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Author: Johansson, Clare; Battiston, Simone Title: Ethnic Print Media in : Il Globo in the 1980s Year: 2014 Journal: Media History Volume: 20 Issue: 4 Pages: 416-430 URL: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.3/387840

Copyright: Copyright © 2014 Taylor and Francis. This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Media History on 28 August 2014, available online: http://www.tandfonline.co m/10.1080/13688804.2014.948826.

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Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org) Ethnic Print Media in Australia: Il Globo in the 1980s

Clare Johansson and Simone Battiston

Abstract This paper investigates the content of the editorial commentary in the -based commercial Italian-language newspaper Il Globo from 1979 to 1989 and argues that throughout the period under examination it consistently maintained a proactive role for, and on behalf of, the Italo- Australian community. A longitudinal study on selected editorials written by then editor-in-chief Nino Randazzo shows that the newspaper lobbied relevant authorities and Australian governments alike on issues that mattered most to the Italian community, especially those related to domestic politics, migrant settlement and immigration. Using a content analysis methodology, the editorials were categorised into commonly emerging themes, highlighting the extent to which the newspaper commented on issues that affected the rapidly changing Italo-Australian community which experienced an important demographic shift from being predominantly Italian-born to increasingly Australian-born.

Keywords: Ethnic print media; Australia; Italian-language newspapers; Il Globo; editorial commentary; 1980s

Introduction

This paper analyses the community role of ethnic print media in Australia during the 1980s, using the Italian-language newspaper Il Globo as a case study. The aim is to determine the extent to which Il Globo played a proactive role for, and on behalf of, the wider Italo- Australian community which was concurrently undergoing significant demo- graphic and socio-economic changes. The Italo-Australian community became well established and involved in virtually all spheres of society, arguably becoming more ‘Australian’ and progressively less ‘Italian’. This occurred in the period after the Second World War and accelerated after the virtual cessation of mass Italian migration in the early to mid-1970s. There were both a rapid demographic increase in Australians of Italian ancestry and a transformation of Italian migrants and their descendants from a predominantly working- and peasant-class background into the upwardly mobile middle class. i Ultimately, this paper attempts to fill a gap in the literature on ethnic print media in Australiaii by addressing the dearth of scholarly works in this area and by diverging from previous studies which focused on the pivotal—though passive—role the ethnic press played in the process of integrating migrants. Rather, this paper focuses on the active role played by Il Globo in the issues that it perceived as important to the Italo-Australian community in the 1980s. Il Globo provides an excellent research case study for three reasons: first and foremost, it represents one of the longest-running foreign- language newspapers in Australia; second, by the late 1970s it had gained a virtual monopoly over the print media within the Italian- speaking community; and, third, for decades it served the largest community with a non-English-speaking background and the largest foreign-language- speaking community in Australia—only recently overtaken by the Chinese community (2006 census data). Il Globo continues a long-standing history of Italian-language papers which can be traced back to 1885.iii It was established in 1959 when Italians accounted for 20% of all incoming migrants. This influx of migrants was due to the Chifley Labor Government’s decision to adopt a policy of large-scale immigration in 1945—arguably the most important political compact in Australia’s historyiv—under which more than 288,000 Italians would migrate to Australia by 1971. Notwithstanding the dramatic changes to both migration flows and the print media sector, the ethnic press continues to play an important role by providing a means of communication to the ethnic communities scattered across Australia. Scholars argue that such papers aid the integration of