 25………………………………………………………………………………………110

Image 76: The construction parts of the Kuwaiti dhow: hull, masts, yards. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 82…….110

Image 77: Comparison of European clinker construction where wide planks overlap each other and Middle Eastern carvel construction where planks are narrow and assembled edge-to-edge. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clinker_(boat_building) (accessed March 15, 2011)...... 111

Image 78: The assembly of keel (horizontal post), stem-post (front), and sternpost (rear). Timber rib templates can be seen protruding from the keel. These guide garboard strake planks. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 46…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…..111

Image 79: Keelson and garboard strake planks assembled in place. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 49…………..….112

Image 80: The lower set of seven-plank garboard strakes is assembled. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 51………..…113

Image 81: Key ribs and v-shaped floor timbers alternate to stabilize the form and structure of the hull. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 55………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..………113

Image 82: Dhow hull construction; stringer planks are fixed to the ribs for structural support. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 29………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………114

Image 83: The hull's deck beams are fitted. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 59…………………………………………….……….114

Image 84: The hull's ribs are fitted with stringers up to gunwale level. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 61…..………115

Image 85: Section of a dhow's hull showing relationships between carvel-built parts. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 61…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…..115

Image 86: The dhow's bow and forecastle. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 63………………………………………………………115

Image 87: The process of caulking entails using coconut-oil-saturated cotton fiber to insulate the hull structure. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 73…………………………………………………………………………………………….………116

Image 88: The water-carrier seen in the mud-brick neighborhood, or fereej, circa 1938. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 98………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………120

Image 89: Sacred knots; caduceus of Hermes as a symbol of commerce. Source: Gottfried Semper, Style in the Technical and Tectonic Arts, or Practical Aesthetics, transl. Harry Francis Mallgrave and Micheal Robinson (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2004), 156…………………………………………..…125

Image 90: Gottfried Semper's weaving studies (1878). Source: David Leatherbarrow, The Roots of Architectural Invention: Site, Enclosure, Materials (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 158………………………………………………………………………….………127

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 91-92: Beit AlGhanim capitals. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 28-9………..………………..………129

Image 93: Persian and Indian influences on Kuwaiti craftsmanship were strong; column capitals in Persian mosque. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 35……………………………………….………………………..129

Images 94-95: Beit AlNusf column capitals. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 64-5…………………….…….130

Image 96: Column capitals in a local mosque. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 73……………….…130

Image 97: Detail of water spout assembly. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 129………………………………………………………………………….…………130

Image 98: Wall section; house in Muharraq, Bahrain. Source: Ronald Hawker, Traditional Architecture of the Arabian Gulf: Building on Desert Tides (Boston: WIT Press, 2008), 87…………………………………...131

Image 99: Corner detail of adobe house in northeastern Saudi Arabia. It is assumed that this diagram represents the mangrove-pole configuration found in the Kuwaiti beit. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 118………………………………………………132

Image 100: Detail view of beit AlGhaith showing corners, mangrove-pole beams, and protruding joists. Source: http://www.archofkuwait.com/blog/historical/al-ghaith-house (accessed January 19, 2011)...... 132

Images 101-102: Rope was used to reinforce mangrove-poles used as lentils. Source: http://www.archofkuwait.com/blog/historical/al-ghaith-house (accessed January 19, 2011)...... 133

Image 103: Handmade, rounded corners are characteristic of the traditional beit, as seen here at beit AlBadr. Source: author, 2010………………………………………………………………………………………….….……………133

Image 104: Entry foyer and courtyard column meet in dynamic form at beit AlBadr. Source: author, 2010…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……….…134

Image 105: Beit AlGhaith; coral stone and mud-brick; mangrove-pole double-beams. Source: http://www.archofkuwait.com/blog/historical/al-ghaith-house (accessed January 19, 2011). Red shapes/labels by author…………………………………………………………………………………………………………...... 134

Image 106: Layout of the traditional roof structure in the Saudi Arabian adobe house. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 124. Bottom half of image omitted……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………..135

Image 107: Sketch of detail of layering technique used in assembling the ceiling. Source: Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region (Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges , 2003), 32………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…………………..135

Image 108: The burial and anchoring of both the edge of the back-wall curtain of the Bedouin tent and a nearby rope is done using sand, rocks, and bush. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 21…………………………………………….…………………….136

Image 109: The wooden shoe may be replaced by rags. The objective is to disperse loads over larger areas of the roof cloth's surface. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 21……………………………………………………………………………………………………136

Image 110: Stay fastener designs used by different Bedouin tribes. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 21………………………….……………...137

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 111: The back wall-cloth is pinned to the tent's roof using curtain pins that are hung on a line. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 21…………………………………………………….………………………………………………………………………………………….…..138

Image 112: Detail of the tenon joint formed by the keel (horizontal) and stem-post (hull front), joined by a large iron spike. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 45……………………………………………………………………………….…….139

Image 113: Dhow-builders position the stem-post, preparing to fix it to the keel (1939). Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 45………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…139

Image 114: The process of hoisting the rudder into position on the sternpost; parts are joined together like a hinge. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 70………………………………………………………………………………….….140

Image 115: Detail of rudder pintle joined to sternpost. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow- Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 70…………….……….….141

Image 116: An iron band is used to reinforce the top of the rudder, which serves as a seat for the tiller (striped element). Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 70…………………………………………………………………….……………….141

Images 117-118: Rudder in full assembly. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 70-1…………………………………………………..141

Image 119: Detail of The mainmast's base is sheared at a 5 degree angle to give it a forward lean. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 78…………………………………………………………………………………………………….………….………142

Image 120: The mizzen mast remains vertical. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 78………………………………….………142

Image 121: Detail of the arrangement of yards on a dhow. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow- Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 79………………………...142

Image 122: General arrangement of yards on a dhow. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow- Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 79………………..……….142

Image 123: Parrel trusses act as tight joints between parrel, yard and mast. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 79…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….143

Image 124: The parrel joins the mast to the yard, allowing it up-down motion. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 79…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….143

Image 125: Assembled yards. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 80…………………………………………………….………………143

Image 126: One yard is made up of several timbers tightly tied together. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 80…….143

Images 127-128: Sailors sewing and preparing ropes and sails. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 89………..…….143

Images 129-130: The lower corners of the sail. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 89………………………………….………143

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Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 131: A new sail being made by sailors (1939). Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 88………………………………………143

Image 132: Beit AlGhanim incorporates different types of formal/spatial joints which hinge the dwelling and assists in the coordination of daily activities; red: public entry joint; blue: semi-private courtyard joint; yellow: private passage joint. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 117…………….….146

Image 133: Beit AlBadr demonstrates similar formal/spatial joints that are greater in number. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 116……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………..146

Image 134: Recessed doors act as spatial joints between public and private space, in addition to providing shade and welcoming shelter from the hot sun and dusty air. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 88………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….147

Image 135: Recessed doorways provide opportunities to showcase vault-building skills acquired from other cultures. Source: author, 2010……………………………………………………………….………………………………147

Image 136: The Bedouin tent's spatial zoning divides the dwelling into parts; loom and coffee hearth join interior and exterior space. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 23. Red shapes by author………………………………………………………..………148

Image 137: Deck plans of various types of Kuwaiti dhows demonstrating uniform spatial and structural compositions of part and whole. Source:. Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 27…………………………………………………….………………149

Image 138: Sailors share sleeping space with cargo (mangrove poles) and dhow equipment on board a Kuwaiti dhow circa 1938. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006)……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..………………………..149

Image 139: Najdi elaborate wall surface. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 77……………………………………………………….………….……………………………157

Image 140: Najdi door. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 89…………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………157

Image 141: Modest Kuwaiti door. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 16……………….………………………….158

Image 142: Plain wall surfaces in Kuwaiti neighborhoods. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 144……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……………………………158

Image 143: Kuwaiti sadu weavings show an orientation towards primary colors and basic patterns and shapes. Source: http://alsaduweaving.wordpress.com/ (accessed May 1, 2011)…...... 158

Image 144: Weavings from Jordan, Syria, and Saudi Arabia show a preference for shades of secondary and tertiary colors and more intricate graphics. Sources:http://www.marlamallett.com/ef-w- loops.htm (accessed May 1, 2011)……………………………………………………………………………….………………….158

Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Introduction

Despite the presence of a rich cultural heritage and architectural vernacular, contemporary architecture in Kuwait is seldom representative of its local identity and heritage. This is mainly due to the adoption of new scales, construction techniques, and materials introduced as a result of the sudden shift in the country's economic conditions

(with the beginning of oil exportation in the 1950s), which produced architecture foreign and unsuitable to the local setting in terms of climate, material needs, and cultural demands.

One example of this shift can be seen in the housing schemes provided by the

Kuwaiti government through the Public Authority for Housing Welfare (PAHW). This institution provides government-sponsored housing prototypes (a total of six) for citizens. These designs, officially endorsed by the Kuwaiti government, are taken to be expressions of what the State feels is the local architectural identity. Upon close examination, it seems clear that all six types have extroverted floor plans with exterior spaces that may be deemed "European" or "Western" in nature. This means that the house is oriented outwards, and courtyards, which were private gathering spaces in traditional architecture, are reversed and positioned to face the public street. The facades of these houses also express their extroversion; large windows overlooking the street, which contrast with traditionally windowless wall surfaces. The designs differ from the local traditional dwellings, which were inhabited before Kuwait's economic boom and expressed a lifestyle of introversion that focused on private interior courtyards and had plain facades. The cultural conflict of extroverted housing today results in citizens turning down their shutter systems so that windows remain closed for privacy even during the daytime. What people are realizing is that their cultural

1 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

practices are conflicting with the design of their dwellings. Furthermore, genders retain their traditional segregation within the household, and use of the diwanya (men's quarters) remains popular, meaning that parts of traditional culture are still valid and in demand. This calls for a re-evaluation of architectural identity in Kuwait.

Moreover, in 2008 the Kuwaiti government revealed plans for a new metropolis,

Madinat Al Hareer (City of Silk - an homage to the Silk Road), to be completed in 2030.

Judging by conceptual images, this northern city seems to be responding to demands for globalization. There are no apparent links to the Kuwaiti architectural heritage or its building culture.

Image 2: Main elevation and ground floor plan of PAHW housing type E. Source: http://www.housing.gov. kw/Others/types.asp (accessed May 5, 2011)

Image 3: Main elevation and ground floor plan of PAHW housing type F. Source: http://www.housing.gov. kw/Others/types.asp (accessed May 5, 2011)

2 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 4: Proposed image for the 2030 Madinat Al Hareer, Kuwait, by CivicArts. Source: http://www.civicar ts.com/image.php?i=Business_City_C GI.jpg&h=555&id=31&c= (accessed May 8, 2011)

To reconnect this country's rich heritage with its lost architectural identity, this thesis explores the ways in which architectural tectonics express culture in traditional forms of Kuwaiti dwelling. Tectonics comprises relationships between structure, surface, and assembly. In 1995, British architect Kenneth Frampton argued this is a poetics of construction; the irreducible essence of the unit informs architectural form. Tectonics, as Italian architects Marco Frascari and Vittorio Gregotti claimed in the early 1980s, is expressed relationships between part and whole, material, texture, surface, and joinery. This notion has the capacity to articulate specificities of culture and context.

Questions addressed in the thesis include: In what ways is tectonics defined?

How does Kuwaiti culture, in the form of traditional dwellings produced by a group of people with values and practices, participate in the relationship between tectonics and architecture? How is culture tectonically manifest, as material, construction, and joint, in each traditional form of dwelling; the mud-brick beit, Bedouin tent, and dhow?

Methodology

Analytical approaches are used to study architectural drawings, sketches, and photographs in order to interpret cultural expressiveness of tectonics, which in this thesis is defined by relationships between material, construction, and joinery. Historical records such as archives and artwork (e.g. oil paintings published by Kuwaiti artist

3 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Ayoub Husain documenting local cultural practices and dwellings) support inferences about culture, construction methods, and assembly. Three case studies are explored as structures of cultural production and are used to support these claims; the traditional forms of Kuwaiti dwelling are namely the mud-brick house (beit teen – or 'house of mud'), Bedouin tent (beit sha'ar – literally, 'house of hair'), and the diving/trade-ship

(dhow). They are examined for the cultural narratives of religious, political, historical, and socio-economic contexts generated through tectonics, which is mainly discussed as joinery, construction, and material. Furthermore, comparative analyses with similar traditional forms of dwelling in the Arab region are conducted (e.g. the United Arab

Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain). Since there is limited relevant literature in the realm of tectonics and traditional Kuwaiti architecture, these comparative analyses are conducted in an attempt to use triangulation to confirm construction techniques, materials usage and origins, and joint assemblies. Journal articles (e.g. from Perspecta and the Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians), chapters in books (e.g.

Structure in Art and Science, What is Architecture?, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi

Arabia, and Traditional Architecture of the Arabian Gulf: Building on Desert Tides), and important texts (e.g. Studies in Tectonic Culture: The Poetics of Construction in 19th & 20th

Century Architecture, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait & the Northern Gulf, and The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait) are analyzed to find parallels with the case studies undertaken. In addition, a field visit was conducted to Beit Al-Badr and Al-Muhallab dhow, both of which are case studies discussed in the thesis.

It is hoped that this thesis, in its final form, offers new perspectives on the roots of architectural identity and heritage in Kuwait. Through the analysis of material, joint, and construction in three case studies, this work affirms that tectonics is linked to culture. It reinforces details as tell-tales of culture and valuable elements in architecture and its discourse. This thesis connects architecture to cultural identity and present to

4 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

past, relating Western architectural theory with Eastern architecture to enhance and better appreciate the built environment.

Tectonics and Architecture

This thesis attempts to trace the origins of tectonics. It does so both through the term's etymology (which includes references to the builder/carpenter, or tekton, and the concept of weaving, using the prefix teks-, in text and texture) and its historical developments dating back to late 18th-century Germany when Friedrich Gilly, and later

Karl Botticher and Gottfried Semper, reshaped architectural thought from a mass- oriented perspective to a surface-oriented (tectonics) paradigm. The intent is to provide a survey of the ideological evolution of the concept of tectonics. It should be noted here that a thematic approach to the literature is adopted rather than a chronological sequence of ideas.

The contemporary idea of tectonics has been widely discussed by Kenneth

Frampton. In Studies in Tectonic Culture: the Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and

Twentieth Century Architecture (1995), Frampton claims that architecture is about construction. He suggests that the manner in which materials are put together gives meaning to architecture and argues that architecture's essence is revealed in the basic structural unit. In this way, poetics are derived from the physical and tactile. Similar claims are made in Frampton's "Rappel a l'Ordre: The Case for the Tectonic" (1990).

The role of the detail has also been an important component of the discourse on tectonics. In “The Tell-the-Tale Detail” (1984), Marco Frascari mentions that the "fertile detail" has potential for meaning in architecture. The detail, a part of the whole, can also act as the whole. Details can be material joints or formal joints. Material joints connect materials visually or structurally while formal joints function as connectors of space, or transitions. Both types of joints are indicators of structure and building function.

Frascari promotes construction as the source of meaning in architecture and

5 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

emphasizes the joint as the tectonic location for invention and innovation in architecture. Frascari's work supplements Frampton's basic claims.

Vittorio Gregotti's work, entitled "The Exercise of Detailing" (1983), argues that architecture is in the details. The exercise of detailing can illustrate material properties through the act of construction. Materials articulate design decisions. Elements of hierarchy are also presented in this act; those of the part to the whole. Therein lies the difference between building and architecture; in the details. On the same lines as

Frascari's argument, Gregotti's advancement of detailing hails material and the craft of construction.

However, the idea of a theory of tectonics did not begin from these individuals.

They were influenced by the theories of mid-19th century figures in German architectural thought; Karl Botticher and Gottfried Semper. In his theory, first promoted in 1844, Botticher incorporates ontological structure and representational ornament.

Semper's Four Elements of Architecture (1851) lays out a framework made up of hearth, earthwork, frame/roof, and enclosure/membrane, dematerializing architecture and liberating the mind from a mass-oriented thinking to a surface-oriented paradigm.

The focus of these key figures in tectonics theory has been geared toward their own context; that of Western Europe and the United States. None of these men, with the exception of Kenneth Frampton and Gottfried Semper, has studied tectonics in the East; not to mention the Arabian Gulf. Frampton does recall in the introduction of his Studies in Tectonic Culture evidence of a tectonic culture in places like Algeria and Tanzania, but the examples were included to support his claim that tectonic culture is universal. In addition, the Arabian Gulf region was covered only through contemporary precedents by famous European architects like Jorn Utzon's Kuwait National Assembly Building.

Similarly, Semper uses the tradition of the nomads to make his claims about the textile

6 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

origins of the wall, but he does not go into detail about the cultural contexts of the region.

However, these ideas are crucial in providing a framework by which tectonics can be applied to traditional Kuwaiti architecture. For example, Semper's four elements are present in the mud-brick beit (a mass which incorporates frames and planes), the

Bedouin tent (a structure of planes reinforced by frames and the ground mass), and the dhow (a frame structure which holds the hull mass and sail planes). Botticher's

Kernform and Kunstform reveal a play between the structural and the ornamental, respectively, that can also be found in the beit, the Bedouin tent, and the dhow. His belief in the corporeality of structural units lies in the idea that even in the scale of manual labor the unit relates to the human body. As such, the structural unit embodies the practices that constructed it. All three structures reveal the importance of the detail and the joint as explained by Frascari and Gregotti. These qualities are investigated for the ways in which they reflect or represent the conservative, Kuwaiti culture they are constructed in. These elements encompass Frampton's notion of poetic construction and tectonics which yield both functional and meaningful architecture. The aim is to demonstrate that these ideas are present in the architecture without architects of

Kuwait.

Culture, architecture and tectonics as a Kuwaiti narrative

The thesis discloses strands of culture that can be amplified and portrayed in a physical manner through tectonics. This brings about the consideration of how the construction process acts as a cultural production that becomes a narrative of the culture in which it is created. The case of Kuwait's culture is discussed, including its location, history, politics, economics, and religion. In addition, the cultural contexts of the shore-dweller, the desert-dweller, and the sea-dweller are addressed in reference to their respective dwellings; the mud-brick beit, the Bedouin tent, and the dhow.

7 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

This work attempts to unfold various aspects in the context of Kuwaiti cultural beliefs and practices in efforts to draw an accurate picture of the conditions in which these traditional forms of dwelling, as cultural products, were put to use. Family dynamics, the authority of rulers and the political system, Islamic beliefs and practices, and ways of making a living all contribute to this context and forge beliefs and practices specific to this country.

Also, Kuwait's strategic location on the Arabian Gulf, which provided a suitable resting stop on the main trade routes in the 17th century, resulted in interactions among different ethnic groups and cultures from countries such as present-day Turkey, Iraq,

Iran, India, Bahrain, and east Africa. In consequence, these influences shaped and guided the choice of surfaces, joinery, materials, and forms used in traditional forms of dwelling. Hence, the cultural practices found in Kuwait and stemming from this rich mixture of traditions is discussed as it is evident in its architecture.

Furthermore, there were specific cultural conditions that influenced traditional dwellings in Kuwait. For example, certain practices, beliefs, temperaments, language dialects, gender roles, and family names were associated with dwellings. Pearl-divers who ventured out into the Gulf in ships for seasonal trips had certain practices. Desert- dwellers lived in Bedouin tents and had different routines and habits. People who resided in mud-brick houses also developed different ways of living. These distinct ways of living are explored in relation to the case studies presented.

Raymond Williams, in Keywords (1976), claims that culture indicates a people's way of life at a certain time and involves artistic activities such as literature and

1 painting.0F As such, oil paintings by Kuwaiti artist Ayoub Husain, published in his book

The Kuwaiti Heritage in the Paintings of Ayoub Husain Al-Ayoub, give insights into the cultural practices of Kuwait and the dwellings that were inhabited. This source is

1 Raymond Williams, "Culture," in Keywords (NY: Oxford University Press, 1976), 80.

8 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

invaluable to making connections between architectonics and cultural practices in

Kuwait.

In The Fate of 'Culture': Geertz and Beyond (1999), Sherry Ortner claims Clifford

Geertz believed culture encompasses language, ritual, etiquette, and artifacts that must

2 be understood through interpretation.1F In "On the Cultural Responsiveness of

Architecture" (1987), Amos Rapoport claims culture is a set of codes that are embedded in the built environment. Assuming that is the case, cultural codes could be deciphered by analyzing a building's tectonic properties.

Tectonics as cultural manifest: material, construction, and joint

Material, construction, and joinery encompass the scope of tectonics discussed in this thesis. Each theme is explored in terms of its workings in the mud-brick beit, the

Bedouin tent, and the dhow. The chapter on materials and surfaces examines materials

& materiality, surface as a canvas for light and shadow, and color in each case study. The section on construction, structure, and technique analyzes issues of construction method and process, structure, and scale, while the segment on joinery highlights joints and the relationships of part to whole. For example, tectonics in the mud-brick beit is based predominantly on a brick-mortar configuration. The Bedouin tent and dhow specifically relate to tectonics through knot configurations.

The primary source for the Kuwaiti mud-brick beit is Ronald Lewcock's

Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (1978). In this text, the author takes on observational studies of the components of houses in pre-Industrial Kuwait. He details the origins and make-ups of building materials, imported doors, and the skill of craftsmen and master-builders, all of which Frampton considers important aspects for poetic construction. This book contributes enormously to this thesis. Its limitation, however, is that its purpose was to document a dwindling architecture, which is

2 Sherry B. Ortner, "Introduction," in The Fate of 'Culture': Geertz and Beyond, edited by Sherry Ortner (Berkeley: University of California, 1999), 3.

9 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

sometimes documented in demolition state. Furthermore, the text provides limited photographs on details and little information about joint construction.

3 A chapter in Courtyard Housing: Past, Present, & Future (2006)2F , entitled "The

Traditional Courtyard House of Kuwait and the Influence of Islam", authored by M.

Anwarul Islam and Nawal Al-Sanafi, is dedicated to the investigation of the ways in which Islam affects spatial organization in courtyard house design. The only topic pertinent to this thesis is discussed in terms of the nature of local building materials and their restrictions on built form. Another text, The Courtyard House: from Cultural

Reference to Universal Relevance (2010), edited by Nasser Rabbat, highlights different viewpoints on courtyard houses from around the world. A chapter from this book, contributed by Wael Al-Masri, is entitled "The Courtyard House in Kuwait Today: Design

Approaches and Case Studies." This chapter provides the basic sources of design inspiration in the contemporary Kuwaiti courtyard house, but it serves this thesis in confirming the significance of cultural demands in architecture and their subsequent manifestations, which helps in the discussion of ideas promoted by Rapoport and

Frampton on culture and construction. Ronald Hawker's Traditional Architecture of the

Arabian Gulf: Building on Desert Tides (2008) dedicates a section of a chapter to Kuwaiti vernacular houses, leaving out Bedouin tents and dhows.

There have been some publications in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab

Emirates which focus on traditional architecture in the Arabian Gulf. In Back to Earth:

Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (1997), William Facey makes an effort to reconstruct a contemporary version of the traditional mud-brick house. While the structure and construction process seem to be similar to those used in Kuwait, many differences emerge in local materials and joinery techniques. However, this source acts as an affirmation of claims made in this thesis (e.g. brick-making process, ceiling assembly,

3 Edited by Brian Edwards, Magda Sibley, Mohamad Hakmi, and Peter Land.

10 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

and joinery techniques). In addition, although Friedrich Ragette's Traditional Domestic

Architecture of the Arab Region (2003) does not cover case studies from Kuwait, this text offers valuable information on available building materials, traditional structures, and construction techniques in the Arab region.

Other texts discuss tectonics in the Bedouin tent and the dhow. Shirley Kay's The

Bedouin (1978) gives an overview of the settlements, social structure, and life of the

Bedouin. This text illuminates the cultural associations within the materials, construction, and joinery of the Bedouin tent. The tent is discussed as an architectural form prevalent in all parts of the world in Torvald Faegre's Tents: Architecture of the

Nomads (1979). Although Kuwait is not discussed in this text, the black Arab tent is described in terms of material, construction process, and joinery. In The Bedouins and the Desert (1995), Jibrail Jabbur illustrates the life of the nomads, their landscape and environs, and devotes a small chapter on the Bedouin tent. The thesis benefits from the accounts of these sources when exploring the culture and tectonics of the Bedouin tent.

Although Alan Villiers' Sons of Sindbad (1940) is almost a travel log of sights and sounds observed while this man travelled through the Arabian Gulf region by ship around 1938, it presents an important account of the lives of the men on dhows and the cultural associations on these structures. Similarly, Kuwaiti historian Ya'qub Al-Hijji's

The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (2001) gives a ship-builder's account of the activities and functions centered on the construction of dhows. These texts are not architectural, but many inferences and connections can be made with them.

Emerging Themes

Emerging themes which arise as a result of this work include the notion that tectonics can be seen as the irreducible essence of the structural unit, as a material modular, as a weaving of cultural narratives, as a reflection of social interdependency and hierarchy, and as a reflection of Kuwait's Spartan social values. The thesis

11 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

hypothesizes Frampton's notion of tectonic structural units as revealers of cultural specificity, providing an understanding of past cultural practices through architecture and adding to the body of knowledge of Kuwaiti architecture.

Challenges & Limitations

Many challenges were faced during the course of this work. For one, the availability of literature on this topic is scarce. Most authors choose to study what they call the Kuwaiti 'courtyard house,' which carries spatial connotations and attempts to prescribe the conditions of contemporary courtyard house design. Second, some of the literature does not consider the Bedouin tent and especially the dhow as traditional forms of dwelling. Thus, it was a challenge to tie the three structures into a unified cultural narrative. Third, it is crucial to address the notion of the application of a

Western-based theoretical framework to Eastern architectural contexts. Many writers might choose to stay within their hemispheres, but in order to prove the universality of tectonics and its timeless qualities, this challenge was dealt with.

A Traditional Architecture Dwindling

Ronald Lewcock speaks of traditional Kuwaiti architecture in 1978 as a dwindling heritage. He states that after sweeping destruction in the 1960s, Kuwaiti authorities realized they were losing an important element of their history and culture,

"During the next decade [the 1960s] the transformation of the old town of Kuwait began in earnest. The city walls were demolished, leaving only the most important gates…Since then, the remorseless destruction of much of the old city has continued unabated. By the 1970s, however, interest in the heritage of the country led to a slowing down of the process of destruction. Several of the finest of the old houses on the sea front were restored by the government…evidencing 4 an important revival of pride in the traditional culture of Kuwait."3F

What is left today are a few houses and historic buildings (e.g. the American Hospital,

British Political Agent's house) which have been repaired and opened to the public for

4 Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 14.

12 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

visitation. Hence, it is imperative that Kuwaitis pick up the pieces and attempt to reconnect the identity of this dwindling architecture with the contemporary architectural setting.

Furthermore, use of the term traditional in this thesis references an architectural type wherein structures were manually-made from organic materials and assembled according to traditions handed down by word-of-mouth through generations of men and women with acquired skills. Some people may regard the traditional as anonymous, non-industrialized, rural, and therefore primitive and inferior. However, today's

"pedigreed" architecture can learn a few things from indigenous building traditions, especially in terms of environmentally-friendly design, social responsibility, economical efficiency, and cultural awareness. For this purpose, this thesis adds value and contributes to a better understanding and appreciation of architecture as a totality.

The "Orientalist" Factor

The dependence on literature about Kuwait, mainly from Western authors like

Freya Stark (British), Alan Villiers (Australian), William Facey (British), Ronald Lewcock

(Australian), and other scholars in this thesis may suggest a Western-biased perspective about the architecture being studied. Edward Said, author of Orientalism, might question the credibility and relevance of these works to this thesis. Said claims in his book that there is a Eurocentric prejudice that creates false assumptions about Asia and the

Middle East and attempts to misrepresent these regions through romanticized, mysterious images, thereby establishing them as weak and inferior cultures in need of civilization. These Western attitudes towards Eastern cultures, according to Said, have implicitly justified colonial, hegemonic, and imperial expeditions by the United States

5 and Britain.4F

5 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979).

13 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Although these works are authored mainly by foreigners and may be considered

"orientalist," their contributions are important to this thesis. First of all, they make up a large part of the literature on Kuwait in the early 20th century, which is already limited in volume. Second, they shed light on the structures (e.g. mud-brick houses, Bedouin tents, dhows) used as dwellings prior to 1950, providing an investigative and observational lens in their approach. Although orientalist attitudes may be felt in some of these works, it is important for the author to attempt to extract what can be meaningful and constructive for the purpose of this thesis. The intent is to use these works to try to find a neutral, apolitical platform which can facilitate a discussion on culture and architectonics in early 20th century Kuwait.

Third, "orientalist" literature is useful to this thesis because, in the early 20th century, it was not commonplace for Kuwaitis to document their lifestyles and building traditions. These practices were mostly handed down by word of mouth and inherited among family members as specialized skills. Furthermore, only a small number of people were literate; most could read the Quran, but writing was a skill only men were expected to learn, as they were responsible for signing documents such as business agreements, inventories, bills, and personal identification papers.

Even prominent Kuwaiti authors like Al-Hijji lean on works by foreigners to expand literature on Kuwaiti culture and its architecture. These individuals supplement their writings with their own recollections, interviews with locals, and observations in an attempt to provide the best representation of the culture under study. For example,

Al-Hijji uses observations made by Alan Villiers, who sailed with Kuwaiti dhows on trade missions in 1938, to support his book on Kuwaiti dhow-building. Foreign authors also depend on the participation of the local population. For example, Lewcock worked with many Kuwaitis and acknowledges their input in his book. Similarly, Facey worked with a local Saudi Arabian prince to write his book on adobe houses in Arabia. He also

14 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

published, with help from locals, a photographic collection on Kuwait in the early 20th century. Furthermore, photographs can be read, discussed and interpreted in different ways by different individuals, not necessarily in an "orientalist" manner. Therefore, the author believes it is beneficial to use works that may be deemed "orientalist" to supplement and enrich this thesis in an apolitical manner. These sources are valuable in that they provide documentation that has interpretive potential for this study.

15 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Chapter 1: Situating the Discourse Architecture & the Tectonic

1.1 Definitions of the Tectonic

By investigating the roots, history, significance, etymology, limitations, and potentials of architectonics, new ways are uncovered with which to approach the understanding of the interactions between culture and architecture.

Tectonics

According to Oxford English Dictionary Online, tectonics has its origins in the

6 German tektonik, which is "a term for the constructive arts in general."5F Utilization of the term was recorded in 1850 with Carl Otfried Müller's Ancient Art and its Remains: "A series of arts which form and perfect vessels, implements, dwellings and places of

7 assembly…We call this class of artistic activities tectonics."6F

Citing the same source, in geology, tectonics is defined as "the structural

8 arrangement of rocks in the earth's crust (or on another planet)."7F This arrangement is also known as plate tectonics. Tectonics is also "the branch of geology concerned with

9 the understanding of rock structures, especially large-scale ones."8F In 1899, the

Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London used the heading, "The Tectonics of

10 the District."9F In 1914, J. Park stated in the Textbook of Geology, "By a series of pressure experiments in 1888, Cadell obtained instructive imitations of the tectonics of

11 th mountain-building."10F In 1976, the Daily Colonist, from Victoria, BC, in its May 15

6 Oxford English Dictionary Online, Oxford University Press, s.v. "tectonics," http://www.oed.com.proxy.libraries.uc.edu/view/Entry/198490 (accessed January 21, 2011). 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid.

16 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

edition, suggested "the science of tectonics – the study of the movement of these plates –

12 shows that Africa and Europe are in collision."11F

The multiple definitions of tectonics today are much linked with the environment. The connections with the Earth's crust and associations with regard to composition and scale directly relate to the ways in which architecture is evaluated today. Also, the core of each of these definitions is rooted in the notion of structure and construction. The force of Earth's gravity and the ways in which its crust responds to these elements in terms of its structuring and plate movements has additional implications in terms of how architecture is viewed.

Tectonic

As an adjective, the word tectonic has similar meanings. It corresponds to the

Late Latin tectonicus. In Greek it is tektovikos, pertaining to building, and tektov, or carpenter, builder. According to Oxford English Dictionary Online, something that is

13 tectonic is "of or pertaining to building, or construction in general."12F It is synonymous with the terms constructional and constructive. It is "used especially in reference to

14 architecture and kindred arts."13F In 1656, Thomas Blount's Glossographia used the term tectonic to denote something of or belonging to a builder. In 1864, the Daily Telegraph explained, "that law of necessity and of demand which is at the foundation of all tectonic

15 art."14F Gerard Baldwin Brown, in The Arts in Early England II, describes "a form produced…by the exigencies of construction – or, to use a convenient term familiar in

16 Germany, a tectonic form."15F

12 Ibid. 13 Oxford English Dictionary Online, Oxford University Press, s.v. "tectonic," http://www.oed.com.proxy.libraries. uc.edu/view/Entry/198488 (accessed January 21, 2011). 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid.

17 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

The tectonic in geology pertains to "belonging to the actual structure of the

17 earth's crust, or to general changes affecting it."16F This can also refer to other planets.

The adjective plate-tectonic is relevant here. The application of tectonic as an adjective in geology can be seen as early as 1894. The term tectonical has also been used in the same sense.

Now we begin to see the addition of the concept of movement to the notion of tectonics with the use of the idea of changes affecting the structure of the earth's crust.

The term has also come to carry a similar meaning in other disciplines like sociology, government, and sports. A draft addition to Oxford English Dictionary Online in June of

2006 states that the word tectonic is now an adjective meaning "of a change:

18 momentous, utter, vast."17F This definition is mainly used with regard to a tectonic shift, and has been in use in an interdisciplinary manner as early as 1981. For example, in

2000, The Nation proclaimed, "The demographic shift of recent times has been tectonic.

19 A city that was 70% white in 1960 is now only 31% percent so."18F In sports, Alan

Schwartz' The Numbers Game: Baseball's Lifelong Fascination with Statistics (2004) exclaims, "Spotlighting players' statistics in greater detail…began a tectonic shift in sports, as intrigue that once focused mostly on teams began to go to individual

20 players."19F

As an adverb, the term tectonically has also been utilized in geology. For example, in The Universe (1976), Josip Kleczek claims, "On the whole, the Moon is

21 tectonically a very quiet body."20F

In Studies in Tectonic Culture: The Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and

Twentieth Century Architecture, Kenneth Frampton asserts that the origin of the term is

17 Ibid. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid.

18 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Greek (tekton), and that it is affiliated with the builder and carpenter. He adds that the corresponding verb is tektainomai, relating to the Sanskrit taksan, which refers to the craft of carpentry and the use of the axe. Carl Otfried Muller claims in the third edition of his Manual of the Archaeology of Art, published around 1830, "I did not fail to notice that the tektones, in specialized usage, refers to people in construction or cabinet makers, not

22 however, to clay and metal workers."21F Even Homer uses a similar term to denote the art of construction. According to Frampton, "The poetic connotation of the term first appears in Sappho, where the tekton, the carpenter, assumes the role of the poet. In

23 general, the term refers to an artisan working in all hard materials except metal."22F By the fifth century BC, the tectonic becomes a notion of making, which involves poesis. It is then that the idea of the architekton, or master-builder, emerges. Between 1843 and

1852, Karl Botticher interpreted tectonics as the signifier of a complete system that binds parts of a Greek temple to a whole.

Tec – ton – ic

The prefix of the word tectonics is tec- , which originated from the Greek techné, or art, craft, and skill. This word is akin to Û, or builder, carpenter. We notice here that tek- is the prefix, meaning, to make or fabricate; to create something out of nothing; to construct by art and skill. Words with similar prefixes include technical, or having a special, practical knowledge of a scientific subject. Technological, technique, and texture also carry the same prefix. The term texture comes from the Latin texere, or to weave.

The Sanskrit taksati, or he fashions or constructs, is also linked with these terms. The prefix teks- here comes from Indo-European roots, having more than one meaning, to weave and to fabricate especially by way of an ax. Also, tek- in the Indo-European language pertains to the notion of begetting or giving birth. The prefix can also be linked

22 Kenneth Frampton, Studies in Tectonic Culture: The Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Architecture (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1995), 4. 23 Ibid, 3-4.

19 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

with the Arabic tek-, which is used in taqania, or technology, and taqani, which can mean both the adjective technological or technical, and someone who works with technology.

The middle syllable, -ton-, originally the suffix in tekton, was used to transform adjectives into nouns. Technically, tek-ton means construct-ion or fabricat-ion.

The suffix, -ic, is used to create the adjective form of the word. This suffix is derived from the equivalent to the Middle English –ik, the Latin –icus, the Greek –ikos, and the –ique in French. The Online Etymology Dictionary claims the Russian –sky or –ski in surnames seen today are similarly used to mean of, relating to, or characterized by.

Texture

The etymology of tectonics leads to the investigation of texture, which has the same prefix tek- as tectonic, or tektonik. Texture has the following definitions,

" (1) the visual and especially tactile quality of a surface; (2) the characteristic structure of the interwoven or intertwined threads, strands, or the like, that make up a textile fabric; (3) the characteristic physical structure given in a material by the size, shape, arrangement, and proportions of its parts; (4) an essential or characteristic quality, or essence;…(6) the quality given, as to a musical or literary work, by the combination or interrelation of parts or elements; (7) a rough or grainy surface quality; (8) anything produced by 24 weaving, or woven fabric."23F

First used between 1400 and 1450, the word texture has its roots in the Latin texere, or

25 to weave. The Latin textura, or "web, texture, and structure,"24F also forms the base of texture. It comes from tek-, to make, again from the Sanskrit taksati meaning "he

26 fashions, constructs"25F and taksan, or carpenter. Texture is also related to the Avestan taa, meaning ax or hatchet. The Avestan thwax- and Old Persian tax- mean to be busy or active. Texture is also linked to the Greek tekton (carpenter) and tekhne (art). The

24 Dictionary.com. Dictionary.com Unabridged. Random House, Inc, s.v. "texture," http://dictionary.reference. com/browse/texture (accessed: January 21, 2011). 25 Dictionary.com. Online Etymology Dictionary. Douglas Harper, Historian, s.v. "texture," http://dictionary. reference.com/browse/texture (accessed: January 21, 2011). 26 Ibid.

20 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Lithuanian tasau, or to carve, is also relevant along with the Hittite taksh-, or to join, unite, and build. From the 1650s, texture has been used to pertain to structural character.

Text

Text- is a prefix in texture. According to Dictionary.com, text is, among other definitions, the letter of the Holy Scripture, or the Scriptures themselves (from the Latin textus, or structure; context; body of a passage). This gives tectonics a religious connotation, especially since religion is seen as a provider of structure for human life. It also implies that the tectonic is relevant to its surroundings and is responsive to them, which comes back to the environmentally sensitive notion of the term.

In linguistics, text is "a unit of connected speech or writing, especially composed

27 of more than one sentence, that forms a cohesive whole."26F Here we begin to see the roots of tectonics as the relationship between the parts to the whole, or a structural unit making up a whole. The origins of text are from the early to mid-fourteenth century, and reference to the term was made to denote structure in a linguistic manner. This word is also the past participle to texere, or to weave. Again the base of the word is tek-, or to make.

Robert Bringhurst, in The Elements of Typographic Style, speaks of,

"An ancient metaphor: thought is a thread, and the raconteur is a spinner of yarns – but the true storyteller, the poet, is a weaver. The scribes made this old and audible abstraction into a new and visible fact. After long practice, their work took on such an even, flexible, texture that they called the written page a 28 textus, which means cloth."27F

We have now made another link. The carpentry of tectonics has not only to do with poetry and poesis, but now the carpenter has become a weaver, a storyteller. The builder

27 Dictionary.com. Dictionary.com Unabridged. Random House, Inc, s.v. "text," http://dictionary.reference. com/browse/text (accessed: January 21, 2011). 28 Dictionary.com. Online Etymology Dictionary. Douglas Harper, Historian, s.v. "text," http://dictionary. reference.com/browse/text (accessed: January 21, 2011).

21 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

is now capable of creating (something out of nothing) and weaving a story. Therefore, the tectonic has the unique character of being able to create, or tell, or narrate, or weave, or reveal a story. Just as poetry is a weaving or crafting of words, tectonics is a weaving or crafting of materials.

Of course, in today's world, a new definition of text has been added: "to

29 communicate by text message"28F . This also helps tectonics to gain a communicative perspective in order to obtain a character which carries with it a sense of expression in the contemporary setting.

The term tectonic seems to have long been used in reference to structure, construction, and building. This can be seen as a limitation of the word, especially since even in its breakdown, it is easily affiliated with the builder, the craft, and the skill. The attempt to look beyond for a hidden meaning has brought about the notion that the tectonic can be deeply embedded in the life of a building. It can be seen as having great expressive potential, the ability to communicate ideas and texts in a poetic manner.

Tectonics penetrates the surface façades of buildings and reveals the core elements, constituents, and characteristics of their (often hidden) structures.

Throughout this thesis, the term tectonic and its linguistic and physical connotations pertaining to structure, materials, and joinery are explored in the context of traditional forms of Kuwaiti dwelling. This is done through investigations of construction and building tradition. For example, houses were constructed from wood, mud-bricks, bamboo, mangrove poles, and palm fronds. The origins of these materials tell the tale of a culture long immersed in multicultural interactions and influences. Their systems of assembly show influences from India, Africa and Persia. In this sense, tectonics becomes

29 The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition, s.v. "text," http://www.thefree dictionary.com/text (accessed January 21 2011).

22 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

the vehicle by which interactions between cultural practices and architectural compositions can be seen and explored.

1.2 Evolution of Tectonics

The concept of a culture of tectonic expression first emerged in 1995 with a publication entitled, Studies in Tectonic Culture: the Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Architecture, by Kenneth Frampton, the Ware Professor of

Architecture at Columbia University. Frampton's earlier writings, "Botticher, Semper, and the Tectonic: Core Form and Art Form" and "Rappel a L'Ordre: the Case for the

Tectonic," composed in the early 1990s, set the stage for most of the ideas presented in his book. In addition, Frampton uses concepts proposed by both Marco Frascari and

Vittorio Gregotti regarding the significance of details in architecture.

Frampton: Tectonic Culture

At the time of its publication, the ideas presented in Studies in Tectonic Culture seemed radical for a historian, theorist and critic of modern architecture such as

Kenneth Frampton. The text prompts a rethinking of the modern architectural tradition.

Frampton's basic claim is that architecture is ultimately about construction. He argues that the built environment is primarily a construction that becomes abstract discourse

30 based on surface, volume, and plan.29F Furthermore, he believes that the way in which materials are used and assembled can give meaning to architecture. In Frampton's opinion, the essence of architecture is brick and mortar, or the basic structural unit. In this way, the most essential part of a building's existence becomes art, and poetics are

31 derived from physical reality.30F When employed in the context of traditional dwellings,

Frampton's theory helps focus attention on materials, surfaces, and details like joints

30 Kenneth Frampton, Studies in Tectonic Culture: the Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Architecture, edited by John Cava (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1995). 31 Paul Goldberger, "Bricks and Mortar," New York Times, March 10, 1996, http://www.nytimes.com/1996/ 03/10/ books/bricks-and-mortar.html?scp=12&sq=&st=nyt (accessed February 14, 2010).

23 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

which lend meaning to each case study being considered; the mud-brick beit, Bedouin tent, and dhow.

Studies in Tectonic Culture uses a historical-interpretive method to analyze architectural works of precedence. In the third chapter, Frampton considers the works of Botticher and Semper from the German Enlightenment, and explores issues of structure, representation, and materials, especially in relation to the use of masonry, iron, and reinforced concrete in construction. Frampton's careful investigation of construction materials in these examples helps to shed light on the manner in which tectonics can be viewed and discussed.

In the chapters that follow, Frampton illustrates his tectonic notions of structure, materials, craft and construction in the works of prominent modern architects – Frank

Lloyd Wright, Auguste Perret, Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, Louis Kahn, Jorn Utzon, and

Carlo Scarpa. These case studies gain meaning through the author's method of description and commentary on their physical form. For example, he compares Kahn's fixation on monumentality and Mies' inquiries into abstract space with construction techniques in order to highlight his ideas on tectonic culture. Here it is clear that

Frampton attempts to extract themes from the works he studies.

This book is a valuable stepping stone for the appreciation of tectonics.

However, it would have been beneficial to see Frampton apply tectonic theory to the architectural works he mentions in his writing on critical regionalism. This is particularly important since Studies in Tectonic Culture does not give any reference to works by Mexican architect Luis Barragan or Japanese architects Tadao Ando and

Shigeru Ban. Had works by architects such as these been presented and discussed in depth by Frampton, especially in terms of their tectonic-cultural significance, the text would have been more beneficial to this thesis. This limitation in the text poses some challenges as further research, the use of triangulation, and inferences are made

24 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

regarding tectonics and cultural expression in order to arrive at clear, grounded conclusions.

Frampton's approach to the text involves using architectural images as the primary source for the discourse. Representation in the form of drawings and images is offered as evidence of the author's claims. This lone approach weakens credibility and portrays tectonic culture as a purely graphic theme, as opposed to incorporating other approaches such as phenomenology to support his claims.

It is viable to conclude that tectonic culture, as presented in Kenneth Frampton's

Studies in Tectonic Culture: the Poetics of Construction in Nineteenth and Twentieth

Century Architecture, has the potential to support cultural expression and identity since it amplifies the significant roles of material and assembly in cultural practices. Materials include local resources, color palettes, and textures, while assembly encompasses local labor, place-making, craftsmanship, technology, and techniques handed down through generations.

Despite the limitations of the text, Studies in Tectonic Culture contributes to the understanding of cultural expression in tectonics. The author has made use of qualitative data in the form of architectural images gathered from the works of established modern architects in order to make his argument. This text lays out the main ideas of tectonic culture with regard to cultural expression, but further supplementation is needed from relevant literature, especially with regard to architecture in Kuwait.

Botticher: Kernform + Kunstform

In "Botticher, Semper, and the Tectonic: Core Form and Art Form," Frampton attempts to trace tectonics back to its beginnings. He uses discussions of theories advanced by Botticher and Semper to enlighten the reader as to the roots of tectonics.

Frampton begins his analysis with ideas by Karl Botticher, who seeks to uncover the

25 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

differences between classicism and romanticism. Botticher, a 19th century German architect, art historian, and archaeologist, began his career in 1827 studying architecture at the Allgemeine Bauschule. In 1832, with some assistance from Karl

Friedrich Schinkel, he was given a teaching position at the Gewerbeinstitut Design

School. By 1839, Botticher had acquired a reputation for being an artist and began teaching freehand drawing, architectural history, and ornamental design at the Art

Academy in Berlin and the Allgemeine Bauschule, becoming professor of architecture in

1844. He found it continuously difficult to abandon his love of classicism for the romanticism that was being promoted at the time. Although that was the case, Botticher devoted himself to studying Greek architecture, and published his work on Greek

32 tectonics between 1840 and 1852.31F

In his theory, Botticher merges ontological structure and representational ornament. Because of his fascination with the styles, he associates the ontological with the Gothic style and the representational with the Greek, claiming that Greek architecture is more sculptural. Influenced by ideas from Friedrich Gilly's advancement of architecture's tactile qualities (1790s) and Schinkel's historical/spatial tectonics

(1820s and 1830s), Botticher believes that architecture is strongly connected with corporeality, and he maintains that structural units, at every scale, are capable of

33 demonstrating spatiality.32F According to Botticher, the symbolic, or the art form

(Kunstform), in architecture must never conceal or replace its basic constructional form, or core form (Kernform). He therefore argues that architectural beauty lies in the

34 clarification of its mechanical parts.33F

32 Mitchell Schwarzer, "Ontology and Representation in Karl Botticher's Theory of Tectonics," The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 52, no. 3 (1993): 268. 33 Ibid, 273. 34 Kenneth Frampton, "Botticher, Semper and the Tectonic: Core Form and Art Form," in What is Architecture? (New York: Routledge, 2002), 139.

26 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

The joint is the unit Botticher chooses for this merger. He felt that the joint is able to express concepts through the ways in which it interlocks construction elements

(e.g. cladding). These construction assemblies therefore become symbolic constituents expressive of a system. The core form (Kernform) is the static structural component that is mechanically necessary and functionally fixed. The art form (Kunstform) is the character applied, or attributed, to the joint. The art form should reveal the essence of the constructional unit. At the same time, Botticher stresses the importance of demonstrating the distinctions between Kernform and Kunstform. But, in the end, the truly tectonic element is that which successfully expresses that which lies beyond its appearance.

Semper: Mass, Plane, Frame

Gottfried Semper, on the other hand, was involved with the study of the evolution of architecture. Semper studied mathematics at the University of Gottingen, after which he attended the Munich Academy of Fine Arts. Having worked all over

Europe in countries like Germany, France, and England, Semper was introduced to the controversy over the polychromatic origins of the Greek temple, which he subsequently attempted to incorporate into his theories about the evolution of architecture.

Semper's Four Elements of Architecture, published in 1851, advances the influential role played by the carpet-wall in classical architectural evolution. After being exposed to the Caribbean Hut at the Industrial Exhibition of 1851 held at the Crystal

35 Palace34F , Semper laid out a framework made up of hearth, earthwork, frame/roof, and enclosure/membrane. Semper adds that the earthwork is a stereotomic mass upon which the tectonic frame takes its ground. He also emphasized the tensile frame, or tent, as the nomadic textile origin of architecture. This shift by Semper, namely caused by his reference to the hearth, brought about a new reverence for non-spatial elements in

35 Semper, Gottfried, "Science, Industry, and Art," in The Four Elements of Architecture and Other Writings, transl. by Harry Francis Mallgrave and Wolfgang Hermann (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 133.

27 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

architecture. In this way, he advanced the dematerialization of architecture, which liberated the mind from a mass-oriented thinking to a surface-oriented paradigm.

Each of Semper's four elements is associated with certain tectonic crafts. For example, the enclosure, namely the wall and roof, is assigned to textiles. The structural frame is attributed to carpentry, while the earthwork is linked to masonry. These crafts, according to Semper, are related to cloth, the first fabrication by man. Ceramics, which

Semper refers to as man's first mark of settlement, belongs to the hearth. Furthermore,

Semper distinguishes the technical and material properties of his four elements in terms of varying material characteristics. For example, he articulates the capacity of different crafts, acknowledging the flexibility of textiles, the ductility of carpentry, the solidity of masonry, and the softness of ceramics. Using these properties, Semper is able to describe technical skills in which the human hand gradually becomes more accustomed

36 to a certain material , enabling it to realize its full expressive potential.35F

This theory is based on Semper's ideas about symbolic conservation, in which values are associated with certain structural components that, with time, become translated into other forms. For example, Semper claims that certain sacred motifs in

Greek architecture - such as the wooden framework that was covered with textile fabric

- were transformed into stone, a material of choice which represented permanence and rootedness in the ground. To Semper, this would explain the controversy over the polychromatic ornamental dressings (which would have origins in textiles) in the Doric order. In disagreement with Abbe Laugier's claims that the Greek stone temple came about as a result of the petrification of beam-and-rafter timber construction, Semper points out that the triglyphs and metopes of the Doric order evolved from elements that were used to tie down textile fabrics which covered the roof. He believes, in light of the

36 Kenneth Frampton, "Botticher, Semper and the Tectonic: Core Form and Art Form," in What is Architecture? (New York: Routledge, 2002), 148.

28 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

industrial advancements of the late 19th century, that cheap industrial reproduction of one material by another challenges symbolic conservation.

Semper bases a large portion of his theories on etymology, linking terms such as enclosure with concepts like dressing, weaving, and embroidery. He believes that language is the ultimate cultural model. It is not merely a tool for description, but rather the display of action by a group of people. Therefore, language becomes an element which, through time, evolves and manifests itself in artistic culture.

Semper posits the notion that the earliest and most basic structural unit is the knot, from which stem the nomadic tent tradition and the textile fabric. Here Semper merges the knot and the joint as the most significant basic tectonic element in architecture; the joint being the seam where two surfaces of material are juxtaposed.

Semper also stresses that the essence of architecture can be witnessed in the joint when it acts as a transition and expresses the syntactic shift which the eyes can detect from the stereotomic base to the tectonic frame of a building. The connotations and possibilities for the application of these ideas in traditional and contemporary architecture are numerous.

Image 5: Gottfried Semper's knot studies (1878). Source: Gottfried Semper, Der Stil in den Technischen und Tekonischen Kunsten vol 1 (Munich, 1878), 172-5.

29 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Semper emphasizes the presence of a general crisis of style in late 19th century

Europe. He claims that this crisis was brought about by many factors. One factor is the apparent alienation caused by the dissociation of the arts from their original motifs. The second is that art form had lost its ability to function in relation to history. The final reason for the crisis of style, according to Semper, is the depreciation of labor and material. His response to this crisis is simple. He calls for the universality of making, a natural response to the development of crafts and industrial arts. Semper proposes to counter the problem by re-establishing the origins of manufacturing processes with respect to material properties and forms. For example, clay could be petrified as brick or tile, and could be employed as a dressing, or a fabric. In this way, the resulting brick/tile surface represents the translation of nomadic textiles into permanent materials responsive to their manufacturing procedures and natural properties. Thus architecture becomes an ontological art of making rather than a static two- or three-dimensional figurative form.

Of course Semper does not go without criticism. Architects such as August

Schmarsow argue that Semper's theories focus mainly on the representational surface of building and neglect the truly ontological, phenomenological spatial depth. Others like

Konrad Fiedler and Otto Wagner claim he was emphatically leaning toward historicism and taking a rear-guard stance. In Semper's opinion, secularization had damaged architecture's tectonic character, and the only way that architectural elements could fully realize their cultural potentials was by their integration by society into the

37 everyday. This led him to rely on historical forms for expression.36F

Rappel a L'Ordre

"Rappel a L'Ordre: the Case for the Tectonic" reveals the roots of Kenneth

Frampton's theory of tectonic culture. Written in 1990, this essay begins with a

37 Ibid, 149.

30 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

proclamation that there is a general deterioration in architectural expression which has reduced it to a commodity. Frampton claims that, before a building can become part of a discourse on volume, surface, and plan, it is first and foremost a construction. In this piece, Frampton differentiates between figurative art and constructional tectonic form.

He stresses that the tectonic necessarily involves poesis, the poetic realization of structure, which acts as a notion of making or revealing. It is a poetic form of construction. This construction is astylistic; it does not feel the need to be legitimized by any authority. Frampton also states that architecture is a craft in its practical application of knowledge. Therefore, it is an ontological presence as opposed to a representation of absence. In Martin Heidegger's words, it is a thing.

Frampton goes on to trace the origins of tectonics and claims that it is inseparable from that which is technological, but the terms are not synonymous. Rather, they complement each other. He describes two forms of the tectonic: ontological and representational. Ontological tectonics involves constructive elements which are generally static and carry cultural value. This type of tectonics is similar to Karl

Botticher's interpretation of the Doric column. Representational tectonics, on the other

38 hand, signifies constructional elements which are hidden from view37F . Both types of tectonics are similar to Gottfried Semper's distinction between the structural-technical

39 and the structural-symbolic.38F

In this essay, Frampton claims that building is primarily a tectonic expression, drawing from the theories of Gottfried Semper. Semper's ideas on the joint posit it as the most essential unit of building, which marks the location of material intersections. It impacts the overall architectural expression, and often creates memorable designs that can be summed up in a single detail. Semper also advances the notion of light-tectonics

38 Kenneth Frampton, "Rappel à l’Ordre: the Case for the Tectonic," Architectural Design 60, no. 3-4 (1990): 20. 39 Semper, Gottfried, "Style in the Technical and Tectonic Arts, Or, Practical Aesthetics," in The Four Elements of Architecture and Other Writings, transl. by Harry Francis Mallgrave and Wolfgang Hermann (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 249.