migrant communities into mainstream society. v However, in the 1980s, with the roll-out of multicultural policy and the changing focus of immigration policy, the role that the Italian print media played in the Italian community is thought to have changed, because of the negligible number of new Italian immigrants (compared with the then recent past) and the ongoing integration of Italian migrants and their descendants in Australia. Previous research has shown the relevance of Italian newspapers such as Il Globo to the Italian community between 1959 and 1979.vi Throughout the 1980s the Italian community underwent significant change, becoming more established in the wider Australian community. vii Consequently, the newspaper’s content changed to reflect the deeper integration of the Italian community into Australian society. viii Indeed, Il Globo itself was a part of this transformation. By the 1980s, it seems Italians began to see themselves more as permanent, rather than temporary, residents of Australia. A pivotal figure at Il Globo and author of most of its editorials between 1979 and 1989 was its editor-in-chief, Antonino (‘Nino’) Randazzo. Randazzo’s many-sided character (journalist, editor, playwright, union organiser and, ultimately, politician) and trajectory in life (from journalism in Australia to politics in Italy) needs to be put into historical context the better to appreciate both his long-standing role as editor-in-chief and journalist and his political career—frustrated in his early years but fulfilled later in life. Born in 1932, Randazzo emigrated from the Aeolian Islands (Italy) at the age of 20. In 1957, he became an Australian citizen under the then prevalent policy of assimilation. His journalistic career began at a small Sicilian newspaperix and continued in Australia where he helped establish Il Globo in 1959. Starting as deputy editor, he became editor- in-chief in 1978. From 1959 to 2006, he wrote most of the paper’s editorials. x Randazzo’s career ambitions, however, were not confined to the media industry. In 1956, as a member of the Australian Labor Party and a union organiser, along with retired sea captain Giuseppe Di Salvo and left-wing activist Giovanni Sgrò, he helped establish the Italian- Australian Labour Council. xi In 1964, while still deputy editor of Il Globo but then as a member of the conservative Democratic Labor Party (DLP), Randazzo made his first attempt to enter politics by running on a DLP ticket for the Victorian State seat of Fitzroy, a seat which at that time numbered high concentrations of Italians. Despite the backing of prominent figures within the Italo-Australian community, of the newspaper he worked for (Il Globo), and of the DLP electoral machine, Randazzo’s attempt to enter State politics failed. xii His political career was frustrated, as British-Australian political scientist James Jupp once recalled, ‘to some extent by the widespread prejudice and hostility towards Italians, which characterised Australian life and about which he regularly protested’.xiii Not until 2006 could Randazzo—at 74 years of age and an influential figure in the Italian-Australian print media sector—fulfil his long-held political ambition by successfully contesting the newly created offshore Africa–Asia–Oceania–Antarctica seat in the Italian Senate, running as an overseas candidate in the Italian national elections for the centre- left coalition, L’Unione. Once elected, Randazzo resigned from Il Globo.xiv He contested, and won, two consecutive Italian elections (2006 and 2008) before retiring from politics and working life in 2013. One may argue that Randazzo’s multi-layered persona increased his status and influence within, and beyond, the Italo- Australian community, and that his lengthy tenure at Il Globo had, by the mid-2000s, helped him enter Italian national politics. The period from 1979 to 1989, albeit restricted from a research viewpoint, is the subject of study for this article. We begin by providing a background summary of the Italian print media in Australia, the project method and sampling, and the initial results. This is followed by a discussion in three areas that aim to open further inquiry into the role and function of Il Globo in the Italo-Australian community during the 1980s. The three areas chosen for discussion were centred on the discourse relating to the most dominant topics as identified by both content and discourse analyses of the editorial commentaries.