31 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

versus heavy-stereotomics. His tectonics pertains to the idea of a frame in a spatial field, while stereotomics of compressive mass embody space and comprise a stacking of identical units, such as is seen in the mud-brick beit. This brings about the discussion of materials; wood, stone, brick, earth, and concrete, all of which are held together by joints that are more than mere connections, but rather are points of constructional emphasis.

Most of these materials are employed in the construction of traditional Kuwaiti dwellings.

Frampton distinguishes Botticher's Kernform - the nucleus - from Kunstform - ornamental cladding that creates the symbolic status of the architectural work. With regard to Semper, Frampton details the hearth, frame, enclosure, and mass. The mass, or earth, anchors the frame, or wall. This entails marking and shaping the ground, or staking the site, an act that reveals the central location of the hearth. This act is seen clearly in the Bedouin tent, as sites are continuously staked and marked for settlement.

The enclosure, or membrane as Semper claims, has a primal textile origin that is the basis of all civilization. Semper traces this textile membrane back to the earliest basic structural piece, the knot, which was the primary mode of joinery for nomadic built forms like the Bedouin tent. The joint is therefore the ultimate component in the art of building. Here Frampton introduces Vittorio Gregotti's claim that the act of marking the ground is the primordial tectonic act, and not the primitive hut. This notion makes the

40 site the most important source of inspiration and material in a project.39F

Finally, Frampton discusses the rhythmic potential of details, and claims that architecture is an ontological art (not representational form). He adds that meaning from architectural tectonics can be derived from joints (connections) as well as breaks

(ruptures) in the details of a building. Frampton also posits that tectonics has the ability to unite diverse works from different times and origins since it presents criteria of

40 Kenneth Frampton, "Rappel à l’Ordre: the Case for the Tectonic," Architectural Design 60, no. 3-4 (1990): 23.

32 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

analysis which are uniformly present and common to all buildings. He concludes by stating that the tectonic joint is a timeless piece that is confined by a moment within the continuum of time.

The theories presented here form the primary structure of the claims made in this thesis regarding the significance of tectonics in architecture and cultural expression.

Many important points are raised such as Semper's four elements, the marking of the site, the importance of structural units, as well as the significance of joints and knots.

These constituents are applicable to the case studies taken up in this thesis.

Gregotti: Detailing

Vittorio Gregotti also writes about the significance of tectonic expression.

Gregotti is an Italian architect, historian, theorist, and critic working out of his studio,

Gregotti Associati. Throughout his career, Gregotti served as editor of many leading

Italian design periodicals like Casabella-Continuità (1955-1963), Edilizia moderna (1963-5), Rassegna (1979-98), and Casabella (1982-1996). He also taught at universities in Italy and around the world. In the post-war period, he was reluctant to join the prevailing theories and styles from the Modern Movement and instead preferred local and regional cultures as a source of inspiration for his designs. Gregotti's early projects introduced elements borrowed from diverse architectural sources, causing many to erroneously categorize him as a supporter of eclecticism.

In the "Exercise of Detailing," Gregotti argues that details reveal architectural language. In today's world, architectural language has lost its capacity to signify. It has become nullified and it suffers from redundancy. Meaning has become negligent in this language that is obsessed with everything new and different. The expressive potential of architecture has been reduced. Historicist styles, pastiche, and imagery have taken over.

Therefore, Gregotti calls for a return to details, which can reveal decisions made by the designer in his process. Such a return would bring meaning back to architecture and its

33 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

language. Here, the detail is used as a starting point to arrive at the essence of architecture. The same approach is adopted in this thesis to bring more meaning to architecture in Kuwait.

Furthermore, Gregotti claims that contemporary buildings have the feel of enlarged models with windows made from cutout cardboard and unfinished openings.

This is apparently beneficial for budgetary reasons. However, what is convenient and economic does not always enrich architecture. In fact, it may lead to the exact opposite; a depreciation in the value produced by architecture and the built environment.

Gregotti claims that details distinguish architecture from building, and they create a hierarchy between parts and the whole. Details also articulate material properties and demonstrate construction as a process in which materials narrate design decisions. To Gregotti, the ways in which materials come together and interact in addition to the relationships between building components can have powerful expressive qualities. The dilemma, according to Gregotti, is in the designer's loss of sensitivity toward materials, hierarchies, and the connections between parts and the

41 whole.40F To Gregotti, building techniques should be used as expressive components rather than as plain structural practices.

This thesis supports the notion that architectural tectonics are relevant and significant to the buildings in which they are found. Relationships between the part and the whole as well as material characteristics are established here as part of the formal analysis of the case studies at hand. For example, the case studies involve structures which employ materials such as mud-bricks, fabrics, wood, and rope. Understanding the need to be sensitive to these materials and their potentials in lending meaning to the conditions under which they were used enriches the findings of this thesis.

41 Vittorio Gregotti, "The Exercise of Detailing," in Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of Architectural Theory 1965-1995, edited by Kate Nesbitt (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996), 497.

34 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Furthermore, appreciating the fact that knots (parts), used in both the dhow and the

Bedouin tent, carry meaning in terms of hierarchical relationships with the structures

(whole) in which they are situated opens the door for deeper interpretations of the ways in which culture, architecture, and tectonics relate to one another.

Frascari: Fertile Details

Marco Frascari's work also deals with tectonic expression. Frascari, an Italian architect and architectural theorist, began his career studying and training with Carlo

Scarpa at Instituto Universitario Di Architettura Di Venezia (IUAV), a university located in Venice, Italy. He then moved to the United States where he earned a Master of Science in Architecture at the University of Cincinnati and a PhD in Architecture from the

University of Pennsylvania, where he also taught for some time. Frascari was a G.T.

Ward Professor in Architecture at the Virginia Tech-Alexandria campus and founded its

PhD in Architectural Representation program in 1999. He currently serves as Director of the School of Architecture at Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada.

In "The Tell-the-Tale Detail," Frascari claims that in construction lies the source of architectural meaning – in the joints between materials and spaces. He suggests that the joint is the generator of construction - and therefore of architectural meaning. He argues that technology is the basis which allows for the understanding of the role played by the detail, which Frascari maintains is the union of construction.

Frascari begins by defining the term detail. He clarifies that a detail is any small part that relates to a larger whole. For example, a column can be regarded as a part to the whole of a building. The same column can become the whole when the part, the capital for instance, is under investigation. Discussion of the detail necessarily entails the involvement of scale, especially since the issue deals with components which derive meaning from their relative positions.

35 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

The only constant here is that the detail is always a joint. For example, according to Frascari, details can be either material joints or formal joints. Material joints are details such as the column previously mentioned, which connect materials or surfaces.

Formal joints connect spaces. This includes spaces like the porch, which acts as a transition, or joint, between the interior and exterior space of a house. Therefore,

42 Frascari posits that details are expressions of both the structure and use of buildings.41F

Frascari states that the detail has the potential for signification and narration of design decisions; constructing and construing meaning in architecture. Therefore, the tectonic detail is the setting for invention and originality. This fertile detail is capable of visually communicating structure and function. Frascari cites the work of Carlo Scarpa because he believes Scarpa's work incorporates details that narrate their placing and making. In this way, joints become sources of new texts for discourse and architectural appreciation through their relations as parts in a whole. This discourse, which he claims

43 to be the techne of logos, is what Frascari terms construing.42F What is meant here is that the joint construes; constructing meaning and making sense in the world. This signification, according to Frascari, can also reveal culturally based modes of construction and construing. This notion establishes the claim that details are indicative of cultural beliefs and practices which, in this context, address the Kuwaiti building tradition.

Furthermore, Frascari discusses phenomenology in relation to constructing meaning from details. He considers Martin Heidegger's notion of building and dwelling; stressing that dwelling, which depends on building, is the purpose of life. Frascari connects this concept linguistically with the notion of the construction and construing of

42 Marco Frascari, "The Tell-the-Tale Detail," in Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of Architectural Theory 1965-1995, edited by Kate Nesbitt (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996), 501. 43 Ibid, 500.

36 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

meaning. In the end, his alignment with phenomenology strengthens his argument for the fertility of the detail.

Frascari's essay claims that details carry meaning in architecture and are worthy of analysis and study. This piece generates links with Heidegger's understanding of building and with the forms of dwelling traditionally adopted in Kuwait. For example, when considering the dhow, the notion of Heideggerian dwelling anchors the idea of survival, livelihood, and cultivation of the earth, and gives meaning to this wooden structure. Without this view, a ship may never be associated with the idea of dwelling. In addition, close examination of the details of the dhow, such as its knots, joints, and materials, reveals the story of the construction and construing of this magnificent structure.

Porphyrios: Techne

Similar to Frampton's tracing of the origin of the term, Demetri Porphyrios attempts to uncover the linguistic origins of tectonics. In "From Techne to Tectonics," this Greek architect/theorist proposes that the origin of tectonics is related to form and knowledge. He claims that the Greeks used the word techne to refer to both art and craft.

Porphyrios adds that the term denotes a practical knowledge, a reasoned intelligence, know-how or skill that follows a system of rules. Similar meaning is carried in the old

German kunst, or art. He uses Aristotle to make a claim that techne is "a productive

44 capacity involving a true course of reasoning."43F It is this capacity which allows the tectonic to create for itself a theoretical framework and become a practical knowledge.

In the same way, Porphyrios states that craft connotes the tectonic by applying practical knowledge to raw materials in nature in order to produce tools and utensils.

Sometimes these tools may transcend their initial usefulness and become (useless)

44 Demetri Porphyrios, "From Techne to Tectonics," in What is Architecture? edited by Andrew Ballantyne (New York: Routledge, 2002), 130.

37 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

symbols, which celebrate remembrance. These symbols are then transformed into decorative motifs and adornments recognized by man through habitual encoding.

Porphyrios writes, "The artist is a technites not because he is a craftsman who works with his hands, but because he possesses the knowledge and skill that serve to deepen our understanding of ourselves as makers, as homo faber, and thus our familiarity with

45 the world."44F Here the tectonic becomes man's tool for understanding the world he dwells in.

When Porphyrios refers to dwelling, he suggests it as an extension of building, as the verb to dwell signifies remaining in one place. Porphyrios investigates the meanings of building in different linguistic traditions. He explains that in the German language, the verb to build, buan, means to dwell. In Greek, the word oekodomeo means to build. When broken down, oeko denotes house or dwelling while domeo derives from demo meaning to tie, put together, or construct. In Sanskrit, dama also means to join or fit together. In

Latin, the word aedificare, or to build, can be separated into aedes, meaning temple or house, and facere, or to make. However, the language implies a certain manner of making; that of making by the hand using clay. In French, batir, or to build, derives from the Old French bastir, which is taken from the Old High German bestan, meaning to bind.

Thus building becomes a process of binding, in this case plaiting bass, the inner bark of trees, into wickerwork, which was presumed by Semper to be the "original space

46 47 divider"45F and the "essence of the wall."46F Therefore, the notion of constructing one's dwelling through material joinery has always been a part of the European linguistic building tradition, or the techne of building.

45 Ibid, 132. 46 Gottfried Semper, "The Four Elements of Architecture," in The Four Elements of Architecture and Other Writings, transl. by Harry Francis Mallgrave and Wolfgang Hermann (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 103. 47 Ibid, 104.

38 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

With regard to the Arabian tradition, in Arabic, the verb to build, ϲϨΒϳ

(pronounced yabni), implies the notion of making through construction. The word for house, ΖϴΑ (beit), is derived from ΖϴΒϳ (yabeet), to dwell, linger or remain in one place.

Another Arabic word for house is ϝΰϨϣ (manzil) for which the root is ϝΰϧ (nazala), or to descend. This term may be linked to the original story of Adam and Eve and their descent from Heaven; as in something that has physically descended from above. This could point to Laugier's theory of the rustic hut as prescribed by the gods of nature,

"Let us look at man in his primitive state without any aid or guidance other than his natural instincts. He is in need of a place to rest… A nearby forest draws him to its cooling shade; he runs to find a refuge in its depth, and there he is content...soon, torrential rain pours down on this delightful forest. The savage, in his leafy shelter, does not know how to protect himself from the uncomfortable damp that penetrates everywhere; he creeps into a nearby cave and, finding it dry, he praises himself for his discovery. But soon the darkness and foul air surrounding him make his stay unbearable again... He wants to make himself a dwelling that protects but does not bury him. Some fallen branches in the forest are the right material for his purpose; he chooses four of the strongest, raises them upright and arranges them in a square; across their top he lays four other branches; on these he hoists from two sides yet another row of branches which, inclining towards each other, meet at their highest point. He then covers this kind of roof with leaves so closely packed that neither sun nor rain can penetrate. Thus, man is housed … soon he will fill in the space between two posts 48 and feel secure."47F

48 Marc-Antoine Laugier, An Essay on Architecture, transl. by Wolfgang and Anni Hermann (Los Angeles: Hennessey & Ingalls, Inc., 1977), 11-2.

39 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 6: Abbe Marc-Antoine Laugier's rustic hut (1753). Source:http://www.hkstracepaper.com/?tag=architectu re (accessed May 5, 2011)

Another interpretation of the use of the term manzil could be that the knowledge and know-how of constructing a dwelling was descended or handed down through generations of descendents. Either way, the notions of making and dwelling as derivations of construction and knowledge are consistent in the Arabian building tradition.

Necessity + Freedom

In the Western tradition where the theory of tectonics first emerged, the builder, the tekton, was originally a carpenter – a wood craftsman. Therefore, Porphyrios claims, the knowledge of tectonics is first and foremost the knowledge of carpentry. In addition, he suggests that tectonics involves an order or system defined by the materials used and their ability to create form. In the case of wood, joinery becomes an integral issue.

Porphyrios highlights three main concerns of tectonics: 1) material properties, 2) joinery, and 3) delight from the unity, balance, and stability of a structure. He states,

40 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

"Tectonike stands as the highest fulfillment of all construction. It makes construction

49 speak out in the sense of revealing the ontology of constructing."48F Here Porphyrios asserts that tectonic experience involves both freedom and a feel of the necessary.

Material properties prescribe the necessary structural elements in building. For example, in the traditional setting, the same roofing material may necessarily be used in the same settlement as a result of the availability of certain materials and the absence of others. The construction, structure, and materials used in building are necessary components. Freedom comes as a result of play and the way in which one constructs the necessary (shelter) while simultaneously presenting a desired image of the real building.

In the case of the Kuwaiti building tradition, the necessary comprised structural elements, construction techniques, and materials used in building. This was the knowledge handed down from one family generation to the next. Necessary elements included accessibility to good quality mud for wall construction, wood for reinforcement and ceiling construction, and palm leaves for waterproofing. Freedom came from the ways in which necessary elements interacted with one another. For example, in the mud-brick beit, some doors were set flush with the massive wall edges while, in other dwellings, the door was recessed into the wall to reveal its thickness. The same strategy was adopted for window mullions. In this way, freedom came from tectonic decisions made by the builder or dweller.

49 Demetri Porphyrios, "From Techne to Tectonics," in What is Architecture? edited by Andrew Ballantyne (New York: Routledge, 2002), 136.

41 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 7: Undated photograph of a Kuwaiti door. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 16.

When considering the Bedouin tent, the textile designs, colors, weavings, and textures made up the freedom with which the tent builder could play. Also, the structural poles which held up the tent could be adorned with carvings, colors, and drapings of the builder's choice. Of necessity was the availability of materials: wood to make poles, rope to make knots, and goat-hair to make large woven cloths. The dhow's necessary elements were the sails, bolts, and wood. Freedom came from the ship- builder's play of wood carvings, sailing fabric, and even his choice of joinery.

Freedom and necessity were also issues which Eduard Sekler discusses in his

1965 essay "Structure, Construction, Tectonics." In his piece, this American architect, author and architectural historian claims,

"When a structural concept has found its implementation through construction, the visual result will affect us through certain expressive qualities which clearly have something to do with the play of forces and corresponding arrangement of parts in the building, yet cannot be described in terms of construction and structure alone. For these qualities, which are expressive of a relation of form to 50 force, the term tectonic should be reserved."49F

Sekler links the origins of tectonics to carpentry and building. In the 17th and 18th centuries, French authors argued that buildings should possess visual vraisement, or

50 Eduard F. Sekler, "Structure, Construction, Tectonics," in Structure in Art and Science, edited by Gyorgy Kepes (New York: Braziller, 1965), 89.

42 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

plausibility, and solidity. The concept later became popular in the beginning of the 19th century with the rise of neoclassicism, when there was a general interest in Greek architecture. By 1850, Botticher and Semper were writing extensively about tectonics.

In 1886, Heinrich Wolfflin wrote about the psychology of architecture and discussed the tectonic as the realization of empathy in architecture. One issue he explored was the

51 ways in which tectonic forms can be expressive.50F

Tectonics + Meaning

In conclusion, the examination of various texts in relation to Kenneth

Frampton's Studies in Tectonic Culture strengthens the argument that details in architecture are worthy of investigation and have great capacity for meaning and expression. With regard to this thesis, these texts are mainly oriented toward the West.

However, the basic claims made are architecturally and humanistically universal, and it is believed that these ideas are applicable to any and all works crafted by man globally.

Furthermore, when considering the traditional forms of dwelling used as case studies in this thesis, issues of material, details, joints, scale, composition, hierarchy, and relationships of parts to the whole arise. By deliberating these concepts in connection with the dwellings and peoples who dwelt in them along with the beliefs and practices which centered around them, strong architectural meaning is extracted. This not only reinforces the significance of details and tectonic expression in architecture, but it also presents tectonics as a universal, inclusive concept that transcends history, geographical location, language, and building practice worldwide.

51 Ibid, 91.

43 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Chapter 2: Culture as Con(text)

2.1 Culture Defined

The relationship between architectural production and the needs of society has been around since the beginnings of the architectural profession. The ways in which a society lives and its cultural practices are the results of a multitude of factors that

52 include local environment, climate, customs, and belief systems.51F Architectural form has always been affected by cultural demands and vice versa. Tectonics, therefore, are inevitably a part of this cultural experience and are affected by it.

When Frampton proclaims that the structural unit forms the basic entity of a work's expression, he implies that tectonics - seen here as details - are of critical significance to architecture. Thus, tectonics can be used to give meaning and cultural

53 expression to architecture.52F Botticher's Kernform is the realization of structural negotiations evident as a result of technological advancement and innovation. When technology improves and novel material and cultural traditions demand a change in

54 buildings, new Kernform is created.53F Therefore, structure, material, and construction techniques are always being affected both by each other and by cultural demands.

Raymond Williams, in Keywords, traces the origins of culture and claims that the term has evolved to become "a general process of intellectual, spiritual, and aesthetic

55 development."54F He adds that the term can also indicate a people's way of life in a certain period of time. Culture, according to Williams, also involves artistic activities

56 such as literature, sculpture, film, music, painting and theater.55F For the purpose of this

52 Gottfried Semper, "Science, Industry, and Art," in The Four Elements of Architecture and Other Writings, transl. by Harry Francis Mallgrave and Wolfgang Hermann (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 137. 53 Mitchell Schwarzer, "Ontology and Representation in Karl Botticher's Theory of Tectonics," The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 52, no. 3 (1993): 269. 54 Ibid, 278. 55 Raymond Williams, "Culture," in Keywords (NY: Oxford University Press, 1976), 80. 56 Ibid.

44 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

thesis, the term 'culture' is used to refer to a group of people's beliefs and ways of life, which the author believes to have a direct effect on their building tradition.

The manner in which a building is constructed reveals the beliefs and values of its builders. In "On the Cultural Responsiveness of Architecture," Amos Rapoport claims

57 culture is "about a group of people who have a set of values and beliefs"56F conveyed as "a system of symbols, meanings, and cognitive schemata transmitted through symbolic

58 codes."57F These codes are inevitably applied to the built environment. Therefore, by studying a building's tectonic properties, these conventions can be deciphered to arrive at the implications of culture on architecture. Rapoport also suggests the vernacular, although sideswiped in the canon of architectural history and theory, has been the major

59 influence on the built environment.58F Therefore, the study of the ways in which traditional built environments communicate meaning is of utmost importance.

Throughout this thesis, case studies are explored as cultural productions that offer details at the smallest scales of construction, material and joinery; tectonics that serve as extensions and expressions of culture.

Similar to tectonics, culture has been identified as a carrier of complex meaning and a demonstrator of textuality that prompts interpretation. Sherry Ortner claims, in

The Fate of 'Culture': Geertz and Beyond, that renowned anthropologist and writer

Clifford Geertz believed culture is an active entity entangled in webs of meaning that include a people's livelihood and symbolic forms, which encompass language, ritual, etiquette, and artifacts. Geertz stresses that culture is a narrative with textuality that

60 must be understood through interpretation.59F The reference to cultural textuality here is crucial to note, as discussions of the etymology of tectonics as woven text have been

57 Amos Rapoport, "On the Cultural Responsiveness of Architecture," Journal of Architectural Education 41:1 (1987): 10. 58 Ibid. 59 Amos Rapoport, House Form and Culture (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1969). 60 Sherry B. Ortner, "Introduction," in The Fate of 'Culture': Geertz and Beyond, edited by Sherry Ortner (Berkeley: University of California, 1999), 3.

45 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

mentioned previously. It is also important to state here that the notion of textuality implies relativity and susceptibility to change. Geertz claims that culture has textuality, i.e. it is the product of the interwoven conditions around it that facilitate its interpretation. Similarly, this thesis supports the notion that tectonics carries with it the same textuality for which interpretation depends on the forces around it.

House Form & Culture

In Rapoport's House Form and Culture, aspects of environment, climate, available materials, technology, construction methods, and economic prosperity influence architecture. Culture is also of extreme importance since it prescribes how a construction is used and the activities that occur within it. Architecture, therefore, becomes a manifestation of man's beliefs and way of life.

The issues of family structure, spiritual beliefs, social organization and relations are socio-cultural factors that must be taken into consideration when discussing the impact of culture on architecture. For example, in traditional Kuwaiti culture, parents expected their offspring to live with them or near them after marriage. This practice formed neighborhoods of residents that were blood relatives organized hierarchically

(parent to child). This outlook comes as a result of religious beliefs which preach the support of parents at old age, financial strains which made it difficult for young married couples to move out from the parents' home, and society's encouragement of marriage at a relatively young age (perhaps under the age of 20). This practice also affected the way in which these people formed settlements.

In Kuwait, the culture is patrilateral and virilocal. This means that male children are expected to reside with or close to their father's house. Also, lineages and family trees are extremely important sources of pride and power within this culture.

46 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Religious beliefs play a major role in the way architecture is constructed. For example, in Islam, individuals are expected to perform five daily prayers oriented toward Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Therefore, the Muslim household requires space for this religious ritual. Privacy is also of extreme importance in this religion. That is why the

Kuwaiti mud-brick beit was introverted around a courtyard; to provide women with privacy. There was sanctity to thresholds, which created transitions that acted as tectonic spatial joints between the public exteriors and the private interiors. Visitors were only admitted by invitation. Roof terraces were used as private family spaces, and during the hot summer nights, families used these roofs to sleep under the stars in the cool breeze. Of course, these mud-brick houses were also beneficial as a climatic design response to the environment. The courtyard was used for natural ventilation by acting as a sinkhole for cold air and allowing warm air to be flushed out.

Daily practices such as eating, sleeping, sitting, and entertaining affect how buildings are shaped. For example, in traditional mud-brick houses, the courtyard was where the women socialized, relatives were received, children played, meals were served, mending and weaving were performed, drinking water was cooled, and laundry was dried. As a result of the extended-family residential situation, every home had a separation of male and female domains. Men had their own socializing space in which they received male visitors, called a diwanya. The diwanya served as a reception hall in which men congregated to discuss social, economical, political, and religious issues. This space formed the Kuwaiti male identity, and today it functions as a preserver of culture and a platform for such events as familial meetings, political election campaigns, as well as informal gathering spaces for young men. In the mud-brick beit, bedrooms were lined around the courtyard. Sometimes, in homes with extended families, more than one courtyard house was linked to a neighboring property (e.g. a son's house) through what was known as a ferya. This was a private, constricted opening in the mud-brick wall

47 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

connecting the properties, allowing women to walk back and forth between the houses without being exposed to the outside.

The built environment is predominantly controlled by cultural practices. It has great value when it is able to encapsulate the identity of a group of people. Even though builders may have a wide variety of techniques, materials, and skills to choose from in terms of physical factors, socio-cultural factors shape these decisions and mold spaces to fit into the ways people live their everyday lives. In that way, culture participates in the tectonics present in architecture.

2.2 The Land

Kuwait is a small Middle Eastern country with an area of approximately 6,880

th 61 square miles. First settled in the 17 century60F , this Arab emirate is situated on the northwestern coast of the Arabian Gulf, with Iraq to the north and Saudi Arabia to the south. Kuwait's name was derived from the Arabic kout, or "fortress near the water."

The settlement's name came about as a result of its strong fortification and continued resistance to outside attacks from neighboring desert powers, including the Wahhabi

61 B.J. Slot, The Origins of Kuwait (Kuwait: Center for Research & Studies on Kuwait, 1998), 117.

48 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

62 nomadic tribe of central Arabia in the 1780s, the Sultan of Muscat in 180161F , and the

63 Ikhwan in 192062F . This resulted in a blockade of trade posed by Saudi Arabia which crippled the town for some time. Access to suitable natural harbors as well as prosperous mercantile activities by land and sea attracted many to try to take over the town.

Image 9: (left) map of Kuwait. Image 10: (right) world map situating Kuwait. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Kuwait (accessed April 28, 2011)

Historically, this area served as a Parthian port in the 1st century BC for trade between India and Mesopotamia. By the 14th century AD, it became a part of the Islamic

Caliphate, and in the 1670s, it served as a summer retreat for Arab sheikhs from

64 northeastern Arabia63F , the region from which came Kuwait's original settlers. The town was formally annexed to the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century. The Ottomans did not establish a physical presence in the vicinity, as Kuwait was considered a small town in the distant Arabian Desert controlled by Arab tribesmen. The closest they came was

Basra, Iraq, a great commercial center where the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers unite.

After World War I and the reign of the British Empire, Kuwait became an independent sheikhdom under British protection. In 1961, it became recognized as a sovereign state independent from British rule.

62 Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 12. 63 Ibid, 14. 64 B.J. Slot, The Origins of Kuwait (Kuwait: Center for Research & Studies on Kuwait, 1998), 11.

49 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Geographically, Kuwait is in a desert region with a hot-dry climate, and it experiences frequent dust storms and little precipitation. Sudden heavy rains may be experienced during the winter season, which, before the 1940s, caused many mud-brick houses to collapse. This created a need for regular maintenance of the roofs and walls of the mud-brick beit. It also led to the installation of long water spouts (first made of tough palm leaves, and later out of cast iron) extending from the edges of these dwellings out above the main street, where the water was drained to the sea. After the safety afforded by cast iron spouts, children often challenged rainstorms, singing, "Fall,

65 rain, fall! Our house is new! Our spout is made of iron!"64F This singing custom shows the significance building materials played in Kuwaiti culture. Using inefficient materials, such as soft mud or flimsy palm fronds, led to fatalities, as heavy rains caused houses to collapse on top of their occupants.

65 Kuwaiti folklore, translation by author.

50 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

As a result of the climate, little vegetation and crops grew in Kuwait before modernization set in around 1950. In 1932, Freya Stark, a British traveler, describes

Kuwait's vegetation as "small gardens of tomatoes and onions – Kuwait's only fruit – and

66 tamarisks and a palm or two standing at ease and haphazard."65F Most fruits (e.g. mango, watermelon, dates) had to be imported from India and Iraq, and thus were considered delicacies. Hence, residents in this region relied on trade with other cultures for sustenance since the land yielded little crop. Daily meals consisted of Indian rice, Iraqi dates, buttermilk made from goat's milk, bread made from imported wheat, locally- caught fish and tomato sauce. In consequence to the geographic and climatic circumstances of the area, the lifestyle of Kuwaitis depended on an interesting array of gastronomic assortments from different cultures. This cultural contact is also evident in the materials used to build their dwellings, their construction techniques, and choice of joinery.

Oil fields were discovered in Kuwait as early as 1938, but oil extraction and exportation had to wait until World War II ended and demand for oil increased. Kuwait's oil industry grew tremendously after gaining sovereignty in 1961. Prior to that, the main sources of livelihood for Kuwaitis were the flourishing pearling industry, fishing, dhow- building, and the trade of wood, spices, dates and horses with India and other settlements on the coast of the Arabian Gulf. Kuwait was known as a famous port for

67 trading goods66F , and was regarded as the gateway to the rest of Arabia. It was located on the main trade routes coming from China and India in the East, Europe and the Ottoman

Empire to the West, Syria and Iraq to the North, and Arabia and eastern Africa to the

68 South.67F In the 1920s and 1930s, Japan began farming pearls, which reduced their price and crushed the pearl-based economy that so many Kuwaiti families were dependent on for their livelihoods. This was worsened by the Great Depression, which reduced

66 Freya Stark, Baghdad Sketches (Evanston, IL: Marlboro Press, 1996), 112. 67 B.J. Slot, The Origins of Kuwait (Kuwait: Center for Research & Studies on Kuwait, 1998), 113. 68 Ibid, 185.

51 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

demand for genuine pearls (e.g. Kuwaiti pearls were purchased for coronations of

British royalty and for the New York elite). Kuwait then focused on growing its commercial trade and dhow-building capabilities until the discovery and exportation of oil.

Baghdad Sketches, a published 1937 journal of Freya Stark, a travel writer who visited the Middle East as a result of a childhood fascination with the Orient, describes

69 Kuwait as a small state made up of nothing but desert and sea.68F She explains that the town was surrounded on three sides by defensive walls and towers while the fourth side

70 was the harbor.69F Gates regulated business activity of Bedouins on camel, merchants on horseback, and goat-herders with their packs. As she encounters the architecture of this town, Stark writes,

"The streets are solitary and windowless…with wooden gutters shooting out over them from the mudhouses. The wooden doors have carved center posts, and small posterns let into the panels, fastened with locks and bars. And the 71 figures that move about are mostly clothed in white or black."70F

Stark claims Kuwait was a "Puritan" city which followed a strict and simplified religious discipline in all aspects of life, including eating habits, ceremonies, and

72 clothing.71F Festivities were kept to a minimum. Communal celebrations were only held

73 74 for Eid AlFitr72F and Eid AlAdha73F , which constituted family members visiting each other

75 in their dwellings in a "dignified and restrained"74F manner. Births and most procedures after death took place in the home, and weddings constituted gender-segregated parties.

Clothing was kept simple; white dress and head gear for the men and simple dress with black abba, or cloak, for the women. Very often the women's hidden attire would be

69 Freya Stark, Baghdad Sketches (Evanston, IL: Marlboro Press, 1996), 108. 70 Ibid, 109. 71 Ibid. 72 This is true since Islamic teachings encourage modesty in dress and behavior. Consumption of certain foods and beverages is strictly forbidden, and ones who are able to follow these expectations are rewarded with a good reputation in society. 73 Eid AlFitr marks the completion of Ramadhan, the annual Muslim month of fasting. 74 Eid AlAdha is a Muslim festivity of sacrifice during the annual week of Hajj. 75 Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 7.

52 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

simple, calf-length cotton dresses with vibrant colors and prints. Ronald Lewcock illustrates the "close-knit community spirit of the old town where joys and sorrows were shared, and where people were supported through times of poverty and hardship

76 by the practical help of neighbors."75F Stark also makes note of the dignified poverty the

Kuwaitis lived, describing it as "that dignity which is the keynote of Arabia, made of

77 poverty and leisure."76F She goes on to say,

"Self-respect indeed! Where poverty is borne with so much dignity that its existence is scarce noticed: where manners are so gentle that the slave and chieftain are spoken to with equal courtesy – no snobbish Western shading of difference! Where the whole of life is based on the tacit unquestioned 78 assumption that the immaterial alone is essential."77F

These simple habits are reflected in the choice of frugal, dignified dwellings this group of people preferred to construct.

Natural Environment & Settlement Pattern

Kuwait's natural environment consists of desert lands overlooking the Arabian

Gulf. Local materials such as mud, wood, and stone were used by Arab settlers to build homes much like the ones they were used to in their places of origin (Najd, in northeastern Saudi Arabia). Bedouin tents were also employed as housing for nomadic families who lived on the outskirts of the town. Wooden poles were used as columns, rope for anchoring the poles, and different types of goat-hair textiles were installed as roofing, partitioning, and furnishings.

Both the mud-brick beit and the Bedouin tent had fixed structures and spatial organizations. As a result of common religious (Islamic) beliefs and conservative social practices, both forms of dwelling incorporated similar spatial features such as the diwanya, women's family quarters, and areas for keeping animals and cooking. These dwellings were fundamentally connected with the environment in terms of materials,

76 Ibid, 10. 77 Freya Stark, Baghdad Sketches (Evanston, IL: Marlboro Press, 1996), 118. 78 Ibid, 123.

53 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

zoning, and passive heating and cooling techniques. Their composition also responded to personal preferences in social situations. In The Hidden Dimension, author Edward T.

Hall concludes, "Arabs do not like to be alone. The form of the home is such as to hold the family together inside a single protective shell, because Arabs are deeply involved

79 with each other."78F

Men Family (women)

Kitchen

Image 12: Beit AlGhanim spatial Image 13: Bedouin tent's spatial organization. Source: Shirley organization. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Kay, The Bedouin (New York: Crane, Russak, & Company, Inc, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the 1978), 14. Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978),117. Labels by author.

This is also evident in the settlement patterns of Kuwait, both in the mud-brick beit and the Bedouin tent. Each dwelling type had characteristic settlement patterns.

Many times the procession of mud-brick houses revolved around a nearby mosque. The context created by these closely-knit houses was an intricate network of courtyard spaces linked by massive walls. The recessed entrances to these homes were oriented toward the main street, which were wide enough to allow passage to two donkeys or camels at a time.

79 Edward T. Hall, The Hidden Dimension (New York: Doubleday, 1966), 158.

54 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 14: Pre-1950s aerial view of Kuwait. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 54.

Even in the depths of the seas when they made long voyages to India, Persia and east Africa, Kuwaiti dhows enjoyed each other's company and often sailed alongside one another for protection and casual socializing. The dhows were known to sail together, and many times when they were very close, their crews often chatted, "borrowed

80 things,"79F and heard each other's prayer calls and carpenters at work.

Image 15: (left) Kuwaiti pearling dhows travelling in groups for company. Source: http://iml.jou.ufl.edu/projects/spring06/eisa/history.htm (accessed April 20, 2011). Image 16: (right) Deck plan of a deep-sea dhow. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 27.

The Bedouin tents, on the other hand, were positioned in almost parallel lines such that a "neighborhood" pattern was established; their numbers ranged from two to thirty tents per tribe. No two tents were physically connected. Each tent formed its own entity with space around it to keep livestock (e.g. goats and camels). The pegs of neighboring tents were positioned within close proximity, in hopes that they would trip

80 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 39.

55 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

the horses of attacking tribes. In that way, the tent protected its inhabitants by acting as a hindrance of the enemy and an alarm system for the residing tribe.

Image 17: (left) Settlement pattern of Bedouin tents. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 86. Image 18: (right) Sadu weaving. Source: http://www.flickr.com/photos/13014156@N06/2654733171/ (accessed May 3, 2011).

Inside the mud-brick beit, floor cushions, similar to those found in Bedouin tents were used to facilitate sitting on the ground (a posture adopted from the Bedouin tradition). No excessive decoration or variety in material was employed (only beautiful

Bedouin Sadu weaving with vibrant colors was used to cover cushions and seats). This obvious minimalism is attributed to both the Islamic belief in modesty and the scarcity of available materials.

Yacoub Al-Hijji put together a photographic collection of Kuwait in the first half of the 20th century. Entitled Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs, this publication documents the development of Kuwait's culture and traditional dwellings between 1900 and 1950. The photographs illustrate a traditionally simple way of life dependent on pearling, fishing, dhow-building, and trade by land and sea. Made evident through the images is the intimate interaction between the people and their dwellings, which fostered their sense of belonging to the land. This is especially true since most ceremonial events took place within the dwelling.

56 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 20: Men gather on the bench in front of a beit. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 48.

2.3 The Traditional: architecture of mass, plane, and frame

Kuwaiti culture yielded architecture with qualities of mass, plane, and frame,

81 each of which had particular tectonic interactions and negotiations.80F Dwellers near the shore historically constructed houses made of imported and locally-available materials which incorporated the use of wood as frame, earth as mass, and palm-frond mats as plane. The structure as a whole may be considered a mass as a result of its distinctive, thick, mud-brick walls and its aesthetic as an extension of the ground. Dwellers of the sea lived on dhows for three to six months at a time and used frames of imported wood, joined to rope knots and sails, to create these structures. Although the dhow's hull is an aesthetic mass, the sail is a plane and the mast-yard component linking these elements is a frame, the structure as a whole is basically a set of frames. Dwellers of the desert, the

81 Semper promoted that architecture is an assemblage of mass, plane, and frame. Each element works in a tectonic manner to produce aesthetically pleasing structures with cultural significance.

57 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

nomadic Bedouins, relied on tent structures locally-produced and assembled for shelter.

The Bedouin tent was anchored to the ground mass, which participated in and enabled the tensile forces of this structure to function properly. The tent was supported by a loose frame of poles, pegs and rope, and was enclosed by planes of goat-hair wall-cloth.

It is evident that architectural elements present in these traditional forms of dwelling are at work in the scale of the tectonic.

Perhaps the most relevant book on the traditional Kuwaiti mud-brick beit is

Ronald Lewcock's 1978 Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf. In this text, Lewcock details the spatial organization of traditional courtyard houses and incorporates drawings and photographs of building elevations and spaces as well as the origins of such elements as wood materials used for doors and window shutters.

Lewcock does not, however, discuss the significance of the tectonic relationships between elements in the architecture. Rather, he records origins and observations on materials and construction assembly. This text aids in establishing a record of the traditional mud-brick beit explored in this thesis. The photographs presented in this book are invaluable to the connections made between Kuwaiti culture and the architectonic.

In his book, Lewcock details a few mud-brick houses of varying sizes. He considers beit AlBadr, the house of a prominent Kuwaiti merchant, which has five courtyards; a men's courtyard, business courtyard, kitchen courtyard, animal courtyard, and family courtyard. More modest households had fewer courtyards. For example, beit

AlGhanim has four courtyards; a men's courtyard, family courtyard, kitchen courtyard and an animal courtyard. Beit AlAskar had one courtyard. Courtyards are usually flanked by rooms, which most often serve as bedrooms or storage spaces. Other rooms serve as kitchens, bathrooms, and/or offices.

58 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Business Women/ Family

Kitchen Image 21: Beit AlBadr Men floor plan. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Animals Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 116. Labels by author.

Men Women / Family

Image 22: (left) Beit AlGhanim floor plan. Image 23: (below) Beit AlAskar floor plan. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Kitchen Papers, 1978),117. Labels by author.

Animals

Multipurpose

As mentioned previously, the courtyard acted as a passive cooling device. Also, above the door of each room overlooking the courtyard was a small opening of approximately 6"x12" dimensions that allowed warm humid air to flush out, creating an effective system of natural ventilation. The courtyard also provided daylighting for these rooms through their doors, as most rooms had no exterior windows. Some houses incorporated windows looking onto the courtyard.

59 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 24: Small openings above doors in beit AlBadr serve to flush out warm humid air from bedrooms and support natural ventilation. Source: author, 2010.

The number of courtyards in a mud-brick beit was directly related to the socio- economic status of its owner. Wealth and status were achieved through prominence in mercantile activities and/or owning a stake in the sailing industry, which means that the family possessed one or more dhows that conducted trading and pearling trips during the year. For example, it is understood that the AlBadr family sold horses and constantly had sailors working on repairing sails and other parts of their dhows. They also imported merchandise with their ships to be sold at the market; things which ranged from foods such as dates and rice to Persian carpets and building materials like African mangrove poles from Lamu and Iraqi palm-frond mats from Basra. The organization of these activities was conducted in the business courtyard of the mud-brick beit, which often had an office attached to it. The men's courtyard was allotted for social gatherings.

A house less prominent only needed a men's courtyard, kitchen courtyard and a family courtyard. Some families were not able to afford three courtyards and therefore relied on a single courtyard which served multiple purposes for the men, family and cooking needs.

Tectonic properties emerge within the construction of the mud-brick beit. These include the materials chosen and the ways in which walls are constructed and joined to the ceiling and roof assemblies, all of which are discussed in this work. For the purpose

60 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

of this thesis, the focus is mostly on beit AlBadr. In addition to affording the researcher rich details which have proven to be fruitful in discussing the issues of tectonics and cultural expression, this is a house on display at the Kuwait National Museum. By this association, it is understood that the house presents an accurate representation of the traditional Kuwaiti mud-brick beit.

Another traditional form of dwelling on showcase at the Kuwait National

Museum is AlMuhallab dhow, which pays homage to the country's sailing traditions.

Although very different in structure, assembly and spatial allocation from the mud-brick beit, dhows served as dwelling places for sailors who were away at sea for three to six months at a time. They share some materials, like wood, with the mud-brick beit, which utilizes wood in doors, shutters, and as reinforcements in ceiling construction. Materials used in the traditional mud-brick beit are discussed in Chapter 3.

Ya'qub Y. Al-Hijji, a notable Kuwaiti historian, authored The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait. This text consists of a comprehensive description of the dhow-building process and traditional craft in Kuwait. Its core is in the construction process of these vessels, including discussions on sails, rigging, launching, tools, and timber. The dhows were constructed entirely by hand and eye, without the use of drawings of any kind.

This text supplies information on the Kuwaiti dhow's construction process, but neglects to delve into the cultural practices related to the structure.

Alan Villiers' Sons of Sindbad uses another approach to dhows which complements Al-Hijji's focus. Villiers was an Australian journalist who was fascinated with the sea and merchant sailing ships. He travelled to Kuwait between 1938 and 1939, recording the cultural practices of the mercantile and marine industries. His text is valuable in making cultural connections as to the expressions of tectonic elements specifically in the dhow, which is discussed in the next three chapters.

61 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Exhibited near the Kuwait National Museum is the Sadu House, dedicated to the education of traditional Bedouin weaving techniques which produce Sadu, vibrantly colored woven furnishings of reds, blacks, oranges, greens, beiges and browns with intricate patterns and shapes. Sadu was used in all traditional forms of dwelling as cushions for resting on the floor, and in the Bedouin tents it was incorporated as partitions, walls, and roof-cloths. Torvald Faegre's Tents: Architecture of the Nomads details the mass, plane and frame qualities of the Bedouin tent. This book also documents the preparation and assembly processes of Bedouin tent structures. This is also discussed in the next three chapters.

Image 25: Traditional Bedouin tent. Source: Paul Oliver, ed., Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 1450. Ephemerality

All three structures – the beit, dhow, and Bedouin tent – dealt with issues of temporality; they were all structurally ephemeral in their own ways, just as the blowing sands of their desert landscape. Tectonics, through its definitions and links with geography, embodies similar notions of structural movement and change through time.

The mud-brick beit was sensitive to weathering caused by prolonged exposure to solar radiation, dust storms, and sudden, heavy rains. Without regular maintenance, the beit eventually eroded itself to the ground, since the soil that formed the walls was

82 easily liquefied when mixed with water.81F Even when repairs were made, there was no guarantee that the mend, using manual labor skills, could restore the structure to its

82 Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers , 1978), 12.

62 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

exact previous form. Rather, different, new, improved or recycled materials may have been incorporated into the structure (e.g. different recipes for mud-bricks, varying temperatures for brick-baking, etc), although a certain consistency in execution was a key aim. In the end, the general character of the beit remained intact through the years; although in actuality the dwelling itself constantly evolved as it underwent multiple renovations through the years.

The Bedouin tent's nature was based on its temporary connection to the ground; as was the constantly-shifting Bedouin tradition. The Bedouin's nomadic culture forced this structure to conform to the demands of a people who broke camp when grazing land was no longer available for their livestock; goats, sheep, and camels. When fresh grazing land was found, these nomads settled down and set up camp, raising their tents once more until the plot became again unsuitable for feeding. This cycle continued throughout the Bedouin lifestyle and was reflected in their transient tent structure, which was quickly dismantled and easily transportable.

The dhow's ephemeral qualities were evident in its use and its relationship to the ground. This structure was used to sail from Kuwait to lands as far away as India and

East Africa. Hence, the ship's position relative to the ground was always changing; the structure was always in motion unless it had been temporarily anchored at a port for a visit or docked in its harbor for maintenance. Furthermore, continued usage of the dhow meant that it was always in need of repair. These repairs usually entailed the exchange of weak or damaged wood planks with stronger ones or the repair of the sail's fabric or ropes. A white mixture of shark oil, lime and sheep's fat was applied to the dhow's hull

83 to protect it from the effects of saltwater.82F In this way, the dhow's conditions were temporary.

83 Ibid, 13.

63 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

2.4 The Dweller

Shore-Dweller: Madani

The madani lived near the coast in the mud-brick beit, which consisted of a group of rooms assembled around an interior, private courtyard. This shore-dweller was most probably involved in trade, dhow-building, and/or ownership of the dhows, as previously discussed. The madani, if not away on a trade or sea voyage, would leave his house in the morning before sunrise, after a quick breakfast, for the morning prayer at the mosque, after which he would head to his workplace (most probably a shop in the souk or a place where his skills could be sought). He would return home after the noon prayer for lunch and afternoon siesta. After performing the afternoon prayer (at home or at the mosque), the madani would usually head back to his workplace for an afternoon shift or a separate part-time occupation until sunset. Upon completion of the sunset prayer, the madani would be found in his own diwanya or at another male companion's or relative's diwanya. He would return home after the evening prayer.

Image 26: The madani in the local souk. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 186.

The woman shore-dweller was expected to stay home to complete household chores and care for her children. She would cook, clean, sew and mend clothing, launder, and receive her female guests when her husband was out of the house. When her husband was home, total attention was paid to him and his needs, as he was there for short periods of time. Daughters were expected to help their mothers with the chores;

64 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

only some were encouraged to attend Quran school. Sons were expected to go to school to learn to read and write.

In this society, noble characteristics were encouraged. Honesty and kindness were virtuous qualities sought by both men and women. Forgiveness and modesty were also treasured. A person's reputation was more important than the form of the house he lived in. Neighbors were like brothers, and many times they often were blood relatives who inherited their houses from their fathers. When one family went hungry, the whole neighborhood pitched in to feed them. When one wall fell, neighbors raced to repair it, because it also meant that their own walls were at stake. And so the community was close-knit and structured such that both spiritually and physically, the stability of man's society and his built environment were dependent on the solidity of the individual parts which sustained the whole.

Desert-Dweller: Bedouin

The Bedouin tended to value tribal solidarity, hospitality, familial lineage, and honor. Shirley Kay's The Bedouin and Jibrail Jabbur's The Bedouins and the Desert detail the life of the Bedouin. Both sources discuss the Bedouin's character which personified endurance, patience, courage, pride, dignity, generosity, honesty and loyalty. Though the

Bedouin was eloquent in speech and reserved in nature, he was quick to avenge himself when he felt wronged. These qualities resulted from the harsh and unforgiving desert landscape in which the Bedouin dwelt, and they affected the types of dwelling the

Bedouin chose to construct and inhabit; goat-hair tents.

65 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 27: (left) The Bedouin. Source: http://lahavnet.co.il/joalon/eng /arider.jpg (accessed March 3, 2011). Image 28: (below) The Bedouin tent in plan and sections. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Book, 1979), 19.

The structure of tribes was such that a sheikh, or chieftain, headed the group, creating a hierarchy of men of varying ages and positions. Character and wisdom were important. Wisdom emerged with the coming of age while character was evident from youth. The tribe's structure was such that no individual was socially separate; every individual belonged to and solidified the tribal structure. That is why the Bedouin glorified pride in family lineage, as it was in the family tree where the social structure

66 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

was most evident. When the tribe lost its sheikh (through sickness, old age, or war), it was forced to re-organize itself and establish a successor before stability was regained.

Oddly enough, it was the women who, in addition to weaving the strips of the tent's wall-cloths, were expected to set up and break camp with every move. Besides the issue of temporary lodging, the Bedouin had a peculiar manner of making place. After a

Bedouin camp was left, only one signifier remained as a trace of the previous occupants

84 of the site; the coffee hearth stones83F . These stones could be left untouched for years and provided evidence of the type of camp, its size, level of hospitality, and even what tribe

85 stayed at the site.84F

Sea-Dweller: Bahhar

The bahhar, who sailed in dhows for most of the year, pearling for three summer months and trading for the remaining nine, was the nokhetha (ship captain), the nokhetha's assistant, divers and sailors. These men led their lives on board the dhows; cooking, hoisting, chanting, praying, sleeping, and travelling to new lands for trade.

Often the dhows travelled from Kuwait down the Arabian Gulf to ports in present-day

Bahrain, India, Oman, Yemen, and the northeastern tip of Africa to places like Kenya and

Zanzibar trading goods such as salt, rice, sugar, coffee, cotton, dates, ghee, dried fish, women's veils, and Persian carpets. The nokhetha would give out the orders, the assistants (e.g. quartermasters) would mediate between the captain and the sailors, the cook would prepare meals, and the sailors carryied out commands regarding safely navigating the dhow (e.g. sail-masts, rigging, weightlifting, etc). There would often be a carpenter on board the dhow working on constructing a new smaller dhow, which, it was hoped, would be sold during the voyage. Conditions were harsh, but the crew dealt with these pressures by dancing and singing. Villiers observes,

84 Coffee was and remains an integral part of the Bedouin's hospitality and tradition. 85 Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Book, 1979), 25.

67 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

"It was heavy, brutal work. They stopped frequently to dance and sing, stamping the deck rhythmically with their great bare feet and clapping their tremendous hands…it seemed to act as a tonic for them, reviving the sailors for their heavy tasks. They did nothing without a preliminary dance, and they kept up a melodic 86 chanting all the time they worked."85F

The dhows also carried passengers between stops to generate more income. The

Triumph of Righteousness, the Kuwaiti dhow Alan Villiers sailed on, allowed over 200

87 passengers to be transported atop its crowded deck at once.86F Women were even on board as passengers, as many tribes moved with their families from one town to another seeking better futures. These women were separated from the rest of the male passengers by either an enclosed room or hung palm-frond matting, which served as a screen between the two groups. Either way, conditions were constrained on board the dhow.

Image 29: (left) The pearl diver. Source: http://www.1website.com/kuwait_gallery1/kg_p11/kg_p11.html (accessed February 25, 2011). Image 30: (right) The dhow. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006).

Each dhow was owned by a merchant for whom the business of trading and pearling was conducted. The merchant, who most often owned more than one dhow, would recruit nokhetha to navigate each of his ships. Sometimes the merchant's son was trained as a nokhetha to undertake this task. The nokhetha was responsible for organizing his group of sailors, divers, and assistants. After each trip, calculations were

86 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 28. 87 Ibid, 71.

68 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

made and revenue was distributed on a shares basis; the nokhetha received the highest

88 number of shares while the sailors and divers got the lowest.87F

Almost all Kuwaiti personnel working in dhows like the Triumph could not afford to take care of family members who waited for their return in Kuwait (for three to six months at a time). Therefore, they relied on an established, complicated system of debt. Sons of Sindbad documents this debt system practiced by the sailing industry in

Kuwait in 1938. Each merchant would lend his nokhethas sums of money. In turn, each nokhetha lended his sailors and divers money to spend on their families during their absence, as many of them were unable to secure income for their families while they are gone. When the voyage ended, these sums were deducted by the merchant and, depending on the success of each trip, whatever profits made were distributed according to the shares system.

In his book, Villiers shows great admiration for the character of the sailors onboard the dhow. He notes their toughness, stamina, willingness, lack of hypocrisy, low material expectations, team spirit, and their ability to make the most out of limited resources. He claims that all sailors were living hand to mouth.

Image 31: Sailors on the halyards hauling up the mainsail of the dhow. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), back cover.

88 Ibid, 372.

69 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

What about culture?

This chapter attempts to shed light on culture in pre-oil Kuwait (1920s-1930s) in preparation for discussions of its traditional forms of dwelling. First, ideas and definitions about culture in general are provided from such figures as Amos Rapoport,

Raymond Williams and Clifford Geertz. Williams presents culture as a set of practices centered on a group's beliefs. Rapoport suggests these beliefs are communicated as schemes and symbols adopted in a culture. Geertz adds to this the notion of textuality, the idea that each culture is a product of and is intertwined with the characteristics of its peoples. This textually is also a characteristic of the architectural tectonic, wherein the materials and techniques adopted in the local building tradition speak to and are interwoven with their contexts. Unraveling and deciphering these interweavings are the core aims of this thesis. The goal is to make connections between cultural practices and the architecture that was their product to support the claim that details have meaning in architecture.

Kuwait is also discussed briefly in attempts to create a basis for understanding its culture and the forces which influenced the Kuwaiti dweller, the individual to whose practices the traditional dwelling responded. Three distinct cultures existed in Kuwait during the 1920s and 1930s; the madani (shore-dweller), bahhar (sea-dweller), and the

Bedouin (desert-dweller). To each was a different way of life housed by a unique structure; the mud-brick beit, wood dhow, and goat-hair tent. Although these individuals may have lived differently in their respective landscapes, they had many similarities in Islamic religious beliefs, modesty in living, and interdependent social structures. They were even similar in temperament and general preference for simple, honest dwellings. Honesty in dwelling comes about in the direct expression of structural members, forces, and the manual process of making.

70 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

A few observations can be made about the cultures that used the traditional

Kuwaiti dwellings. For one, it seems that religion played a major part in the dwellers' lives. Their daily routines were structured by the five prayers and three main meals.

This brings to mind the previous discussion of the term tectonics and its etymological connections to the term text, which had religious connotations in its definitions (e.g. the weaving of the words of the Holy Scripture). The religious connotation of tectonics is seen in this culture, where prayers and religious beliefs gave structure to people's daily lives and created a framework from which they were able to lead their lives.

Another observation is that all three groups demonstrated an interdependent social structure headed by one individual. Oftentimes, a mud-brick beit was named according to the man who occupied it. The Bedouin tent was also named in the same manner. Similarly, a dhow would be named after its nokhetha. However, the dhow would have more than one name, as Villiers clarifies, "In their own talk, they were accustomed to speak of the vessels by the nokhada's name; our ship was always the boom Nejdi and was rarely referred to by her own people as the Triumph of

89 Righteousness."88F Nejdi's boat was Bayan in Arabic, translated by Villiers as the Triumph of Righteousness. The term boom is synonymous with dhow in this instance.

A third observation of the cultures being studied is the issue of gender segregation. In all three cultures men were separated from women. This can be attributed to their conservative ways of life, modesty, and interpretations of Islamic texts, which encourage separation of the sexes, as seen in other Islamic cultures. These observations create a preliminary basis for understanding the cultural demands, expectations, and tectonic interactions in the traditional dwellings constructed by these peoples.

89 Ibid, 58.

71 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Chapter 3: Materials & Surfaces

3.1 Materials

A primary factor in architectural design is the choice of material constituting a work. Gottfried Semper claims that there is importance in the material selection process as well as the equipment used to build forms, "The basic form, as the simplest expression of [an] idea, is modified in particular by the materials that are used in

90 developing the form as well as by the tools that fashion it."89F He attributes the characteristics of materials and the ways in which they are assembled to the elements of place, time, custom, and social position within a context. Similarly, David Leatherbarrow, author of The Roots of Architectural Invention: Site, Enclosure, Materials, speaks about material properties, referring to them as criteria that determine the ways in which material is employed within a certain context of architectural work. This includes the ways in which material is extracted, manufactured and/or treated before and during the building process. Leatherbarrow also brings attention to the roles of craftsmen and clients in relation to material selection, claiming,

"No one is more knowledgeable about the nature of materials than the craftsman…But neither should the owner or likely inhabitant be forgotten as someone who specifies finishes and knows the nature of materials; specification for this purpose presupposes the recollection of their 'effects,' and these are based on their nature. Each material has characteristic properties (is defined by properties) on the basis of which the builder, architect, or client makes a 91 selection."90F

It is inferable that the client or builder makes a selection based on the availability of and suitability afforded by materials to such aspects as climate and cultural practice. Therefore, it would be more practical to use materials available on or near the site and that exhibit properties which successfully respond to climatic needs and cultural demands; factors which both builder and client are familiar with.

90 Gottfried Semper, "Science, Industry, and Art," in The Four Elements of Architecture and Other Writings, transl. by Harry Francis Mallgrave and Wolfgang Hermann (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 137. 91 David Leatherbarrow, The Roots of Architectural Invention: Site, Enclosure, Materials (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 151.

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According to Leatherbarrow, even Vitruvius argues that "knowledge of materials resided in the technical understanding that sustained the construction and craft

92 traditions."91F Vitruvius challenges the notion that materials are "independent from the

93 techniques through which they were exposed and utilized."92F Let us take Vitruvius' example of brick manufacturing: in order to manufacture bricks, certain ingredients and conditions are needed; a specific kind of clay and certain seasonal temperatures. Made under the wrong conditions, the material would not be easy to assemble; it may be too

94 brittle or heavy.93F Thus, knowledge of material properties and the ways in which they are extracted, manufactured, and assembled are crucial to understanding the material itself.

Carles Vallhonrat, in "Tectonics Considered: Between the Presence and the

Absence of Artifice," discusses the importance of materials such as wood, stone, steel, brick, concrete and glass in addition to the ways that material properties affect the manner in which buildings are constructed. On Louis Kahn's Salk Institute laboratories,

Vallhonrat comments,

"the way those wonderful walls were made has had more influence on our contemporary understanding of concrete than has any other building of the last three decades...The greatness of those walls comes from the way they show how Kahn made them and, as he was very fond of saying, because of the way they 95 'told, tell, and will forever tell' the way they were made."94F

Vallhonrat also mentions the introduction of materiality into architectural rhetoric as an indicator of the significance of materials, asking, "How do we build? How do we

96 structure what we build? What materials do we use?"95F Material can clearly speak volumes about the circumstances of its assembly in built form.

92 Ibid, 156. 93 Ibid, 202. 94 Ibid, 157. 95 Carles Vallhonrat, "Tectonics Considered: Between the Presence and the Absence of Artifice," Perspecta 24 (1988): 130. 96 Ibid, 134.

73 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Material properties are highlighted and articulated through their processes of extraction, manufacturing, and assembly. These ideas further engage materials as essential factors in tectonics theory and qualify them to participate in the interactions between culture, construction, structure, and joinery. Until the early 20th century in

Kuwait, the choice of material was limited to what was available in the vicinity of the site; namely the components of the Arabian Desert, the northern bay of the Arabian Gulf, and what could be imported by dhow. This chapter explores the origins, natural properties, manufacturing techniques, components, and purposes of the materials used in traditional forms of Kuwaiti dwelling.

Mud-brick Beit

Materials used in the construction of the mud-brick beit included mangrove poles, lime plaster, ash, bamboo, palm fronds, coral stone, and wood. Glass was not generally used in the beit. Instead, a wooden shutter system was installed for windows along with protection bars, although fenestration was rarely found in the beit. When glass was used, it was imported from the Mediterranean, Iran, Iraq, or Europe.

74 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Mangrove poles were imported from a port on the east coast of Africa called

Lamu, part of Somaliland, according to Villiers. These poles were taken from the mangrove tree, and they were used for their strength, durability, and manageable dimensions (~3.6m or 11ft lengths). In addition, this material was accessible as a result of the trade-trips Kuwaiti dhows made to Africa, which yielded mangrove poles that were affordable for most Kuwaiti mud-brick houses constructed in the 1920s and

1930s.

Image 34: Mangrove trees. Source: http://poeppels.blogspot.com/2008/09/edg e-of-paradise.html (accessed May 16, 2011).

Villiers illustrates the Kuwaiti mud-brick beit of Nejdi, nokhetha of the Triumph,

"built of coral laces with a rough cement of sun-dried mud, like most of the other 8,000 houses in that city of 70,000 inhabitants. The walls were irregular and the building squat, but it was not without beauty. The carvings on the teak gateway were well done. From the roof-top a large number of long spouts extended over the roadway. These were a feature of all the Kuwaiti streets…Nejdi said that in

75 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

winter there might often be a heavy shower, and the flat roofs of the coral and mud houses could not stand a heavy rain. So they were fitted with spouts, most 97 of which were the halves of hollowed date palms, to carry off the water."96F

From this passage, we understand the general character of mud-brick houses in Kuwait around 1938. We can also extract the materials used in house construction; teak, mud, coral, and date palms. While the mud and coral were locally extracted materials, both teak and date palms were imported, as Kuwait did not have many natural resources.

Even its freshwater had to be brought in daily from nearby towns in Iraq and Iran.

Lime plaster was made from burnt coral stone mixed with water to create a paste, which helped to waterproof areas such as the roof and ceiling corners. Malabar teak posts from India were used to support the loggia overlooking courtyards. They were carved by Kuwaiti craftsmen, who adopted many motifs from Persia and India.

Yellow clay tiles imported from Iran and Iraq were used as flooring and to construct arches and vaults in affluent households. These artifacts illustrate the close ties between these peoples and the cultural exchanges which occurred among them.

Image 35: (left) Malabar posts at beit AlBadr were used to support open areas with columnar support. Source: author, 2010. Image 36: (right) detail of column-post connection. Source: author, 2010.

Walls were mostly made from stacked mud-bricks. As soil, clay, and water were readily available, it was easy to produce mud-bricks. The thermal inertia provided by the bricks and their relatively simple construction technique caused them to be favored over other materials and techniques such as rammed earth. The mud-brick's only

97 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 313.

76 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

weakness was its resistance to water, and mud-brick houses needed constant repair especially after heavy rains. As a result, mud-brick houses were frequently reinforced with stone.

Ronald Lewcock mentions that limestone, although not beneficial for construction, was abundant in Kuwait. He adds that volcanic pebbles were available, and they were used as foundation stones and aggregate. About the local soil, he comments,

"although the soils have sufficient cohesion to form walls or blocks, they have a low plasticity index and are liable to liquefy in the presence of water...Because of the absence of clay in the soil and with the relatively light rainfall, Kuwait had few foundation

98 problems."97F

Many materials enter into and become part of building traditions by way of adaptive implementation. In his lectures, "The Development of the Wall and Wall

Construction in Antiquity" and "On the Relation of Architectural Systems with the

General Cultural Conditions", Gottfried Semper states that in Greek architecture, bronze was first introduced as a material used in defensive war arms, after which it was

99 adapted, in tubular form, for door and roof construction.98F Similarly, materials used for the construction of traditional Kuwaiti dwellings were also utilized as components for everyday utensils. For example, palm fronds were brought into town from Basra, Iraq, as palm trees were abundant there. Weaving these fronds into mats produced waterproof

98 Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 12. 99 Gottfried Semper, "The Development of the Wall and Wall Construction in Antiquity," Res 11 (1986): 41.

77 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

surfaces which were used as placemats during meals, awnings that shaded the courtyards, fuel for fire cooking, and even as inlays for baby cribs. Their waterproofing qualities, strength and durability were applied in ceiling construction above structural supports (bamboo and mangrove poles) and under ash and lime paste. Although it is not clear whether the idea to use palm fronds as ceiling mats came before their usage as floor mats or vice versa, the weaving, or plaiting, of the fronds into mats may have occurred in Basra. Finished mats were sold at the Kuwaiti souks. However, families not able to afford woven mats purchased palm fronds from which mats were plaited.

Image 38: The many uses of palm fronds in the beit are depicted here in Ayoub Al-Ayoub's Domestic Utensils and Articles (1984); place mats, fans, baskets, and sweepers. Source: Ayoub Hussein Al-Ayoub, The Kuwaiti Heritage: in the Paintings of Ayoub Hussein Al-Ayoub (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2002), 257. Image 39: Palm fronds were plaited to form waterproof mats for roof construction. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 123.

The adaptation of materials for building and dwelling practices, as seen here, resulted from contact with other cultures through trade. Construction materials therefore represented a complex combination of local and imported ideas from different peoples. In addition, the constraints of material properties, their manufacturing techniques, and availability caused the development of "standardized" building modules.

The issue of material modularity is discussed later in this chapter.

Dhow

Villiers describes eight different types of dhow used in Kuwait; the Baggala,

Boom, Belem, Betil, Jalboot, Mashua (longboat), Sambuk, and the Shewe. As they vary in

78 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

size, ornamental pattern, and purpose, they all have the same basic structure and make use of the same materials. Villiers claims that in Kuwait, the Boom was the most

100 exclusively used type of dhow for deep-sea travel.99F Therefore, this thesis focuses on the Boom, and all uses of the term dhow directly refer to the Boom.

Images 40-42: Different types of dhows (from left, counterclockwise): battil, shewe, and jalbut. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 13, 15, 17, respectively.

Freya Stark describes the materials used in the dhow, explaining that it was built using Malabar wood and ribs made from forked tree branches. Stark also differentiates the dhow from other ships, claiming that it,

"[being] a bigger boat that sails as far as Zanzibar, and is recognizable by its black-tipped bowsprit, has an ordinary rounded stern; but all the others have a square medieval erection carved with arabesques of flowers. A seat is often built at the back, and a wooden rail runs about a third of the way round. In the middle of the deck is a shallow altar where once a day rice is cooked: dates, and rice at sunset is all the diver's food to keep them thin and fit in their four months of labour. Fresh water is carried in great wooden cases, now on the ground beside 101 their craft, with men hammering at them here and there."100F

The Kuwaiti dhow structure was basically composed of different kinds of timber, iron spikes, rope, and fabric sails. Palm-frond mats were also used on the deck for meals, as curtains to shield women passengers from view when there was no room to enclose

100 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 364. 101 Freya Stark, Baghdad Sketches (Evanston, IL: Marlboro Press, 1996), 110.

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them, as protective covering for the longboats during on-shore storage, and to wrap the bodies of those who died during the voyage (either to be buried on nearby shores or thrown overboard into the sea).

Image 43: (left) Transportation of palm-frond mats to be used on board the dhow. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Old Kuwait: Memories in Photographs (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 130. Image 44: (right) roping was needed to secure the sails of the dhow. Source: Yacoub Y. Al-Hijji, Ϧϔδϟ΍ΔϋΎϨλ ΖϳϮϜϟ΍ϲϓΔϴϋ΍ήθϟ΍ [Dhow-building in Kuwait] (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2001), 66.

In the case of the Triumph of Righteousness, 150 tons of material was used. The dhow's roping material was purchased from India. According to Villiers, rope-making was the task sailors most regularly performed. The ropes were made using coir, coconut fibers, which were twisted into strands. What is interesting here is that, during this

102 process, sailors demonstrated what Villiers describes as "yarning,"101F or what the

Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines as telling a "narrative of adventures; especially: a

103 tall tale."102F While these men went about twisting rope, they sat in large groups and told stories. This activity occurred very often on board the dhows, and it shows how the act of making in both cultural practice and tectonics was at work. Through cultural practice, these individuals' lives were further interwoven together by the sharing and making of tales of adventure. The repetition of this cultural activity strengthened the group's feelings of belonging and identity, rejuvenating them to carry out arduous work and reinforcing the importance of their unity as a team. Simultaneously, tectonics was at work through the twisting of fibers into actual roping, to be used in securing and fortifying their dwelling; the dhow. With the end of the rope-making sessions came the

102 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 41. 103 Dictionary and Thesaurus – Merriam-Webster Online, s.v. "yarn," http://www.merriam-webster.com/ dictionary/yarn (accessed January 21, 2011).

80 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

conclusions of the tales. In that way, the quality or strength of the roping was perhaps directly related to the quality and duration of the yarning sessions.

This recalls the previous discussion of text as a weaving of words, texture as a product of weaving, and tectonics as a weaving of materials. Again, one is reminded of the words of Robert Bringhurst,

As tectonics is poetic construction, the carpenter becomes a poetic constructor; a weaver of stories; a poet. Poesis now belongs to the maker, the carpenter – or bahhar in this instance –as well as to that which is being made. If tectonics is a poetic weaving or crafting of materials, then the bahhar has become its poet.

A similar idea rests in the making and repair of dhow sails. The second most regular task performed on board the dhow was the sewing of the sails. They underwent continuous maintenance, and sailors sat together yarning while they sewed. Sewing mainly entailed the repair of patches of canvas damaged during the voyage. After the mending was complete, the sails were hoisted up again. The same procedure occurred with the construction of a new dhow, where the sailors' responsibilities included sewing cloth into sails, which they performed while yarning.

The fabric sails on board the dhow were a total of seven. This included three main sails – one normally having twice the size of the smallest sail, two mizzens, and two head-sails. The Triumph's main sail was over 6,000 square feet in area with a foot

105 100ft long, 130ft on the head, and a luff of more than 90ft.104F Sail cloth was available for purchase at the local Kuwaiti souk, and usually, to save on costs, second-hand materials

104 Dictionary.com. Online Etymology Dictionary, Douglas Harper, Historian, s.v. "text," http://dictionary. reference.com/browse/text (accessed: January 21, 2011). 105 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 51.

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and equipment (e.g. used anchors and wheels imported from Bombay) were bought. In addition, lime and tallow (hull bottom sealants), Indian or Japanese cotton (for caulking), paddles, and fastenings made of poor, untreated iron were purchased at the souk.

Image 45: The different dimensions of sails used on board the dhow. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 90.

In terms of capacity, every dhow was known by the number of Basra date packages it could carry. The Triumph could carry 2,500 packages of Basra dates. Villiers

106 claims the minimum capacity a dhow could carry was 400-500 packages.105F The number of packages became a module used to regulate the construction of dhows, as no drawings were made before or during construction. It also became an indicator for the amount of timber that was needed for dhow construction.

The most popular kind of timber used in the construction of Kuwaiti dhows was

Malabar teak from India. This timber, usually purchased for its cheap price, was used to make planking, decking, keels, and ribs. Malabar teak trunks were used to make masts.

Other types of timber were also used; like Poon, as it performed well yielding and bending under the stress of the sails. Natural-grown timber, such as Salam, was imported from Persia, Iraq, and India for use as ribs and knees. Teakwood was popular as a result of its durability, stability, and strength. Al-Hijji describes teakwood as golden-

106 Ibid, 38.

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107 brown, having a "greasy feel and leathery smell,"106F and needing prolonged periods of drying before being used in dhow construction.

Image 46: (left) Imported Indian teak planks. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 39. Image 47: (right) Timber rib branches. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 41. Regarding the materials used to construct the dhow, several points should be mentioned. First of all, for many reasons including issues of availability of local materials and reliance on imported products, a minimum amount of material was incorporated into the dhow structure (more about the dhow's specific construction techniques is discussed in Chapter 4 and 5). This brought out the essence of the dhow structure, whereby the builder was forced to use his skills and limited material resources to construct an effective craft. The tectonics lie in the basic structural units, which are revealed through the play of free and necessary forces (e.g. materials, joints and construction techniques). Second, the issue of local and imported materials points to the exchange of cultural ideas and the flexibility the dhow-builder had to incorporate new materials and ideas into his work. This tendency reveals the textuality of both culture and tectonics. Furthermore, the process of weaving, knotting and twisting ropes while

107 Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 38.

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"yarning" on board the dhow also suggests a connection between the concept of making as a tectonic and cultural act. Finally, the presence of a volumetric building guide in the

Basra date packages created a "standardized" module that controlled the builder's use of material and technique. Together these issues reveal the tectonic characteristics of materials in the traditional dwelling in particular and architecture in general.

Bedouin Tent

Torvald Faegre claims the term architect comes from the Greek architectos, and he breaks the term down into archi – , meaning director, and –tectos, or weaving. Even in his description of tents, Faegre does not fail to notice the fact that architecture and tent construction are deeply rooted in the notions of making and weaving.

The Bedouin tent was known for its lightness, flexibility, and portability. Most

Bedouin tents lasted only as long as the families that built and maintained them. The family was responsible for maintaining and repairing the tent. Maintenance was expected every five to ten years, as the tent-cloth lifespan averaged at around five to six years. In the absence of the family members, the tent was neglected and "died" along with the family. When a new family was created, such as when a son married and moved out of his father's tent, a new tent was made to house his new family. The making of a new tent symbolized the addition of a new family unit within the tribe. The life of the tent structure was directly related to and dependent upon the existence and well-being of the Bedouin family unit.

The Bedouin was deeply connected to the landscape he dwelt in; the desert. His dwelling responded to this relationship, and there was no physical boundary between interior and exterior. The tent was open to the elements, and the Bedouin's feelings of safety and security developed from this relationship to the land; of being able to connect with the desert at all times.

84 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

The social structure of the Bedouin family was directly reflected in the organization of the tent dwelling, even in such aspects as seating positions. Seating in the tent was always done according to the social status of the guests. The place of honor, the part of the tent most special, was near the (coffee) hearth, the warmest spot in the dwelling and also the nearest to the host. Moreover, men and women were segregated by a curtain (qata, meaning cover). This separation signified a cultural division of labor for both genders. Utensils, looms, and churns were in the women's section while weapons, saddles, and harnesses were stored on the men's. Usually, the women's side of the tent was larger in area, as they performed the bulk of chores under the privacy of the roof. The most significant task performed by women in the tent was the weaving of more tents. Therefore, women were the architects of nomadic peoples. Men contributed with the supply of wood (e.g. poles or fasteners), while women designed, weaved, and worked leather and bark. In a way, the Bedouin may have viewed the tent as another product of weaving, a craft responsibility already assigned and expected of women, and thereby it was only natural for men not to interfere in these activities, which were restricted to women.

Images 48-49: The Bedouin tent's spatial organization. Source: http://www.catnaps.org/islamic/gulfarch6.ht ml#tentmaterial (accessed January 19, 2011)

The materials which comprised the Bedouin tent were mainly cloth, wood, pegs, fasteners, and rope. The Bedouin were weavers; spinning thread and sewing the roofs, walls, furnishings, and floors of their tents. The most preferred material for the tent- cloth was black goat-hair; known for its length, strength, and ability to perform well under tension. Many times goat-hair was supplemented with sheep wool, camel wool or

85 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

even plant fiber, but the preference was for pure, jet-black, goat-hair. The famed

"blackness" of the Bedouin tent is a result of this preference in building material.

To begin the process of making cloth, or Sadu as it is known in Kuwait, first a group of goats were sheared. After shearing and/or obtaining wool, yarn was spun on a drop spindle. According to Faegre,

"the spinner is free to move about and spin at the same time. Women spin while walking and on camelback, young girls spin while they play. The spinner keeps the wool under her arm, in the folds of her clothing, or up a sleeve. She pulls out a bunch, ties an end to the spindle, loops it under the hood at the end, and gives it a spin. The yarn twists to where it is held, the spindle falls to the ground; the spun yarn is then wound around the spindle and looped under the hook to begin 108 again."107F

During the process of spinning and twisting, the women carried on their daily chores and activities; the act of making was engrained within their cultural activities and rituals. Once the yarn was spun, it was transferred to the loom where it was woven into cloth. Once the desired length of cloth was indicated and set onto the loom, the weaving process began.

Image 50: The process of making tent- cloth. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 11.

108 Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 10.

86 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Different types of cloth were woven using the loom; the differences were in the weaves. Faegre explains that, "Cloth for the roof and the tension bands is made with a

109 tight weave to shed water, while that for the walls is made of a looser weave."108F Using the same yarn material with varying degrees of tightness and looseness, the weaver of the tent was able to control porosity, daylighting and air ventilation in different surfaces within the dwelling (e.g. roof and walls).

Faegre mentions that the breadth of the cloth became a module for the tent's construction. A module of four cubits, or six feet (where 1 cubit is about 18 inches), was adopted by tradition handed down through generations of tent-dwellers for the breadth of their tents. Of course, the loom also determined the width, as it was the tool used to weave each cloth. The total breadth was determined according to social standards; the higher the social status, the greater the breadth of the tent. For example, a poor man's tent may have had two breadths while a sheikh's may have had six breadths. The number of vertical center poles needed for the tent's construction responded to this module, where a poor man may have required one center pole while a richer man may have needed four. After the women weaved each cloth separately, the rectangular pieces were sewn together to form a larger rectangle. This was done by a group of women, who celebrated the completion of the tent with a ritual feast.

Image 51: Sewing of tent cloths into the roof cloth. Source:http://www.catnap s.org/islamic/gulfarch6.htm l#tentmaterial (accessed January 19, 2011).

Since the basic purposes of the Bedouin tent were protection, privacy, and shading, the black color of the cloth was beneficial. There are two issues to discuss in

109 Ibid, 12.

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these terms; the environmental and cultural. Environmentally, the black cloth of the

Bedouin tent provided shading from the sun's rays. Its loose weave, in addition to the daylighting it afforded, made up for the heat absorbed as a result of its dark color by providing natural ventilation. The cloth material also acted as a rain repellant. When exposed to moisture, yarn swelled, causing the openings in the loose weave to constrict and decrease porosity. The yarn's natural oiliness, which came from the goat-hair, simultaneously repelled water from its surface. The yarn's wool and hair combination also served to insulate the tent dwelling during cold seasons. Furthermore, black goat-

110 hair was stronger than either white or spotted goat-hair.109F On the cultural perspective, privacy was allowed by the thick blanket created by the roof cloth. Kay comments on the weaving habits of Bedouin women,

"In this [woven] equipment for their menfolk's riding camels and mares, the women's artistic expression reaches its peak. They use a range of colors – reds, oranges, creams, and browns – and produce colorful narrow strips which can be 111 decorated with tassels and sewn together in a huge fringe."110F

Geometric patterns were woven into this equipment: combinations of stripes, squares, triangles, and diamond shapes. Ornament and decoration were therefore important practices in this culture.

Zahra Ali describes the tectonic notion of Sadu weaving (referred to here as alSadu) and movement in the daily life of the Kuwaiti Bedouin, "In standard and classical

Arabic alSadu denotes forward movement, as when the hand stretches towards an

112 object, or when camels and horses thrust their heads forward and stride."111F Language, architecture, and making in this way related to a people's way of life. The order, linearity, consistency and uniformity of Sadu patterns, more than mere decoration, revealed the Bedouin's awareness of the vulnerability and ephemerality of their constructed lives, and their longing for stability, familiarity and permanence. Ali details

110 Jibrail S. Jabbur, The Bedouins and the Desert (Albany: SUNY Press, 1995), 249. 111 Shirley Kay, The Bedouin (New York: Crane, Russak, & Company, Inc, 1978), 85. 112 Zahra A. H. Ali, Sami Mohammad and the Semiotics of Abstraction: Kuwaiti Folk Art as Muse (Kuwait: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2004), 14.

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the significance of these woven ornaments to the process of making as it related to

Bedouin life,

"Repetition of consecutive shapes and patterns endows the woven objects with a volume of experience. As repetition of patterns marks progress of the female hands weaving an object of everyday life and love, alSadu objects evoke a low- key ceremonial air. Weaving among Bedouin women, like pearl-fishing among urbanite men, is a cyclical ritual of Bedouin life. It expresses the symbiosis 113 between people and their environment."112F

Hence, the act of making involves tracing the movement of the hand as it constructs objects which carry meaning. Similarly, tectonics emphasizes a preoccupation with materiality, motion and craft. Here, construction intersects poetry. Architecture and culture are intertwined through weaving to reveal poetic construction.

Seasons and weather conditions affected the Bedouin's choice of site. Tents faced the direction of Mecca, where Muslim prayers were directed. Wind direction also played a major role in the orientation of the Bedouin tent. During the winter, or under breezy conditions, shelter was sought near buffers, and sometimes reed, brush, or stone walls were erected for protection.

Rope stays made of hair, hemp (plant fiber), or wool were used to stretch tent- cloths. They were usually made in long lengths (over 100 feet) that served to absorb shock from sudden winds. Rope-stay lengths also served as protection against raiders on horse or camel (as obstacles), and they helped stakes stay at perpendicular angles.

Stay fasteners were also used in tent construction, and they were usually made from braided leather loops. Ropes in the Bedouin tent were also made by the women. They twined pieces of wool and thread together to make rope. Otherwise, hemp rope was available in town souks. Pegs were shaped out of sturdy wood from desert trees. Poor tribes used heavy stones instead.

113 Ibid, 15-6.

89 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 52: Detail of rope stay assembly. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 14 .

There was minimal use of wood in the Bedouin tent frame, as the structure was tensile and able to withstand compression with a few poles. Faegre clarifies this point,

"In the black tent, the great weight of the tent cloth and the great tension created by stretching the cloth is concentrated in the few vertical poles. This also means that the cover and the frame are interdependent – neither can stand without the other – and this interdependence makes it possible to use only a few poles. This system is in marked contrast to tents such as the yurt or tipi that have free- 114 standing frames."113F

It is evident in Faegre's words that he notices a structural divergence between the

Bedouin tent and other tent structures like the yurt and tipi. The Bedouin tent utilized an interdependent structural system where no member could stand without the support of the other. Similarly, the social structure of the Bedouin tribe was interdependent. A clear connection is made here between the structure of the tent and the structure of the

Bedouin tribe.

Materials and Modularity

Materials and modules have always interacted in design. The beauty of modules lies in their ability to facilitate the planning and design of buildings in organized, efficient ways. Imported materials limited and "standardized" construction techniques and led to the simplification of tectonic relationships in the traditional dwellings. In

114 Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 13.

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other words, the limited parameters provided by materials caused more dwellings to be constructed in repetitively similar ways.

1_Structural (frame) Module

For one, the mud-brick beit relied on a careful framing of mangrove-pole joists to create sound ceilings and roofs. The strength of this material, its availability through trade with east Africa, its reasonable price, and the ease of its assembly were all characteristics which helped the mangrove pole to become a popular building material for the beit. Its only setback, relatively speaking, was that it was imported in 3.6-meter average lengths (according to Lewcock). Therefore, 3.6 meters (Villiers gives an average length of four meters) was the "standard" room dimension adopted in most houses.

Thus all rooms, whether office, washroom, bedroom, or kitchen, had the same width.

Variations between these rooms were created using length, treatment (e.g. plaster), and openings (if any). Wealthy families were able to construct deeper room widths (7.2 meters); however, they remained proportional to the 3.6-meter module. Lewcock states,

"The long narrow shape of nearly all large Kuwaiti rooms was necessitated by the limited span of the available ceiling mangrove poles (3.6m). Wider rooms were rarely found, and these few were constructed by spanning across with an expensive centre

115 beam to create two modules totaling 7.2m."114F

2_Volumetric (mass) Module

Alan Villiers speaks about modularity in the dhow. He mentions a carpenter on board who constructed a new dhow during Villiers' documented voyage. The principle unit used to guide him in constructing the dhow was the carrying capacity; the number of Basra date packages to be carried on board. The nokhetha would request the number of date packages desired, and the carpenter would go straight to work on the new dhow.

The dimensions of one date package, which weighed approximately 180 lb, served as the

115 Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 18.

91 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

module or unit guideline for this craftsman. This module had volumetric dimensions

(length, height, and width), which also controlled the height of cargo rooms, etc, on board the dhow.

3_Surface (plane) Module

The breadth of the tent structure, determined by the social status of its dweller, was a module in the Bedouin tent. Prominent tent-owners expanded their tents breadth- wise using the same module of four cubits or six feet, repeating the same unit until the desired dimension was achieved. This may have also been affected by availability of materials. It is assumed that the length of the tent was irrelevant to the modular composition.

3.2 Surface as canvas for light & shadow

Ronald Lewcock was fascinated with the beauty of old Kuwait as a canvas for the play of light and shadow. He notes,

"I was further stunned by the beauty of old Kuwait itself. Against the blue sky and the dark sea, the clear lines of the whitewashed or cream-coloured walls showed with great precision; the air was clean and fresh, the forms of the buildings defined by firm shadows relieved by reflected light from the paved 116 courtyards, the atmosphere was one of serenity removed from time."115F

Lewcock emphasizes the clarity of lines and edges in the old architecture of Kuwait.

Perhaps this is a trait which spoke to the Spartan habits of the madani; to produce dwellings that were honest and minimal which spoke a direct formal language.

Culturally, these tendencies were known about this group of people; truthful and lacking in hypocrisy. The simplicity of lines, planes and edges in the beit also complemented the minimalism found in dhow sails and Bedouin tent-cloths.

Scarcity of materials also contributed to the minimalist look of dwellings, although Lewcock notes that other peoples from the same region (e.g. Najd, Bahrain,

Basra, Zubyr, and Bushir) chose to live in more lavishly decorated homes. For example,

116 Ibid, 1.

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Bahraini doors, which depended heavily on Persian influences by way of Bushir, were more intricately decorated with carvings than Kuwaiti doors, though both were made from the same wood material. Although Kuwait was influenced by Persia's lavish ornamentation and Basra and Zubyr's Turkish-inspired baroque styles adopted from

Europe, the strict Spartan ways of the Kuwaiti population led them to accept a simple set of features for their doors (discussed in Chapter 4).

Image 53: (left) Turkish-inspired door insets from Zubayr differed from the minimal Kuwaiti style. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 95. Image 54: (right) Persian- inspired doors from Bushir were sometimes found in Kuwait. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 96.

Nonetheless, the pure expression brought forth by both Lewcock's description of the surfaces of these mud-brick houses and the available images gives an impression of the sensitivity created by the climate and the landscape. The sun's strong rays penetrated into alleys and courtyard spaces, interacting with loggias, walls and columns to create sharp shadows having distinct lines and edges, and forming boundaries of light and dark; hot and cool. These distinctions were also seen in the clothing people wore; men visible in plain white gowns and head-cloths, and women hidden from view in plain black abbayas (cloaks). The lines and edges also revealed the segregated spaces of the dwelling, where men and women were separated in different parts of the home. This was also seen on board the dhow and in the Bedouin tent. Although the woven walls in the tent were visibly less thick and rigid, they nevertheless created similar plays of light and shadow.

93 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

The strong rays also highlighted the textures of the plain mud-brick walls that were seen along alleyways, which acted like canvases for the sun to paint upon. Abstract geometric forms describe the character of the traditional beit. Lewcock comments,

"Aware of the strength of the sun's radiation, one enjoyed the shaded passages more than ever before; the baking clay walls gave off scents of earth and straw, the textures of the grained wood shimmered in the bright light, or, polished, gleamed from the darkness. It is a pure, direct architecture, with nothing fudged or slighted. As perfect, in its abstract geometry, as great sculpture, as 117 unpretentious as a setting for life should be."116F

The sun also affected the shades and shadows created in the Bedouin tent. The nature of the tent as a tensile structure gave way to dynamic plays of light and shadow.

The tent-cloth as well as the ropes and poles used to secure the structure provided unique opportunities for the sun to interact with. The tent's natural proximity to the horizontal ground surface also afforded the structure exceptional occasions to relate to light and shadow.

Similarly, Alan Villiers provides an extraordinary collection of images taken on board the dhow. These photographs, mostly in black and white, emphasize the extreme climatic conditions faced by the sailors (e.g. hot sun) through the interplay of light and shadow. Again, the structure of this form of dwelling helped to create rich interactions between light and shadow.

117 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 1.

94 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 56: The Kuwaiti dhow as a surface for the play of light and shadow. Source: Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006).

3.3 Color

"The sphere of tectonics is the world of phenomena; what it creates exists in space and manifests itself through shape and color."

- Wolfgang Herrmann, Gottfried Semper: In Search of Architecture

Lewcock's description of old Kuwait portrays a distinct saturation of colors; blue skies and dark seas. Whitewashed and cream-colored surfaces were predominant in the mud-brick beit neighborhoods. These shades related to the landscape which the madani inhabited. Furthermore, the strong rays of the sun allowed strong distinctions of color to appear. Materials like wood, plaster, and earth also contributed to the color scheme seen in the mud-brick beit.

In the Bedouin tent, shades of black were dominant. However, the black goat- hair was sometimes dyed with pigments of red, green, orange, brown, and beige from which rugs, furnishings, and saddle bags were made. All in all, these shades were inspired by the landscape of the desert dwelling; reds and oranges of the bright sunsets, greens of the desert brush, browns of the sands, and beiges of the desert mirage and goat-milk. Shirley Kay claims the Bedouin tent in Arabia only used white stripes in the back wall. Internal dividing curtain walls (qata) were more colorful and ornate. Colors employed in dying were traditionally extracted from desert plants, further linking this culture with its landscape. Kay describes the colors of the desert landscape vividly,

"It is a relief when the night begins to lighten imperceptibly towards the east and gradually a touch of blue and then of pink stains the sky. The black and white desert landscape slowly acquires a faint color too, but it is still painted largely in

95 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

shades of grey when the rim of the sun appears over the horizon. Then, rapidly, the huge bright orange globe rises, it seems, straight out of the ground; its welcome warmth is soon felt and for a few hours the desert takes on the deep colors of glowing life.

Color is the most noticeable feature of the desert…desert color is more subtle [than in temperate zones], and constantly changing throughout the day. For a short while after dawn and before sunset, the colors are deep and vibrant: red sand dunes…deep orange-yellow drifts of sand…As the sun climbs higher the colors are burnt out of a haze of white light, the desert becomes beige, yellow- white or grey-white, and the glare is so strong that it hurts the eyes of those unused to it. At night, by contrast, it could be a scene in a black and white 118 photograph."117F

The dhow was primarily constructed in shades of brown as a result of the teakwood used in the construction of the hull. Despite that, sailors painted the bottom of the dhow's hull in bright white pastes made from sheep's fat and lime. Other parts of the dhow were also painted. However, the blue shades of the skies and seas, the landscapes of the dhow, did not seem to have had any direct effects in terms of the colors present on its structure. In the end, the bleaching effects of both the sun and sea seem to have produced a variety of shades of brown on the teakwood of the dhows.

Material Tectonics

This chapter addresses the first of three general characteristics of tectonics. It traces the ways in which materials were prepared and made available for the beit, dhow, and Bedouin tent, as well as the properties (e.g. strength, color, availability) which made these materials desirable for building. The beit was composed of locally available materials such as mud-bricks and coral stone. Other materials supplemented these, like

African mangrove poles, Iraqi palm-frond mats, and bamboo, and provided structural support to the dwelling. They also created modules for the beit's room dimensions and framing. Indian teakwood and timber was imported and used throughout the construction of the dhow as well as recycled (melted and reshaped) iron. A volumetric module was used to guide the construction of the dhow; the number of Basra date

118 Shirley Kay, The Bedouin (New York: Crane, Russak, & Company, Inc, 1978), 33.

96 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

packages to be carried on board. The Bedouin tent was constructed from locally-sheared and woven goat-hair and poles, pegs, and rope which may have been found on-site or purchased locally. A surface module of woven cloth controlled the manner of construction of the tent.

By tracking the importation of materials, their assembly techniques, and their handling in all three structures, it becomes clear that close contact and interaction with foreign cultures occurred through commerce and trade in Kuwait. This exposure also resulted in exchanges in language, ideas, friendships, and building traditions. The way in which materials were frugally implemented into these traditional dwellings also indicates an economically-conscious usage of supplies that had limited availability. Also, modules derived from the constraints of materials such as length, volume, and surface area had strong effects on the assembly of these structures. Hence, construction materials represent a dynamic interaction between culture and architecture.

97 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Chapter 4: Structure, Construction Assembly & Technique

4.1 Structure & Construction

Tectonics, according to Eduard Sekler, is what results when structure is "realized

119 through construction and given visual expression."118F Sekler's "Structure, Construction,

Tectonics" aims to look at tactile properties in building as part of an architectural totality. He states that structure, in architecture, is an arrangement of parts which constitute an ordered system; an abstract concept which deals with the forces working in a building. Construction, on the other hand, is seen as a conscious assembly. It is a physical materialization of a structural system that is a result of a conscious selection of materials and building techniques. Construction is assessed by choice of materials, building processes, and methods of assembly while structure is demonstrated through efficiency and appropriateness of implemented systems. Structure and construction are,

120 according to Sekler, "inseparable and in continuous interaction."119F

Sekler uses the example of the Masjid-i-Jami in Isfahan, Iran, to illustrate his point. When encountering the mosque's liwan structure from the interior courtyard, it appears that the vault is hanging from the framed arch. Seen from behind, the reality of the liwan construction is made obvious; the vaulting is in fact what is supporting the arch and keeping it from falling. Tectonics, expressed through the play of forces at work in the liwan, leads the viewer, who participates in the experience, to interpret the structure in ways different than the construction (of load and support) is operating.

119 Eduard F. Sekler, "Structure, Construction, Tectonics," in Structure in Art and Science, edited by Gyorgy Kepes (New York: Braziller, 1965), 92. 120 Ibid, 89.

98 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Western liwan, Masjid-i-Jami, Isfahan. Image 57: (left) seen from courtyard. Image 58: (right) seen from rear. Source: Eduard F. Sekler, "Structure, Construction, Tectonics," in Structure in Art and Science, edited by Gyorgy Kepes (New York: Braziller, 1965), 91.

Karl Friedrich Schinkel, in The Architectural Textbook: Karl Friedrich Schinkel Life's

Work (Das Architektonische Lehrbuch: Karl Friedrich Schinkel Lebenswerk), argues that mere building differs from architecture in that both utilize construction, but the latter

121 explicates construction in an aesthetic manner.120F Here, tectonics is clearly at play and relies on construction. This chapter explores the potentials of construction and structure to express the architectural tectonic in traditional Kuwaiti dwellings. The issue of scale is an inevitable subject in this discussion.

Mud-brick Beit

The beit was established first in plan. Only after architectural spaces were configured, according to cultural and social demands such as privacy, number of occupants, and segregation of the sexes, did verticality come into play. The flat roof, used for sleeping during the summer season, capped the structure while the availability of materials like wood, mud, and palm leaves, and financial resources determined the type

121 Mitchell Schwarzer, "Ontology and Representation in Karl Botticher's Theory of Tectonics," The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 52, no. 3 (1993): 269.

99 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

of enclosure. The character of the dwelling was therefore set according to the interactions of horizontal and vertical elements; as the mud-brick beit structure was based on a post-and-lintel system..

The builder began by using one or more pre-existing wall(s) from a neighboring structure and constructed three (or more) additional walls to define the premises.

Besides the fact that each house acted as a cell physically linked to adjacent cells by mud-bricks and mortar, the addition of new walls to older ones was in itself an act of weaving similar to constructing words into text. Tectonics is therefore at work at the smallest scale of the beit construction process.

Image 59: Aerial view of Kuwaiti mud-brick houses circa 1947. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 55.

The act of assembling a dwelling using a neighbor's wall also had cultural implications. For one, it formed physical and social bonds between neighbors. It also represented the physical/social support and structure provided by neighbors. In this society, the neighbor was at many times closer than the brother. Besim Hakim attests to this practice, "A neighbor's wall could be used, however, to insert beams for support, rather than building another, adjacent wall. This practice was specifically encouraged by

100 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

the Prophet [pbuh]: 'A neighbor should not forbid his neighbor to insert wooden beams

122 in his wall' (cited by Abu Hurairah)."121F

In Arabic societies, the family is believed to be the basic structural unit, as a brick is to a building. Therefore, to build a good society, one must have strong family structure. As such, to build a good building is to have a strong brick structure. In this way, the notion of sound structure and using brick as a structural unit permeates both society and the building tradition. In this way, builders achieved prominence in the community, as they were physically building society.

William Facey's Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia uses photographs and drawings to describe the building process of a traditional adobe farmhouse located north of Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. This book helps clarify the adobe construction process in relation to local culture. It is assumed that a similar construction process was used in traditional Kuwaiti beit construction. Kuwait's masonry architecture was built of mud- bricks and coral, and it was decorated with layers of plaster, according to Ronald

123 Hawker.122F

Foundations

The construction process of the mud-brick beit began with the foundation works. Rubble stones (limestone) were used as a founding element; no formal foundations were constructed. Both Villiers and Lewcock seem to believe that foundation works were not integral to mud-brick beit construction in Kuwait. Perhaps that is what made beit construction in Kuwait unique. A shallow trench may have been created over an area with evident bearing strength to house well-compacted, foundation rubble stones, which supported the massive mud-brick walls above and ensured proper

122 Besim S. Hakim, "Islamic Architecture and Urbanism," in Encyclopedia of Architecture: Design, Engineering & Construction vol. 3, edited by Joseph A. Wilkes (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1989), 93. 123 Ronald Hawker, Traditional Architecture of the Arabian Gulf: Building on Desert Tides (Boston: WIT Press, 2008), 86.

101 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

drainage in case of rain. Friedrich Ragette claims that the foundation depth rarely exceeded one meter, and, "As a rule of thumb foundations are made as deep as they are

124 wide."123F Sometimes, foundation stones rose a few feet above ground level so as to provide a barrier from the water splashing onto the structure during rainstorms. They were covered with mud plaster along with the rest of the constructed, mud-brick wall. It is not clear whether any rituals were associated with either foundation works or the process of beit construction as a whole.

Image 60: Rubble foundation used as splash protection. Source: Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region (Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges, 2003), 29.

Walls

Having completed the simple foundation works, attention was paid to the construction of walls. Mud-bricks were cast from wood molds, and the material was a mixture of mud, clay, and water that builders trampled with their feet to mix. After being formed, bricks were laid out in the sun to dry for one to two days, after which they were turned onto their sides to complete drying. This was done to reduce the effects of rapid shrinkage and cracking later on in the wall construction. Once the mud-bricks were ready, the process of external wall construction began. Bricks were laid over a foundation and courses of rough-cut stone blocks. Internal walls were either built over a foundation or on the ground surface, and their construction involved assembling less- compacted bricks as compared to external walls.

124 Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region (Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges , 2003), 29.

102 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

No sources have confirmed this, but through triangulation and photographic evidence, it is believed that walls were composed of mud-bricks and reinforced with mangrove poles. It is possible that wall construction may have been adopted as techniques from Muharraq, Bahrain, through contact with this culture and building tradition (image provided). As they were heavy and load-bearing, walls were carved out to create niches that served both as storage and as a clever tactic to reduce the weight of the walls. These niches, called roshena, were used as makeshift shelving for knick- knacks (e.g. pictures, sewing kits, etc).

103 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 62-64: The roshena in beit AlBadr were visibly hand-sculpted in different shapes and sizes to accommodate domestic utensils. It is easy to notice the softness and rounded corners made by the human hand. Source: author, 2010.

Roof

To construct the roof, beams, most probably mangrove poles, were first positioned over the walls or columns to create a support system for the ceiling assemblage. It is believed that these beams had sheared undersides with flat surfaces which helped cushion them on the column capitals or walls underneath. Oftentimes, these beams were laid edge-to-edge in couples and tied together using rope to provide greater length for rooms. The mangrove-pole joists were then laid over the beams in preparation for ceiling assembly.

Ceiling

The ceiling was constructed using mangrove poles that had a diameter of 8-

10cm, spaced 15-20cm apart, which spanned across the relatively narrow width of each room (about 3.6 meters or 11ft). These poles acted as joists upon which strips of split bamboo were laid in a criss-cross pattern. The bamboo strips created a framework above which woven Iraqi palm-frond mats were spread. These mats served as waterproofing for the roof construction. Ash was laid as a sealant above these mats, and

104 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

a layer of clay 30-40 cm thick was spread over it. The clay was then topped with lime plaster. Annual maintenance of the roof involved repainting and repair works using lime plaster. The assemblage could basically be viewed as a layering of organic surface materials. This layered construction was expressed in the beit's elevations as protruding mangrove poles, which also indicated floor heights. In addition, the assembly exhibited local and imported materials used in the layering process, which revealed the cultural influences gained through Kuwaiti trade.

Images 66-67: Ceiling assembly from a house in the UAE. Source: http://ww w.catnaps.org/islamic/gulfa rch3.html#floors (accessed January 19, 2011)

Images 68-69: Construction scheme of a traditional house in the UAE. Source: http://www.catnaps.org/islamic/ gulfarch3.html#floors (accessed January 19, 2011)

Images 70-71: Remnants of beit AlGhaith, a traditional Kuwaiti mud-brick house. Source: http:// www.archofkuwait.co m/blog/historical/alghaith-house (accessed January 19, 2011)

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Doors

Kuwaiti doors were known for having distinct characteristics such as: (1) clustered bosses at the door edges, (2) heavy use of rosette patterns, and (3) concave- convex patterns on the central cover molding. The rosettes clearly originated from

Persia and ancient Mesopotamia. These decorative patterns were also seen carved on the wooden internal fittings and sterns of Kuwaiti dhows.

The assembly of a Kuwaiti door usually comprised a series of vertical teak planks held together by crossbars (seen only from the interior). The planks were fastened to the crossbars using nails positioned in close proximity to one another that had large domed heads, or bosses (seen only from the exterior). There would usually be five horizontal rows of nail bosses from the top of the door to the bottom. Each row ended with a cluster of four bosses forming a diamond shape. Between each pair of doors was a wood cover-piece (at the level of a door knob) decorated with carvings.

Simple moldings bordered the door frame.

Image 72: The traditional Kuwaiti door was characterized by five rows of nail bosses which ended with clusters of four bosses forming diamond shapes. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 88. Image 73: The wicket door seen on a Kuwaiti door in Zubayr. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 90. An obvious feature of Kuwaiti doors was the wicket door. This small inset door, about 0.5m wide by 1m high, was installed within one of the large pair of doors. When

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the larger doors were locked, the wicket door was used. It was constructed in the same manner as the larger doors, but with a smaller scale of planks, crossbars, and nails – almost half in size, and sometimes, the top portion of this door was arch-shaped. The door's opening was raised from floor level, and it created a threshold where one was coaxed to raise the knee up and lower the head in order to "stoop to pass through the

125 opening."124F

Many interpretations can be made as to the cultural significance of this type of door construction. For one, the wicket door may have symbolized a respectful entry into the house, as visitors were forced to stoop into the dwelling. It may have also served some security purposes; if a burglar used this door to gain access into the house, then he would be caught at the door in a compromising posture with his head low and knee up.

A third interpretation is relevant to privacy; if a stranger entered the dwelling, stooping may have prevented him from looking directly into the house and seeing resident women. It is clear that cultural practices and beliefs controlled the construction of doors in the traditional Kuwaiti beit.

Bedouin Tent

The construction process of the Bedouin tent entailed a specific sequencing. It was undertaken by the women in the family; most probably the same individuals who were responsible for weaving the tent-cloth. The first step was to lay out the woven cloth on the ground. Next, ropes were fastened to the edges of the woven cloth and spread out.

Pegs were then pounded to the ground near the ends of the ropes. Once that was complete, the first frontal pole was raised, lifting with it the front portion of the tent.

Afterwards, the remaining center poles were hoisted up to carry the structure.

According to Shirley Kay, center, or main, poles were usually taller than secondary poles, which were used for the front, back, and sides of the tent. Kay states, "The front, back

125 Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 36.

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and sides of the tent are supported on lower, subsidiary poles, giving an oblong shape rising to its highest point along the central ridge. Other than at this central point, the tent roof is never very high, and tent-dwellers tend to sit rather than stand in their

126 homes."125F According to Jabbur, once the poles were erect, the ropes were tied and knotted to the ground pegs to stabilize the tent structure. The reverse sequence occurred when the Bedouin decided to move to the next site, approximately ten days to two weeks after camping. Materials were quickly packed (in a matter of hours) and

127 carried on camel-back.126F

Faegre's description, as shown through sketch diagrams, seems to imply a slightly different sequencing. It seems he claims that the ropes were tied to the ground pegs

128 before the structure was lifted up by front and center poles.127F It would make more sense, structurally speaking, to lift the poles before securing the ropes to the ground.

Whether the ropes were tied to the pegs before or after the hoisting of the poles is insignificant. What is important to note is that the structural system realized by the

Bedouin tent was interdependent, such that if any component was not present and participant, the whole system failed. Without the poles, the tent could not be upright; without the ropes, the structure was unstable; without the cloth, the dwelling was unfit.

This relationship is similar to the ways in which the interdependent Bedouin social structure was composed. Therefore, the manner in which structural members of the

Bedouin tent were constructed reflects the culture and habits of the Bedouin tent- dwellers.

The tent's construction process illuminates the act of making. The setting up of the camp site and the assembly of materials is a poetic construction. First of all, women were the designers, makers, and constructors of the Bedouin tent. In women resides the ability to procreate, and the same woman who produced children with her body also

126 Shirley Kay, The Bedouin (New York: Crane, Russak, & Company, Inc, 1978), 14. 127 Jibrail S. Jabbur, The Bedouins and the Desert (Albany: SUNY Press, 1995), 243. 128 Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 23.

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physically produced, or made out of virtually nothing, the family's dwelling. Secondly, while living under the roof of the family tent, women worked to fabricate even more tents for when the time came for their children to marry and move to new dwellings.

This practice was like a continuous rebirth; as a new family was created, a new tent was produced. With the death of the family, the tent dwelling also died. Thus, the making of the tent-cloth from hand-spun, twisted, woven and dyed goat-hair, the manual sewing of the cloth pieces, the physical assembly of parts, and the "rebirth" practice of producing new tents, all encompass a poetic act of making seen through craft, culture and architecture. It also brings attention to the infinite character of the act of making.

Image 74: Setting up a Bedouin tent camp. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 23.

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Image 75: Breaking a Bedouin camp. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 25.

Dhow

The construction process of the dhow involved a team effort of interdependence and interweaving responsibilities. After determining the capacity of the prospective dhow - number of Basra date packages to be carried- and the purchase of the needed materials and equipment, a carpenter was contracted by a hired shipwright to build a hull and rudder. The carpenter led and worked with other carpenters, apprentices, and laborers to complete this crucial part of the dhow. No sketches or drawings were drafted, as the carpenter built the dhow from his head. Carpenters were only responsible for building the hull and caulking it with cotton. Sailors were expected to rig the dhow. Rigging entailed sewing the sails, paying the hull bottom with sheep's fat and lime paste, and

129 launching the dhow from the dockyard after its completion.128F

Image 76: The construction parts of the Kuwaiti dhow: hull, masts, yards. Source: Ya'qub Al- Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 82.

129 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 367-8.

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Construction of the dhow began with the preparation of the keel, a long timber post which acted as the bottom length of the dhow's hull. The keel post was laid horizontally, raised from the ground, leveled, and prepared. Next, the stem-post, which became the front end of the hull, was prepared, raised to an angle between 48° and 50° to the vertical, aligned, and fastened to the keel using iron spikes. AlHijji claims this act was celebrated with a ritual sacrifice of a sheep in front of the keel. The next step was to prepare the sternpost, the rear end of the dhow's hull. The same technique was used to fasten the sternpost to the keel. The difference was that the sternpost was raised to a smaller angle of 39° to the vertical. With the assembly of the sternpost came the completion of the external frame of the dhow hull. Important to note here is that, unlike

European clinker (overlapping) hull construction, Kuwaiti hull construction relied on a carvel (edge-to-edge) plank assembly system. This increased interdependency in the hull structure and reduced material waste, as the least amount of material was used for maximum performance.

Image 77: Comparison of European clinker construction where wide planks overlap each other and Middle Eastern carvel construction where planks are narrow and assembled edge-to- edge. Source: http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/Clinker_(boat_building) (accessed March 15, 2011)

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Before the planking process began, temporary templates of timber ribs were fixed to the sides of the keel to guide the garboard strakes. These were planks that formed the bottom section of the hull, and they strengthened this structure. They were slowly bent outward, reaching their limit and taking the curvaturee of the templates.

Iron spikes were used to fix the strakes to the keel and the templates. Careful attention was paid by the master-builder to achieving symmetry between the garboards. To further secure the garboard strakes, a keelson, a long eight-centimeter thick timber post, was used as a clamp and fastened to the keel using iron spikes. The keelson's lower surface was lined with a cloth saturated in Malabar White Pine resin, which probably acted as a sealant and binding agent for the structure. The edges where garboard strakes and keelson met were then caulked, and a line was drawn midway down the length of the keelson to keep track of the structure's symmetry.

Image 79: Keelson and garboard strake planks assembled in place. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 49.

Here began the process of fixing the lower set of planks above the garboard strakes. Seven planks were bent and fastened on each side of the keel in a symmetrical fashion. More temporary templates were fixed to the outside of the structure to guide the planks' curvature. A knee, an L-shaped piece of timber, was used to reinforce the stem-post's connection to the keel. Another knee was used at the other end to strengthen the sternpost's link to the keel.

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Image 80: The lower set of seven-plank garboard strakes is assembled. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 51.

The next step was to shape and fix the three key ribs. These ribs determined the shape of the hull and the main dhow properties. Three pairs of copy ribs were then fastened to the keelson using iron spikes wrapped in oiled cotton fibers. As the hull was wider in the middle, the middle ribs were approximately 10cm wider than other ribs.

V-shaped floor timbers were then positioned on the keelson in a manner that formed alternating ribs with the key ribs. Secondary ribs, duplicates of the key ribs, were also fastened to the keelson in the same way. The resulting pattern left about 40cm of spacing between ribs. Hull planking then continued until reaching waterline level. At that time, a thick plank was nailed to strengthen the hull, more templates were fixed to shape it, and more v-shaped rib sections were added to accommodate its growing form.

Planking proceeded until the topmost wale, and stringer planks were fixed across the ribs inside the hull to support it. At that point, installation of the hull timbers and ribs was complete.

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Next, the position of the mast step was determined and fixed. Then the deck beams were fitted at a spacing of 45cm, and knees reinforced each beam. As the hull became sufficiently solid, there was no need for the temporary templates, and they were removed.

Image 83: The hull's deck beams are fitted. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 59.

Attention was then given to planking the main deck. Teak planks were used for decking, and openings were left un-decked. Once the main deck was complete, three planks (called the inwale) were fastened to the exposed hull ribs, leaving spaces between them to ventilate the hull underneath. The top plank of the inwale met the topmost wale of the hull. The ribs were then sawn off to create uniform level, and a thick, plank was fixed on top.

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Image 84: (left) The hull's ribs are fitted with stringers up to gunwale level. Image 85: (right) Section of a dhow's hull showing relationships between carvel-built parts. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 61.

The forecastle, a triangle-shaped deck towards the front of the hull, was then constructed. While working near the front of the hull, the master-builder directed the shaping of the stem-post; he drew the shape while his assistants carried it out. At the same time, construction began on the rear poop deck, an enclosed structure at the dhow's stern. The halyard block, which lifted the mainsail, was installed on the main deck near the break of the poop. The sternpost tip was then shaped, and a craftsman carved a rose pattern on both its sides. Meanwhile, the main deck hatch openings were framed and covered with teak planks.

Image 86: The dhow's bow and forecastle. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 63.

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Work now began on the dhow's rudder. The goals were to fit it with the required vertical pins, or pintles, and to fit rings, or gudgeons, to the sternpost. The system, when assembled created a hinge. While this was happening, a separate group of dhow- builders worked to fix a protective cutwater to the stem-post extending down to the keel. The cutwater, easily replaceable, was used to literally cut the water and shield the stem-post in case of collision.

For the final set of works, holes were dug in the ground underneath the keel of the dhow. This was done to enable the builders to drive massive clenches (bolts) through the keel and v-shaped timbers to fix them securely from beneath the dhow.

Next, the hull was caulked using coconut-oil-saturated cotton fiber. Finally, the whole structure (interior and exterior) was painted with shark or sardine oil to protect it from the sun. Other equipment constructed for the dhow included two small boats (longboat and cutter), wooden fresh water tanks, two fire-boxes for cooking, and two wooden hanging toilets. After completion of the hull, it was the sailors' responsibility to rig the dhow (e.g. set up sails, masts, yards).

AlHijji describes the process of dhow construction and notes the distinctive ways in which it was conducted. He explains that every dhow was "unique in itself, as

116 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

130 befits a genuine work of art."129F That is, no two dhows were alike. Each plank was narrowly cut to suit the shape of the hull, and the planks were laid edge-to-edge, unlike

European clinker hull construction where planks were wider. The hull's shape was dependent on the edited forms of the naturally-grown, timber key ribs used to assemble it. Only after hull planking was complete and bent were the ribs fitted. Meanwhile, temporary templates were used as reinforcements during planking. Overall, the steps taken to construct the dhow display repetition and close contact with materials.

Repetition is seen in the ways in which planks were cyclically fastened to ribs using iron spikes. The same material, timber, was predominantly used throughout the dhow structure and construction method. It was bent and shaped at the will of the craftsman.

Surely there is something to be said about the poetics of this process. Out of limited materials, man was able to take part in the act of making.

During the course of dhow construction, a wall of packed mud and coral was built at the shipyard. This was done to prevent women, who flocked to the site of the new ship, from jumping over the keel of the dhow. They believed that if a barren woman jumped over the keel of a new dhow, she would become fertile. The wall was not erected to prevent the women from hurting themselves, but because the act also meant that, once a woman became fertile after the jump, the life of the dhow's nokhetha would be taken; if not the life of the nokhetha then one of the carpenters before the dhow was

131 launched.130F Hence, there were strong cultural ties to the process of constructing a dhow; life was believed to be given by the association with a dhow under construction.

The concept of rebirth as an association with the act of making is recalled.

The act of making is also evident after the launch of the dhow. During the voyage, a carpenter was usually hired for emergency and regular maintenance works.

130 Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-building in Kuwait (London: Centre for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 44. 131 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 309-10.

117 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

He was also expected to construct a smaller dhow while on the voyaging dhow to be sold

132 at rest-stops for extra income.131F The production of small dhows on board larger dhows here illustrates a continuous rebirth by construction and the act of making.

Even the notion of rigging the dhow had poetic and tectonic connotations.

According to Merriam-Webster's online dictionary, to rig is to "equip" or "construct"; "to

133 fit out", or "dress, clothe" a ship with its equipment (e.g. masts, yards, sails, rope).132F

Tectonics etymology, as previously discussed, is rooted in the ideas of construction, as

Frampton, Botticher, Sekler, and others claim. Semper advances the ideas of tectonics and the origins of architecture as a clothing or dressing. In this sense, the fitting out, or rigging, of a ship is very much in tune with the connotations of architectonics; the relationships between constructive parts and the whole and the idea of the dhow as a product of making.

Structure in Society & Building

Gottfried Semper, in lectures given between 1853 and 1854, explained how architectonical elements in building create an expression of culture. In both "The

Development of the Wall and Wall Construction in Antiquity" and "On the Relation of

Architectural Systems with the General Cultural Conditions", Semper claims that cultures around the world have used the art of construction to express themselves.

Therefore, in order to comprehend the meanings of architecture, one must learn the cultural conditions of the site in which architecture is situated,

"We shall not be able to understand the individual characters of the different systems of architecture without having first gained some notice about the social, political and religious conditions of the nations or the ages, to whom the said architectural styles were proper…The less will we be able to conceive any distinct idea about specialities of a certain style of architecture, for instance, what we commonly call the ordinances and mouldings of a style, without having at least some general notions about the whole ensemble of the monuments, to

132 Ibid, 38. 133 Dictionary and Thesaurus – Merriam-Webster Online, s.v. "rig," http://www.merriam-webster.com/ dictionary/rig (accessed January 24, 2011).

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which refer these details, and of the principle of which they are the 134 expressions."133F

Of the many examples he gives, Semper speaks about Chinese imperial architecture, illustrating that its palaces and temples had roofs that were structurally

135 separate from the walls, which in this case were moveable screens.134F Developing this idea further, Semper discusses the expressions this construction makes about the cultural context of the Chinese, circa 249 BC. He states that the architecture of Ch-in Shih

Huang Ti, who set out to establish a new capital at Hien Yong and restore the Chinese monarchy, demonstrates a political institution of "coordination and subordination," which became the new principle of Chinese society. He claims, "One and the same idea prevails among all these different Chinese political and architectural forms, that of coordination and subordination of many individuals to one great ensemble only by

136 outer bands: the military and despotic system of order."135F The ordering of the architectural forms creates an enclosure around the imperial palace in the form of outer bands while the surrounding residences are smaller (in a reduced scale). A sharp hierarchical ordering is therefore created which revolves around the emperor's palace.

This is indicative of what Semper claims is military coordination and subordination; the architecture is mirroring the society which has been located and assembled in this site for political reasons. He adds that the same principle is seen in the parts and details of this architecture, "The different elements of construction are isolated, they do not work together nor do they complete each other. Every part works for itself in the most

137 primitive and material sense."136F The implication here is that the character of the society was a direct translation of these constructive elements; isolated individuals, every man for himself.

134 Gottfried Semper, "On the Relation of Architectural Systems with the General Cultural Conditions," Res 11 (1986): 43. 135 Gottfried Semper, "The Development of the Wall and Wall Construction in Antiquity," Res 11 (1986): 35. 136 Gottfried Semper, "On the Relation of Architectural Systems with the General Cultural Conditions," Res 11 (1986): 47. 137 Ibid.

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If the same consideration were given to the settlement patterns and constructions of traditional dwellings in Kuwait, similar evidence could surface. For example, when looking at the mud-brick beit and its settlement pattern, it is clear that there was subordination in terms of the layout of the dwellings, but there was also a closely-knit community. The house was secondary to the mosque; houses led to mosques. From the mosque there was a clear vantage point to the avenues which led to it. The implication here is that religion was the most significant part of this society's

138 values, and God claimed the highest position in the belief system of this community.137F

The construction process of these mud-brick houses entailed the incorporation of one or more pre-existing wall(s) from neighboring houses. The repercussions of this method are obvious; this was literally a close-knit community. Each house shared walls with its neighbors; the houses were structurally dependent on one another and expressed solidarity. There was no separate entity; each family represented a cell making up the organism of society. Each wall comprising the structure of the house represented the structural dependence of families on each other in society. Individuality was expressed architecturally through ornament, wall orientation, and door design.

However, the basic structure of the dwelling was dependent on other structures.

138 There are also commercial squares or plazas in between neighborhoods, which function as gathering spaces for men to socialize and trade goods.

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The settlements and basic structure of the Bedouin tents tell a similar story.

Each component needed for the construction of the tent was crucial to its proper functioning; any damage to its parts meant the failure of the whole tent. Here was an obvious statement of what a society was or should have been: structurally unified in part and whole. These parts included poles, ropes, fastenings, and wall-cloths. The tents were set up in proximities such that each one had a "buffer zone" around it for livestock.

Here, families were physically separate from each other, highlighting the significance of the family unit within the tribal settlement pattern. However, unity and solidarity here were emphasized, as the tribe was expected to maintain its tents within certain proximity in the vast emptiness of the desert. Furthermore, the tent was a temporary structure for a temporary settlement which responded to a constantly changing lifestyle of setting and breaking up camp to search for new pastures.

The structures and travelling patterns of the Kuwaiti dhow, although not stationary in relation to the ground, parallel these tendencies. Kuwaiti dhows travelled together as groups for protection and company. If any of these dhows faced trouble, the others did not hesitate to offer help, even if it endangered their own ships. Villiers documents an incident when, at a stop in the east African port of Haifun, a fellow dhow captain was arrested by Italian officials for not paying duties for goods (Italy had colonized and controlled that portion of Somaliland). His fine was 1,000 rupees. As he did not have that amount on hand, the crews of other Kuwaiti ships scurried to donate

139 what little they had to help him, and the man was released that night.138F This episode reflects the social structure and interdependence of the Kuwaitis travelling on dhows; when one man fell, the others rushed to his aid because the stability of the individual was a direct reflection of the stability of the society as a whole.

139 Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006), 104.

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Similarly, the structure of the dhow was such that members comprising the whole were interdependent. The hull's structure depended on a unique, intricate system of carvel construction. The dhow's ribs were held together by iron spikes and stringers, and they created a frame for the wood planks to be bolted in place. This formed the basic structure of the dhow's hull. Unlike the structure of the Chinese imperial architecture mentioned by Semper, no one structural part of the dhow could stand without the support of the rest of its components. Even in the mud-brick beit and the Bedouin tent, we have seen that this was true.

4.2 Scale

Traditional mud-brick houses exhibited humble scales close in relation to the human body. This was a result of indigenous construction methods, which mainly utilized human labor. Ronald Hawker, in reference to masonry architecture, argues,

"Measurements were based on the human body, with units including the double

140 armspan, the lower arm from fingertip to elbow and the spread hand."139F The same was true for both the dhow and the Bedouin tent; both were constructed manually, most often by a small number of individuals.

Another explanation for the humble scales of mud-brick houses may have to do with their relationship with the mosque. Mosques were widespread across the Kuwaiti town; in every neighborhood. Each mosque minaret was expected to deliver calls to prayer throughout the day using the voice of the mu'ethen (prayer caller). The houses, in turn, seemed to respect the height of the minarets in order not to obstruct anyone's chance of hearing the calls. Hence, low building heights were encouraged, and scale may have participated in this socio-cultural aspect.

140 Ronald Hawker, Traditional Architecture of the Arabian Gulf: Building on Desert Tides (Boston: WIT Press, 2008), 86.

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An issue which may have affected the scales of all three forms of dwelling relates to the transportation and handling of materials. Smaller materials – which were easier to handle, stack, carry, extract, and assemble – were preferred over larger, heavier units.

Examples of this were the mud-bricks; their dimensions were beneficial such that one brick unit was manufactured, transported, and assembled by men working on or near the site. Large numbers of bricks were transported in donkey-drawn carriages. This eliminated the need for large-scale parts and facilitated the building process by enabling individual workers to easily construct walls.

A different material used in the mud-brick beit exemplifies how builders dealt with scale; the mangrove pole. This east African material, in addition to serving as a module for room widths, created a standard for the residential scale. These poles were pre-cut and ready for assembly in ceiling constructions. Their appropriate dimensions

(lengths of 3.6 meters, about 11 feet, and diameters of approximately 10cm, or 4 inches) and weights facilitated their transportation on dhows in large volumes and made them manageable in terms of handling and assembly by builders.

Similar ideas are echoed in the Bedouin tent. The main elements which sheltered the tent structure were hand-made wall-cloths, which directly influenced the modest scale of the tent. Poles, pegs, and ropes were also easy to handle. In addition, though the tent could grow lengthwise and breadth-wise, through the addition of poles and cloth, rarely did it grow in height. Living in the desert meant that it was important to stay close to the ground; a protective strategy to withstand strong winds while enabling natural ventilation. Also, maintaining a modest scale helped the family members responsible for setting up the tent, who were mostly women.

The dhow's component structure was also of a human scale; as it was a product of the human hand. A carpenter constructed the dhow's hull and rudder, and sailors assembled other parts like the sails and masts. For these reasons, all parts used during

123 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

construction were necessarily easy to handle and assemble by these men; wood planks, ribs, iron bolts, nails, and rope. Even the repair of parts such as sails and masts was carried on by the dhow's crew. Therefore, a manageable scale was in demand for the maintenance process. Operation of the dhow by the sailors also depended on an appropriate scale of structural parts. Villiers mentions many instances when the nokhetha needed to suddenly veer the dhow in certain directions to avoid dangers such as crashing into coral reef beds and cliffs off the port shores. After hearing his orders, the sailors hurried to take down sails, prop them up, or execute their boss's commands.

Only with a manageable scale of materials and construction assemblies could those instructions be effectively carried out.

Tectonic Interdependency

In this chapter, notions of structure, construction and technique are revisited in terms of definition and execution. The building process of each traditional dwelling is described in its sequence in attempts to highlight the progression of constructional steps from beginning to end. The beit began at the foundations, and its making entailed a process of layering materials such as mud-bricks, ceiling poles, bamboo, and matting to create load-bearing walls and ceilings. It was also constructed using the support of pre- existing walls from neighboring houses. The result was a composition of interdependent structural elements. The dhow was somewhat similar; it also relied on an interdependent arrangement of structural parts. Its construction began with a single timber post which acted like a backbone and involved the assembly of a system of ribs onto which timber panels were fixed or clad. The Bedouin tent displayed similar incorporations of interdependent systems using tensile, woven-cloth structures and ropes supported by the compressive forces of distributed vertical poles. The manner of construction implies an interdependency of the physical structure that reflects the interdependency of the social structure found in Bedouin culture.

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Chapter 5: Joinery

5.1 Joints

The discussion of joinery in western architectural theory can be traced back to the Renaissance. In the late 15th century, Leon Battista Alberti mentioned the importance of adopting the best possible manner by which to join and fit the elements which comprise a building's surface,

"the whole matter of building is composed of lineaments and structure. All the intent and purpose of lineaments lies in finding the correct, infallible ways of joining and fitting together those lines and angles which define and enclose the 141 surfaces of the building."140F

In the 1790s, Friedrich Gilly discussed architecture's tactile qualities, and by the 1830s,

Karl Friedrich Schinkel wrote about historical and spatial tectonics. However, not until the 1850s did the paradigm shift from the notion that architecture is a mass-oriented object to the idea that architecture is a surface-oriented entity. These ideas were posed by Karl Botticher, who advances Kernform/Kunstform, and Gottfried Semper, who emphasizes weaving and the significance of the knot, "The sacred knot is chaos itself: a complex, elaborate, self-devouring tangle of serpents from which arise all 'structurally active' ornamental forms, and into which they irrevocably return after the cycle of

142 civilization has been completed."141F

141 Leon Battista Alberti, "Book One," in On the Art of Building in Ten Books, transl. Joseph Rykwert, N. Leach, R. Tavernor (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1988), 7. 142 Gottfried Semper, Style in the Technical and Tectonic Arts, or Practical Aesthetics, transl. Harry Francis Mallgrave and Micheal Robinson (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2004), 156-7.

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With this new skin-oriented paradigm came an emphasis on the nature of materials used in surfaces, those which defined them, and the manners in which they were joined together, those which enclosed them. Materials and methods of assembly have since played vital roles in the ways architectural design is approached. They have come to supply meaning in architecture through articulation at different scales. Marco

Frascari's advancements of formal and material joints are recent developments which contribute to architecture's ability to communicate meaning. Frascari argues,

"Architecture is an art because it is interested not only in the original need of shelter but also in putting together spaces and materials in a meaningful manner. This occurs through formal and actual joints. The joint, that is the fertile detail, is the place where both the construction and the construing of 143 architecture take place."142F

A similar claim is made by Edward R. Ford, who emphasizes the way in which architecture communicates via a play of forces,

"If architecture communicates pathos, tragedy, humor, or faith, it does so by the way in which it communicates gravity, stress, compression, tension, and craft – the way in which it communicates weight or the absence of weight, connection 144 and the absence of connection."143F

Furthermore, Kenneth Frampton argues in "Rappel a L'Ordre: The Case for the

Tectonic" that structural units make up the irreducible essence of architectural form.

The joint fortifies the notions of craft and tactility in the ways it is applied in architecture through material and method. Joinery is therefore an essential part of the tectonic and has the potential to lend meaning to architecture. It is no longer a link that communicates as a transition, but it has become a thing in and of itself. The thingness of the joint may also extend to connect the Heideggerian concept of the fourfold of earth, sky, mortals, and divinities to the notion of dwelling, which Heidegger claims is synonymous with human essence. In "The Origin of the Work of Art," Martin Heidegger reveals that the Greek temple is a joint between the site on earth and the air of the sky,

143 Marco Frascari, "The Tell-the-Tale Detail," in Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of Architectural Theory 1965-1995, ed. Kate Nesbitt (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996), 511. 144 Edward R. Ford, The Details of Modern Architecture: Volume 2, 1928-1988 (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2003), 422.

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linking divinities and mortals. The joint is thus about more than a mere physical connection between solid earth and immaterial sky, it also is a spiritual narrative of the human being. Hence, a building's relationship to its site (and context) is made significant.

Gottfried Semper's technical arts include textiles, ceramics, carpentry, and masonry. Semper claims they are the basis for all architecture and are responsible for generating the various types of architectural joints. The cases presented in this thesis respond to these arts. Textiles are based on a series of weavings joined using knots and are represented here through the Bedouin tent's tensile structure which utilizes the woven-cloth surface. Carpentry is the primary working of the dhow, and it is based on a layered system of wood joinery. The mud-brick beit is a clear example of the art of masonry where mass is realized through a stacking of materials using gravity to keep the structure in place.

As Chapter 3 has already discussed materials used in the construction of traditional Kuwaiti dwellings and Chapter 4 illuminated on their structures and construction assemblies, this chapter explores the ways in which their materials are joined. This is done in efforts to uncover links between culture and poetic construction at the smallest scale of making; the joint.

Image 90: Gottfried Semper's weaving studies (1878). Source: David Leatherbarrow, The Roots of Architectural Invention: Site, Enclosure, Materials (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 158.

127 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Mud-brick Beit: brick + mortar

In addition to revealing Semper's art of masonry, the mud-brick beit displays a variety of joints that speak to the cultural practices of its context.

Building to ground joint: foundations

Foundations are the transitional links between site and built form. In the mud- brick beit, stone and rubble were packed to form solid foundations. These fragmentary materials created a buffer between the packed soil of the earth and the stacked mud- bricks of the beit. This element also provided splash protection for the mud-brick structure (see Chapter 4).

Column to roof joint: capitals

In the mud-brick beit, joints between wood columns and the roof slabs above them took the form of wood capitals of varying shapes. These columns were most likely visible in the courtyard supporting the loggia, and many of their designs were adopted from Indian and Persian influences. For example, in beit AlNusif, bracket capitals were used to transfer loads from the roof slab down to the column then to the ground. Beit

AlGhanim employed a different, polygonal capital, but it functioned in the same structural manner as the bracket capital. Beit AlBader utilized a similar capital in its roof columns, and the loggia was supported by massive arches. Each capital used can be seen to reflect the socio-economic status of the homeowner. The AlNusif capitals, from a three-courtyard house, were more simply crafted than the AlGhanim capitals, from a four-courtyard house, which demonstrate an admiration for ornament and color, although it is not known if the AlNusif capitals were originally painted. Beit AlBader's choice of decorated arches illustrates the family's economic capabilities to commission the work. Furthermore, the bracket capitals used in beit AlNusif were similar to those used in some Kuwaiti mosques, and were preferred because they allowed the construction of double-story heights which enabled the accommodation of large

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numbers of occupants. Hence the choice of capital, evidently controlled by economic means, was apparently made for the purposes of height, aesthetic appeal, and the extent to which they facilitated customary practices.

Image 91-92: Beit AlGhanim capitals. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 28-9.

Ronald Lewcock is clear in emphasizing the close contact cultures shared in the region (e.g. Arabia, India, and Persia),

"It is a measure of the unity of cultures along the Indian Ocean littoral that such Indian work could be copied by Kuwaiti craftsmen, and that there could be a free exchange of motifs and patterns, even extending to Persian and Indian applied 145 arts."144F

The links established among these peoples fostered a transfer of materials and construction techniques which enabled Kuwaitis to build their dwellings and endow them with meaning.

145 Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 36.

129 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Images 94-95: (left two images) Beit AlNusf column capitals. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 64-5. Image 96: (right) Column capitals in a local mosque. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 73.

Roof to wall joint

From the Muharraq wall section used as an approximation of the Kuwaiti mud- brick wall section, the layered construction strategy is clear. Gravity was used to secure elements through weight and friction of materials. Coral stones were commonly used in

Kuwaiti beit construction along with mud-bricks. Perhaps they were also sufficient in creating a heavy, stabilizing weight as a dry-stone construction or as infill between layers of mud-bricks.

Even in the assembly of the ever-important water spout, a layering strategy was adopted. A seat was created in the mangrove pole (shown in the image as a timber post) to accommodate the palm-trunk water spout (shown in wood), which was fixed in place with a pin.

Image 97: Detail of water spout assembly. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 129.

130 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 98: Wall section; house in Muharraq, Bahrain. Source: Ronald Hawker, Traditional Architecture of the Arabian Gulf: Building on Desert Tides (Boston: WIT Press, 2008), 87.

Corner joints

It is assumed that corners in the mud-brick beit were created using corner joints.

Mangrove poles may have been used to reinforce walls and create openings like windows and doors, as previously mentioned. Assuming that they were implemented in the suggested manner, the intersecting poles would have met either as layered striations or negotiated joints. As layered striations, two or more adjacent mangrove poles from one wall would have been stacked atop another two or more mangrove poles from the intersecting wall. As negotiated joints, each intersecting pair of poles would meet at

131 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

corner lap joints, which may have been fixed with a wooden pin. Otherwise, the negotiated joints could have intersected as butted joints.

Image 100: Detail view of beit AlGhaith showing corners, mangrove-pole beams, and protruding joists. Source: http://www.archofkuwait.com/blog/historical/al-ghaith-house (accessed January 19, 2011)

Beit AlGhaith, a Kuwaiti mud-brick house constructed in 1930, recently underwent restoration. Images of the house indicate that coral stone was used for wall construction, and at some point mud-bricks were incorporated into the structure to build a roof-level room. This proves that there was no rigid building practice of using one dominant material; any suitable available material was used. This also helps to explain the ease and flexibility with which both the Kuwaiti culture and building tradition managed to incorporate new and different ideas, techniques, and materials coming about as a result of contact with other cultures (e.g. Persian, Indian, east

African).

132 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

There are no apparent or exposed corner joints in the exterior of beit AlGhaith.

However, there are sets of double mangrove poles which have been clearly positioned as beams and lintels to support the ceiling of the roof-level room (refer to image).

Interesting to note is that while mangrove-pole joists are directly expressed and seen projecting from the facades, mangrove-pole beams, lintels and wall reinforcements do not project out at corners. Corner joints are hidden from view and incorporated into the massiveness of the mud-brick walls. Perhaps this is done to preserve the pure cubic form of the beit. In beit AlGhaith, the mangrove-pole joint is seen protruding out from one corner. Whether or not this is intentionally done is unknown, but it seems, since the remaining corners do not exhibit this tendency, that it was not common building practice. In beit AlBadr, walls meet in rounded corners, which give emphasis to their manual construction technique and plastering method. Also, the moment where the entry foyer meets the courtyard space is commemorated with an interesting mass that articulates the movement of residents, the weight of the structure, and the play of forces within the dwelling.

Images 101-102: (left two images) rope was used to reinforce mangrove-poles used as lentils. Source: http://www.archofkuwait.com/blog/historical/al-ghaith- house (accessed January 19, 2011). Image 103: (right) Handmade, rounded corners are characteristic of the traditional beit, as seen here at beit AlBadr. Source: author, 2010.

133 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 104: Entry foyer and courtyard column meet in dynamic form at beit AlBadr. Source: author, 2010.

mud-bricks

Double mangrove pole beams

corner joint

coral stones Image 105: Beit AlGhaith; coral stone and mud-brick; mangrove-pole double- beams. Source: http://w ww.archofkuwait.com/bl og/historical/al-ghaith- house (accessed January 19, 2011). Red shapes and labels by author.

Ceiling joints

The main approach used in mud-brick beit construction was a layering strategy, and the ceiling assembly displayed this tendency. There was no visible joint between

134 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

mangrove poles, bamboo strips, and palm-frond mats. Gravity was heavily relied upon to reinforce this assembly, in the form of the weight of packed ash, clay, and waterproofing provided by the final lime plaster coat at roof level. One technique known to fix this assembly in place was the flat-surfacing of the mangrove-pole beams to meet walls and columns. Flattening the bottom of the beam created a stable surface by which ceiling assembly was allowed. This method also produced friction between surfaces which prevented the poles from slipping or rolling.

Image 106: (above) Layout of the traditional roof structure in the Saudi Arabian adobe house showing flat-surfaced beams. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 124. Bottom half of image omitted.

Image 107: (left) Sketch of detail of layering technique used in assembling the ceiling. Source: Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region (Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges , 2003), 32.

Bedouin Tent: knots, shoes & fasteners

Joinery in the Bedouin tent was quite different than that found in the mud-brick beit; it was even more pronounced and honest. Beginning with the connection to the site, pegs or stakes were pounded into the ground, and ropes were fastened to them via knot joints. Other connections to the site included the burial and anchoring of both the edge of the back-wall curtain and a nearby rope using sand, rocks, and bush. Corner,

135 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

perimeter and center poles were pushed at least a foot into the ground to safely secure the tent structure.

Center poles were joined to the roof cloth by devices used to disperse loads over larger areas of the roof's surface. A wooden shoe was placed on top of the center pole and was sewn to what Faegre calls the triga, which was apparently a surface between the pole and the tent roof that reinforced the tensile structure. The shoe's center was carved out on the bottom to provide an insertion point for the center pole, forming a mortise and tenon-like joint. When a wooden shoe was not available, rags were used instead. The goal was to distribute the compression forces acting on the center pole in an efficient manner.

The roof cloth was attached to the guy ropes by cleverly crafted stay fasteners.

Tension bands from the roof cloth extended outward to meet the fasteners to which the ropes were securely knotted. The joints seen at this section of the tent speak of the negotiations which occurred between forces of tension, material, and craft. Each

Bedouin tribe employed different types of stay fasteners depending on available

136 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

materials, tent sizes, levels of craft, and the tensile forces at play within the structure.

Wood and leather were the dominant materials used for fasteners. Leather was braided to create a strong framework that could withstand tension while wood was carved into various forms to accommodate the need for a transition between woven cloth and knotted rope. Wooden sticks were sometimes found on or near the tent site and were readily incorporated into the system. Favorable sticks were mostly forked or bent to provide seats where knotting could take place.

Image 110: Stay fastener designs used by different Bedouin tribes. Source: Torvald Faegre, Tents: Architecture of the Nomads (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1979), 21.

Back-wall curtains were fixed to the roof cloth by pins. These pins may have been carved out of wood and placed at one-meter (approximately three foot) intervals.

The joint formed by these pins recalls the sewing needle and reflects the weaving traditions of the Bedouin. It also created a smooth, seamless transition from roof to wall surface that implied continuity and fluidity between these elements, especially since these surfaces displayed woven patterns rich in color and geometry. This joint, as a part in relation to the whole, played a major role in the way the tent was perceived as a solid, unitary object that contained human life. It is another way the joint contributes to the notion of the interdependent tent structure that reflects the interdependent social network of the Bedouin tribe.

137 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Dhow

The dhow's joinery was based on the interactions of wood, fabric, rope and iron.

Different connections, resolved with knots, twists, bolts, and woodwork joints, were incorporated into the making of this structure.

Hull: woodwork joint, hinge, and band

The very first step in the construction of the dhow hull involved the joining of two timber posts, the keel and the stem-post, at an angle to one another. The meeting of these two members was realized through a tenon joint that was fixed with a large iron spike. During the assembly of timber ribs onto the structure, they were simply nailed to the keel with iron spikes. The same was done during planking, which occurred in a unique, carvel (edge-to-edge) fashion.

138 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 112: (above) Detail of the tenon joint formed by the keel (horizontal) and stem- post (hull front), joined by a large iron spike. Image 113: (below) dhow-builders position the stem-post, preparing to fix it to the keel (1939). Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 45.

Another set of joints was that needed to fix the rudder to the sternpost of the dhow structure. In this case, the negotiations between materials and forces were obvious, and the system of iron hinges and pintles was complex. Wood posts worked with the iron joints to sustain heavy gravitational pulls and remained intact and secured to the structure. Also, at the head of the rudder, a reinforcing iron band was installed onto which a transverse tiller, striped in black and white and characteristic of Kuwaiti dhows, was fitted.

139 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

140 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Images 115-118: (clockwise from top left) Detail of rudder pintle joined to sternpost; an iron band is used to reinforce the top of the rudder, which serves as a seat for the tiller (striped element); rudder in full assembly. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 70-1.

Masts, yards and sails: knots, ties, and joints

At the level of the masts, a large-scale tenon joint was created to connect the mainmast to the deck. The base of this mainmast was sheared at five degrees from the horizontal, allowing it to lean forward, while the mizzenmast was shorter and remained vertical and flush with the deck. Halyard ropes were fastened to the masts and yards by

141 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

complex networks of knots and wood joints. The slight shearing of the mainmast helped to guide the dhow and direct its movement in relation to wind forces.

Images 119-122: (clockwise from top left) Detail of The mainmast's base is sheared at a 5 degree angle to give it a forward lean; The mizzen mast remains vertical; Detail of the arrangement of yards on a dhow; General arrangement of yards on a dhow. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 78-9.

142 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 123: (left) parrel trusses act as tight joints between parrel, yard and mast. Image 124: (right) The parrel joins the mast to the yard, allowing it up-down motion. Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow-Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 79.

As for the yards, they were assembled from many pieces of timber joined and tied tightly together to create an interdependent structure that supported the sails.

Ropes were knotted, sewn, and tied to the sails to prepare them for hoisting. Strips of sails were stitched together to form larger sails.

Images 125-131: (clockwise from left) Assembled yards; One yard is made up of several timbers tightly tied together; Sailors sewing and preparing ropes and sails; The lower corners of the sail; A new sail being made by sailors (1939). Source: Ya'qub Al-Hijji, The Art of Dhow- Building in Kuwait (London: Center for Research and Studies on Kuwait, 2006), 80,88-9.

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5.2 Relations of part to whole: gender segregation

Understanding tectonics entails grasping the ways in which "all single elements

146 of a building are integrated into a harmonious and organic spatial whole."145F When Karl

Botticher promoted this notion, he believed that architecture was meant to be a discipline of unity within variety; of constructive parts within a structural whole.

Elements of a structure work together through material properties, joinery, and construction to create a balanced entity. The essence of the tectonic is emphasized by the relations of parts to the whole. In the case of traditional Kuwaiti dwellings, parts relate to the built whole in order to reinforce a separation of genders and the subsequent social roles and expectations.

Mud-brick Beit

Marco Frascari advances formal, or spatial, joints as sources of meaning in architecture. In the mud-brick beit were transitional spaces which acted as formal joints.

One example was the entry foyer of the house. More prominent households had a separate foyer for men and women, so as to allow a fluid transfer of people from the public exterior street into the private interior courtyard. The courtyard served as another formal joint transitioning between the foyer, a semi-public zone which served as a joint between public and private, and the extremely private rooms. The courtyard also acted as a redistribution mechanism for human circulation.

One of the most distinct characteristics of Kuwaiti mud-brick houses was the diwanya. The origins of the space relate to the section of the Bedouin tent where men received their (male) guests in seclusion from the rest of the family. Brought into the traditional courtyard design as a result of close contact with the Bedouin tradition, the concept of the diwanya became applied to any reception space used by a man to receive other male guests and business colleagues. This included the men's courtyard.

146 Mitchell Schwarzer, "Ontology and Representation in Karl Botticher's Theory of Tectonics," The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 52, no. 3 (1993): 275.

144 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

A formal joint, in the form of a tight corridor or sometimes a room, was therefore created to link the men's quarters with the rest of the house, as this space was physically separate from the women's section of the house. This area (shown as yellow zones in the floor plans) formed a buffer zone between two opposing ends of the mud-brick beit. It was traditionally constricted so as to imply to any individual not belonging to the household that the space was private and restricted. This space lay in opposition to the generous dimensions of the reception hall and courtyard, although it made use of the same building materials. Had this space been closed off, each courtyard-centered area of the beit could have become a separate dwelling on its own. In fact, that is what usually happened; people bought neighboring houses and created small openings in one or more shared walls to provide passageways between dwellings. This passageway differed from the ferya, discussed earlier in Chapter 2, which was strategically positioned between two family courtyards to allow women private entry and egress from one beit to another.

Entry to the diwanya was made either through a door from the main street or through an indoor foyer which served to hinge it to the rest of the dwelling without disruption. This was done to ensure maximum privacy and separation of female- dominated quarters, an issue advanced by Islamic teachings as well as conservative cultural beliefs and practices (e.g. beit AlGhanim and beit AlBader).

145 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Image 132: (left) beit AlGhanim incorporates different types of formal/spatial joints which hinge the dwelling and assists in the coordination of daily activities; red: public entry joint; blue: semi-private courtyard joint; yellow: private passage joint. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 117.

Image 133: (below) beit AlBadr demonstrates similar formal/spatial joints that are greater in number. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 116.

Doorway recesses in most mud-brick houses may also be considered formal joints. In addition to providing shelter from the hot sun, dust, and rain, recessed doors implied an introversion that showed a preference for privacy, a strong characteristic of this culture. Moreover, recessed doorways offered opportunities to create ornamented

146 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

vaults, which provided a hospitable, inviting character to the dwelling, in addition to evidencing vault-building skills acquired from other cultures.

Image 134: (left) Recessed doors act as spatial joints between public and private space, in addition to providing shade and welcoming shelter from the hot sun and dusty air. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 88. Image 135: (below) Recessed doorways provide opportunities to showcase vault-building skills acquired from other cultures. Source: author, 2010.

Bedouin Tent

The whole of the Bedouin tent dwelling was divided into three parts. One third was allocated for men and their hosting activities while two thirds were left for the women's looms and utensils. One part of the tent could not function without the other; the women could not survive without the sacrifice, protection and weaponry of the men, and the men could not sustain themselves without the services of the women (e.g. house-keeping and house-making). The men's area contained a coffee hearth, a large floor-seating area which accommodated dining, and space for storing weapons. The women's area, physically sectioned off by the qata, included dwelling spaces for the family's sleeping, cooking, eating, and weaving. Even though the Bedouin tent was open and exposed to the natural environment year-round, certain boundaries (like those of gender separation), whether communicated physically or symbolically, were rigidly enforced and recognized.

147 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Few formal joints were present in the Bedouin tent, but parts of the tent did contribute to the survival of the whole. Upon close consideration, the loom may have performed the task of the formal joint between interior and exterior environments in the women's area. The qata may have also played the same role. However, its role may have been to maintain division between men and women into the desert landscape by physically extending outside the tent limits. For the men's area, the coffee hearth may have functioned as a formal joint to link the interior with the exterior.

Dhow

Whether dhows were used for pearling, trading, or deep-sea travels, the same basic structural, programmatic, and construction arrangements were adopted on them.

Consequently, formal joints on board the dhow were fluid and very often physically undefined in terms of partitions or rooms. For example, changes in levels served to indicate a shift in spatial function, as in the elevated poop deck and nokhetha's bench.

Furthermore, the main deck was the principal area occupied by sailors and passengers.

It was where they ate, slept, prayed, and socialized. The level below the deck was often used for storage and was normally dark, damp, and uncomfortable. On some voyages, women passengers were housed in this hatch in order to separate them from the male population. Other dhows constructed make-shift rooms on the deck using palm-frond

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mats which functioned as partitions to visually screen the two genders and physically separate them.

During the night, crew and passengers slept on the main deck. Most of the time, sailors shared this area with merchandise like mangrove poles and date packages that filled the deck. Hence, formal joints were not readily emphasized or defined throughout the dhow structure; space was fluid. Perhaps this is a result of the domination of one gender on board the dhow, as women, if ever on board, were there as passengers for relatively shorter periods of time (e.g. one month).

Image 138: Sailors share sleeping space with cargo (mangrove poles) and dhow equipment on board a Kuwaiti dhow circa 1938. Source:. Alan Villiers, Sons of Sindbad (London: Arabian Publishing, 2006).

149 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

Essence of Form

The subject of this fifth and final chapter is joinery, perhaps the most basic aspect of building. The intent is to zoom into the details of each traditional structure to extract cultural meaning and expression. The mud-brick beit exhibits layered joints in the ceiling assembly. Mortar was used to secure mud-bricks in the layered/stacked wall construction. Many times corners and sharp edges in the beit, whether interior or exterior, were rounded by hand using mud, creating a soft fluidity in form and texture sensitive and responsive to light and shadow. Joinery in the dhow was resolved by traditional wood-joints and iron spikes and used a technique where parts would fit together while working together structurally. Twisting was also practiced to make roping from coconut fiber, and stories would be told during this group activity. The tent relied on techniques of knotting, weaving, and braiding. Cloth panels were woven and sewn together by groups of women. Elements like pegs and poles were pounded into the ground, and rope was used to connect the cloth panels to the pegs. Braided fasteners joined the rope to cloth tension bands, and knots were employed to secure roping to the pegs. Through the many tectonic processes of making: layering, braiding, fitting, twisting, weaving, and knotting, structures were constructed that had meaning to the dweller and which responded to his/her cultural context. The full scale of the roles of material, construction assembly, and technique become magnified when discussing these basic structural units, which Frampton claims are the essence of architectural form.

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Conclusion

Architecture, Culture, and Tectonics: Making and Meaning

As evident in this thesis, architecture and culture are intertwined throughout the building process. Tectonics plays a major role in mediating between built form and the social, economic, political, and religious contexts in which architecture is created.

Building traditions, which encompass materials and techniques, are directly impacted by these contexts. The making of architecture may therefore be defined through the interactions of materials, techniques, and cultural narratives.

The notion of 'making' highlights the relationship between culture and architecture. In this process, materials are manipulated, stacked, layered, twisted and joined to create works that carry meaning. In tectonics, technique meets art to produce poetic construction. Here is a strong intention to magnify craft, materiality, expressive construction, and the work of the human hand. There is emphasis on the ability of material and construction to transform necessity into poetry and play. In that instant, construction becomes infused with art and reveals expressions of meaning and making.

For traditional dwellings in Kuwait, making and meaning lie in the expressive power of heavy and light materials, dark and light surfaces, rough and smooth textures, and black and white figures.

Emerging Themes

In this thesis, many themes emerge through the discussion of tectonics in traditional Kuwaiti dwellings. For one, tectonics is discussed as the structural essence of construction. Secondly, it is linked to the modularity created by construction materials.

A third theme reveals tectonics as a weaving of cultural narratives, while another shows how tectonics can become a reflection of social solidarity, interdependency and

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hierarchy. Finally, tectonics is discussed as a reflection of the Spartan social values characteristic of the traditional Kuwaiti culture.

1_ Tectonics as Irreducible Essence of the Structural Unit

One concept derived from this thesis is the significance of tectonics as the irreducible essence of structural units. What this means is that tectonics are explored through materials, joints, and construction processes in efforts to emphasize the craft of architecture and reveal the art of construction at the most basic structural level. For the mud-brick beit, a layered construction technique was employed, and a trabeated, post- and-lintel structural arrangement was adopted. At the level of the detail, mud-bricks as the tectonic irreducible essence speak to the structural organization and constructive layering implemented into the dwelling. They act as the basic unit of the beit, and they respond to available methods of materials handling and manufacture. They also reveal the art of construction adopted in the mud-brick beit, as the concept of layering takes over the structuring of materials and becomes a statement for the building as a whole.

The Bedouin tent also displays the art of construction through weaving and knot joinery. The tent's ephemeral relationship to the ground is also part of this art. Its irreducible essence lies in the weaving and knotting techniques that create the cloth panels which keep this dwelling together. The panels are the basic unit of the tent, and the ways they are made, handled, and assembled are part of the art of their tectonic construction.

The art of construction in the dhow is evident in the bolting, twisting, and knotting techniques. The assembly of wood planks in the hull also participates in this art. The dhow's irreducible essence is revealed through the edge-to-edge bolting of wooden hull planks using large iron spikes. Other aspects worth noting are the yards and sails, which employ different assembly techniques. The yards mainly are the result of roping that is twisted, arranged, and knotted into place to secure the links between

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masts and hull. The sails are woven canvases stretched by rope to create a stable tensile structure used to catch winds and navigate the dhow. The tectonic manner of construction in the dhow is emblematic of the pre-eminence of the structural unit; the joint.

2_Tectonics as Material Modularity

The case studies have shown the presence of modules at the scale of the essential structural unit which guide the design and construction of traditional Kuwaiti dwellings. For example, in the mud-brick beit, the mangrove pole controls the way the structure is assembled. The pole's restricted length and diameter result in the construction of long, narrow rooms that are uniform in width. The poles are used as joists that create a frame for the ceiling assembly and predetermine, or modulate, the dimensions of rooms. This may contrast what one would expect in the beit; as the mud- bricks would seem to predominate and allow flexible structural compositions. However, in this case, the importation and transportation of commodities and building materials like the mangrove pole, facilitated by commercial trade in the region, helped to create a dependency on this structurally-effective, manageable module.

Modules are also present in the Bedouin tent. The breadth of the woven cloth reflects the social status of the tent's residents. The module here is a surface that is used to guide the planar structuring of the tent. Of course, this also brings into question the tool used to weave the cloth panel; the loom. The width of standard looms did in fact control and create the module of the breadth of each cloth panel. Worth noting here is that the loom's width was adapted to allow it to be easily dismantled and transported on camel-back, as was the whole of the tent structure, furniture, and Bedouin belongings.

Again, transportation is a key element in creating the planar module found in the

Bedouin tent.

153 Irreducible Essence: Tectonics & Cultural Expression in Traditional Forms of Kuwaiti Dwelling

In the dhow, the Basra date package dictates the ship's dimensions. This module directs the choice of dhow the builder constructs. The number of date packages the prospective dhow is expected to carry is the basic unit needed to define its structure, form, and the amount of material needed for construction. The module is a volume based on a prescribed mass. The transportation of commodities is prioritized in the decision to build the dhow.

3_Tectonics as Weaving of Cultural Narratives

The investigation of tectonics in this work has shown its ability to weave cultural narratives. This enhances tectonics' relationship with textuality and entanglement with the culture in which it is produced. In the mud-brick beit, for instance, the assembled ceiling construction tells stories of its making. The layering technique is used to organize the narratives into primary, secondary, and tertiary tales. The first in the assembly are the African mangrove poles, followed by the Iraqi split bamboo sticks and woven Iraqi palm-frond mats. The poles are arranged in a parallel manner as joists that support the structure. The stories of their origins in various far-off lands, their transportation on

Kuwaiti dhows, and their assembly by locals are narratives of seafaring Kuwaiti culture, construction, and making that highlight the essence of tectonic form.

A similar observation is made in the Bedouin tent. The patterns on the woven cloth panels tell stories of the desert landscape in which the Bedouin dwelt. Figures of camels, sand dunes, lines and geometric shapes are dyed in a variety of colors to create foregrounds and backgrounds telling the tales of this culture's experience and way of life. Even the sequence of setting up the Bedouin tent by women, the traditional weavers, is a narrative of repetition, hardship, and ephemerality. Through the process of making the tent, narratives are created which illuminate the Bedouin's way of life.

Cultural narratives are also present in the making of the dhow. The sailors' main job while on board the dhow was to make rope from coconut fiber. They twisted the

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fibers together to form thick cords. During this activity, stories were crafted and told by the sailors, who were huddled in groups. Through this act of making, social bonds were made and solidarity among the crew was fostered. This social unity, in addition to giving strength to the men, fortified the structure of the dhow, as it renewed the spirits of the sailors, who very often were faced with harsh situations during long and lonely voyages away from home. Through these sessions of twisting and telling tales, the sailor was rejuvenated and willing to continue his hard work on board the dhow.

4_Tectonics as Reflection of Social Interdependency & Hierarchy

In all three cases, tectonics displays its ability to reflect social hierarchy and interdependency in Kuwaiti culture. When considering the mud-brick beit, the act of construction highlights this interdependency. Neighbors shared structural walls so that a solid wall formed the boundary between two houses, as opposed to a spatial buffer zone which defines the area around a dwelling. One house may share more than one wall with more than one neighbor, forming a physical structural support. This nature of building and neighborhood development accurately reflected the social structure of the local community, where neighbors regarded each other as brethren and offered unconditional support to one another. In addition, spatial organization in the beit reflected the culture where gender segregation was an important aspect of life and beliefs. Formal joints responded to that demand, which further reinforced the hierarchies and social dynamics of public and private zones and thresholds present within the dwelling. Furthermore, the creation of the ferya, the threshold that divided two households, is also a tectonic response to a cultural demand for women's privacy.

The art of building construction thus parallels the art of social construction in the mud- brick beit.

In the Bedouin tent, both the structural integrity of the tent and Bedouin tribe depended on each participating member. The tent structure was only stable when all of

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its components were contributing appropriately. Similarly, the stability of the tribe relied on the maintenance of the proper roles and hierarchies of its partaking members.

Also, just as the Bedouin tent had a main feature, the roof cloth, that is both visually and structurally dominant, so too did the Bedouin tribe have a governing leader who represented the hierarchical structure and members of the tribe.

Similar to the mud-brick beit and the Bedouin tent, the structure of the dhow also represented the seafaring culture's social interdependency and hierarchy. The structural integrity of the dhow and its crew depended on the active input of each member. The dhow structure depended on the essential keel post which was the primary member in the construction of the hull. Ribs were attached to this post, and to them curved teak planks were fastened. Masts were attached to the hull, onto which sails and yards were knotted and secured. As evident, the dhow's structure was inter- reliant and hierarchical. Likewise, the social structure on board the dhow was co- dependent and hierarchical. The nokhetha led the group, while quartermasters mediated between him and the sailors, who carried out the hoisting, knotting, twisting, and weaving. Without the nokhetha, the dhow could not be navigated, and without the sailors the ship could not be fit for navigation; the social system was clear. This is particularly powerful, as Kuwait was famous for its skilled dhow-builders. It is therefore implied that they had the knowledge and skill to accommodate the necessity and play entailed in the dhow construction process. In other words, it may have been their choice to continue using carvel construction methods in lieu of others, like clinker construction, which may not have been suitable to their social and cultural practices. Therefore, the art of construction reflects the social hierarchy and interdependency on board the dhow.

5_Tectonics as Reflection of Spartan Social Values

The traditional dwellings discussed in this text exhibit tectonic elements which reflect the virtuous modesty in social values and living standards present in pre-oil

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Kuwait. For example, in the mud-brick beit, a minimum amount of material and ornament was employed. This echoes a modesty in social values and living standards that is unparalleled even in comparison with dwellings in neighboring Saudi Arabia and

Bahrain, which demonstrated complex and extravagant ornamentation on walls and door panels. The modesty of Kuwaiti culture was also reflected in the honest manner of expressing structure, such as ceiling assemblies, and the lack of exterior wall ornamentation.

Kuwait's traditional architectural modesty is most obvious when compared to more intricate architecture from the Arabian Gulf. In central Saudi Arabia (Najd), for example, a more ornamental approach was adopted which served environmental purposes. Also, there were slight differences in building materials, and the Najd dwellings were taller than the Kuwaiti beit. In Najd, punctured apertures in the massive walls of dwellings allowed air ventilation and solar rays to penetrate deep within the structure. Furthermore, the social appreciation for Najd doors was less the product of the manipulation and crafting of the wood material, and more about the colors and patterns painted on their surfaces. In contrast, Kuwaiti mud-brick houses rarely displayed decorative openings on wall surfaces, except for minimal use as windows.

Walls were left bare and displayed the handmade textures and earthy colors involved in their making. Doors were also left bare and their structural elements, hinges, bolts, and planks, expressed their essential functions. This may indicate a difference in living standards and economic prosperity between the two settlements.

Image 139: (left) Najdi elaborate wall surface. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 77. Image 140: (right) Najdi door. Source: William Facey, Back to Earth: Adobe Building in Saudi Arabia (London: IB Tauris, 1997), 89.

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Image 141: (left) modest Kuwaiti door. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 16. Image 142: (right) plain wall surfaces in Kuwaiti neighborhoods. Source: Ronald Lewcock, Traditional Architecture in Kuwait and the Northern Gulf (London: Art & Archaeology Research Papers, 1978), 144.

The same can be said of both the Bedouin tent and the dhow. In the Bedouin tent, the minimum parts were used to communicate modesty and resolve the need for light, portable structures. The least amount of structural material and parts (e.g. poles, cloth panel lengths, roping) was demanded for tent construction. Minimum ornamentation and patterning were woven into the tent-cloth panels and were sufficient for the Bedouin's taste. Dyes and colors also contributed to the adornment of the tent, as the Bedouin seem to be more appreciative of embellishments and decoration than the madani. That being the case, the Kuwaiti Bedouin is nonetheless considered Spartan in his dwelling as compared to tents in Bedouin Syria, Saudi Arabia, or Jordan. By eliminating excessive ornament, the Bedouin tent in Kuwait allows emphasis on the structural details and their role as both functional elements and artistic displays in the dwelling.

Image 143: (left) Kuwaiti sadu weavings show an orientation towards primary colors and basic patterns and shapes. Source: http://alsaduweaving. wordpress.com/ (accessed May 1, 2011). Image 144: (right) Weavings from Jordan, Syria, and Saudi Arabia show a preference for shades of secondary and tertiary colors and more intricate graphics. Sources:http://www.marlamallett.co m/ef-w-loops.htm (accessed May 1, 2011).

Even in the dhow, the least material was combined with the minimum parts to show modesty and optimize performance. In the pre-oil era, Kuwait was known for its master dhow-builders and shipyards, and this knowledge was used wisely in dhow

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construction. Hence, the carvel (edge-to-edge) plank construction method was adopted for the hull, which differed from European clinker (overlapping) plank construction.

This responded to the need for light, durable structures that could be easily launched from the shore and navigated through deep seas. It was also an economical advantage when the most cost-effective and efficient dhows were constructed with little material waste, which benefitted the merchants/dhow-owners. The nokhetha also may not have wanted dhows to appear rich and extravagant during voyages to trading ports in Persia,

India, and east Africa, where they were prone to tolls and taxes. Also, maintenance costs were higher for lavish dhows, as they used expensive timber and craftsmanship for additional ornamentation. The modest dhow structure reflects the lifestyle on board the dhow; simple and direct. The crew's days were spent working, praying, and eating, with

147 minimal time for leisure and sleep.146F Structural members, in the same way, reveal their purposes clearly and directly; with minimal ornamentation and color. Color was only applied to the most significant areas it was needed; the rudder and the hull's waterline.

White paste was applied to the bottom of the hull for protection against saltwater while the hull was carved with religious inscriptions to bless the voyagers with good luck.

Equally, leisure was practiced by sailors sparingly in doses during their work periods to rejuvenate their spirits. Tectonics, therefore, provide insight into the Spartan ways of the dhow-dweller.

Similarity/Difference

Comparisons between the case studies reveal similarities and differences regarding materials, construction, and joinery. In terms of material, the case studies dealt with a combination of locally-made and imported products. The mud-brick beit utilized imported palm-frond mats, mangrove poles, and bamboo sticks. Coral stones were locally bought or extracted near the site, while mud-bricks and lime plaster were

147 This was not behavior specific to the dhow-dwellers. Similarly, a reserved culture is practiced by the madani, who lived an unpresumptuous, dignified life without overt celebrations.

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locally manufactured. Sometimes, mangrove poles from a collapsed mud-brick beit would be sold and recycled to build a new house. In the Bedouin tent, rope was either imported or handmade, wall cloths were locally woven, and sticks, plant pigments, wooden poles and fasteners were found near the site. In the dhow, timber posts and teak planks were imported, ropes were locally-made, and sails and iron spikes were locally-bought as they were continuously reused, repaired and recycled from one craft to the next. In all cases, materials were handled with frugality and sensitivity to their function and application.

Furthermore, there were materials which permeated through more than one case study. For example, palm-frond mats were used as waterproofing in the construction of the beit, as household supplies like placemats, fans and awnings, and as screen dividers on board the dhow to create space for women. These mats were also employed as wrapping protection for docked or stored boats. Malabar teakwood was also used generously as a construction material for the dhow and was incorporated as elaborately-carved doors in the beit. Finally, Bedouin Sadu weaving was integrated into furnishings in all three cases. In the tent, it was employed as furniture and the dominant roof element making up the dwelling. In the beit and on board the dhow it was implemented as floor cushions, rugs, and sacks.

Even though the case studies' structural systems differ, there is some similarity in terms of construction technique. The mud-brick beit has a post-and-lintel structure while the tent is a tensile system and the dhow has both tensile and wood-frame structures. As for construction methods, the beit is constructed from the ground up, similar to the dhow. The tent, on the other hand, is constructed in a top-down fashion, where the topmost element is assembled before the rest of the structure can be erected.

The notions of mass, plane, and frame are present, and they pertain to joinery in the case studies. The beit is the product of the stacking of massive mud-bricks and

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stones joined by mortar. The tent is the result of a planar structuring of woven and knotted textiles, and the dhow is the outcome of an intricate framework of bolted timber layers, spines, and edges joined together with twisted fibers and woven fabrics. All are the consequence of the act of making.

Applications

The tectonic elements extracted and discussed in this work could have potential contributions to the way dwellings are designed in the future. This is especially true for government authorities in Kuwait that are responsible for providing housing, like the

PAHW. After comparing the case studies, it is clear that many changes could be made in terms of how materials are selected and handled, construction techniques are carried out, and building elements are joined.

For one, it may be beneficial to incorporate locally available materials with those which are imported to construct buildings capable of carrying relevant meaning.

Attention should also be paid to handmade materials and those which are naturally found on or near the site, as well as organic and industrial products. In fact, a general increase in sensitivity to materials is perhaps what is needed in order to create relevance in Kuwaiti architecture. This includes the option to recycle building materials.

The choice of construction methods could also produce architecture of greater relevance to the Kuwaiti context. For example, trabeated, tensile, and wood-frame structural systems could be used in new ways, incorporating themes taken from traditional Kuwaiti architecture. The notions of top-down construction as opposed to ground-up assembly could also be explored, in addition to the manipulation of scale.

The expression of joinery in construction could provide visual and connotative links to Kuwaiti culture and architecture. For example, masses, planes, and frames could be used as preliminary concepts in the design process in addition to the negotiations of

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their connections. The notion of stacking and layering materials could be adopted, as well as the magnification of knots and wood joints. Poetic construction can therefore become a part of contemporary architecture in Kuwait and communicate meaning and reference to both its past and present identity.

Setting the Stage

This thesis expand on the idea of the architectural tectonic as a framework to be recognized within the building traditions belonging to the larger scope of culture.

Tectonics, since its conception, has been concerned with tactility, construction, assembly, and the expression of structural forces. The aim of this work is to open the definition of the tectonic to encompass cultural forces. The main purpose for supplying the three case studies is to provide a sampling of cultural influences.

Not only have Kenneth Frampton's ideas been expanded and supported through the explicit description of how tectonics lends meaning and cultural specificity to architecture, but the scope of architecture without architects has also been undertaken.

Many individuals in the architectural profession may regard traditional and vernacular forms as others that should be discarded and disregarded as potential sources for the development of future architectural design thinking. What has been implied through this thesis is the significance of traditional form and its validity in contributing to the discourse of the present and future.

The author chooses to apply this knowledge to the context of Kuwait to unearth possible inspirations for architectural identity; by using the basic structural unit and tectonics theory as vehicles for the exploration of culture in traditional forms of dwelling. The identity sought may be part of a critical regionalism that is conscious of the materials, techniques, and processes most efficient and meaningful to the context in which they occur, whether that context is in the past, present, or future.

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Interesting to note is that tectonics had different mechanisms of operation in the past than in the present, or may have in the future. During a recent roundtable discussion encompassing tectonics and relationships of part-to-whole in relation to time, it was noted that in the context of traditional Kuwaiti dwellings, the parts dictated the whole. In other words, the availability of materials and the craftsman's knowledge about construction techniques predetermined the structure as a whole (e.g. its components, assembly, treatment, etc). On the other hand, in the present context, through developments in technology and techniques of assembly, the architect is able to begin the design process by selecting a complex structural system (a whole) and detailing its construction process. The architect then proceeds with choosing materials that would achieve desired goals, be they aesthetic or performance-based, that comply with the chosen structural system. The tectonic process has clearly been reversed.

Although that may be the case, there remains a tectonic to speak of today for the present and future. Many have spoken against the presence of a tectonic in the works of contemporary architects. Many have attempted to respond to these claims in written works like Neil Leach's Digital Tectonics, Annette Lecuyer's Radical Tectonics, and Jesse

Reiser's Atlas of Novel Tectonics. In order for the architectural identity of any nation to be developed for the present and future, the venues of technology, materials fabrication and engineering, and advanced construction techniques, all of which encompass the digital tectonic, should be explored, researched, evaluated, and implemented in parallel with the cultural context of the architectural tectonic.

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