Literature Review and Research Methodology

Previous studies have concluded that the ethnic press provides an interpretive prism through which immigrants receive information and news about both their home and adopted countries.xv In Australia during the 1980s, the window through which most Italians were receiving information was narrow; for most drew upon a single source, Il Globo. When in 1978 Il Globo acquired its -based rival, La Fiamma, it virtually monopolised the Italian-language press nationally. xvi Given the resilience and success of Il Globo both as a newspaper and as a community institution, it may be argued that its owners and editorial office were always likely to become influential and play an important role, both in the Italian community and in the shaping of its identity. Research shows that successful ethnic press is supported by their communities. xvii Their success may be attributed to the fact that people will not read a newspaper with which they continuously disagree; thus these newspapers are reflecting, not creating, public opinion.xviii Il Globo became not only a key component of the Italo-Australian community but also a successful newspaper in its own right. Further, it had a larger circulation than other foreign-language newspapers. In 1980, papers in languages other than Italian and Greek had circulations of fewer than 6000. The 13 Greek papers had circulations between 480 and 27,500, with the corresponding figures for the 7 Italian papers being 4000 and 23,500.xix Among the Italian newspapers, Il Globo was read by the majority of Italians, xx with a circulation figure for 1982 of 26,400 and an estimated readership reach of 34%. This increased in 1990 and 1994 to 30,564 and 65,000, respectively. With the pass-on rate of ethnic newspapers being reported as three-and-a- half times that of mainstream papers,xxi and sometimes up to 10 people per publication,xxii it would appear that readership is more important than circulation. One may argue that Il Globo’s narrative could be extended to the narrative of its readership, given the paper’s longevity, its consistently high readership, and the size of its target population. Indeed, 20 years ago Il Globo reached 47% of the Italian community at least once a weekxxiii and this had edged up to 48% by 2000.xxiv Previous studies have shown that analysing newspaper content is a reliable indicator of the function a minority press plays in society. xxv To examine the community role of Il Globo, an historical analysis was undertaken of the opinions expressed in its editorials during the 1980s. Editorials were chosen because they are rich sources of dataxxvi which, according to Tovares,xxvii articulate the thoughts, voices, opinions and ideas of the various individuals and groups that make up an ethnic community. Over time these ‘voices’ come to be manifested in a collective identity,xxviii turning the newspaper into what Randoxxix describes as a ‘mouthpiece’ for the community. The main data source was a raw data sample comprising editorial articles from Il Globo, published between 1 January 1979 and 31 December 1989 and obtained from the State Library of , where issues of the newspaper from its inception until 1994 are stored on microfilm. During this period there was considerable public debate in the areas of immigration policy, the Numerical Multifactor Assessment System (NUMAS), multi- cultural policy, changes in social security and welfare policy and bilateral agreements with Italy. The selection of this period allowed the analysis to target a time when Italians in Australia were experiencing the most thoroughgoing social and demographic changes. Content analysis was undertaken on a final data sample of 464 editorials (a full list of articles is available in Johansson, 2011),xxx which were then coded by theme. To develop a coding schedule, each editorial was read, and codes grounded in the data were developed. A multiple classification approach was taken: that is, an editorial could be classified under more than one theme, because in 184 of the 464 selected articles more than one issue was commented upon and the weight of each issue could not be measured reliably. Thus, an editorial could be coded as having several themes so that the number of themes could exceed the number of editorials. To summarise the data meaningfully, the 21 themes that arose from the analysis were further reduced to seven broad categories: domestic political issues, settlement issues, immigration issues, multi- cultural issues, foreign affairs issues, economic and fiscal issues and other issues, as shown in Table 1 and Figure 1. After the data were sorted by coding, they were then categorised and statistical measures were applied. The number of editorials coded within each theme, and its associated sub-themes, was tabulated, using frequencies and percentages based on quantitative content analysis. Once analysis of the data was finished, the dependent variable—the frequency of Il Globo’s editorial commentaries—was analysed with respect to the independent variables, those issues identified as important in the Australian context during the 1980s. Quantitative content analysis on the final seven themes is presented in Figure 1.

Insert Table 1 approximately here Insert Figure 1 approximately here

The three largest categories were: domestic political issues (both Federal and State), settlement issues and immigration issues, which together constituted 67% of the final data sample as shown in Figure 1. To uncover the narrative of Il Globo, a qualitative content analysis of the top three themes was undertaken. The discourse of the self-emergent issues that dominated the editorial commentary formed the points of discussion; thus these points were grounded in the data. The narratives of the top three themes are discussed below.

Findings from a Longitudinal Survey on Selected Il Globo Editorials

A longitudinal study on editorials signed by Nino Randazzo from 1979 to 1989 produced interesting findings on the active role played by the newspaper with respect to the relevant authorities and governments on issues that mattered to the Italo-Australian community. Three themes were singled out as most prominent in the study: domestic political issues, settlement issues and immigration issues. These themes are examined below. Domestic political issues, both Federal and State, were the most frequently occurring theme, making up 34% of the selected 464 editorials. As shown in Figure 2, the focus clearly fluctuated between Victorian State elections (1979, 1982, 1985 and 1988) and the Federal elections (1980, 1983, 1984 and 1987). Il Globo took a bipartisan view, seeking to provide the Italian community necessary information with regard to the two major political parties in Australia (i.e. Labor and Liberal), so that its readership could make an informed voting decision. This was articulated in the newspaper, for instance, before the 1982 State elections in Victoria.xxxi Prior to elections, Il Globo usually interviewed political leaders on both sides of parliament to inform the Italian community about the policies and programmes at the heart of their electoral campaigns, as well as highlighting those which were important to the Italian community at the time, such as multicultural and immigration policies. Table 2 illustrates three important aspects of Il Globo’s status and approach when commenting on political issues. Firstly, interviews with political parties were split evenly between both sides of politics which demonstrated its bi-partisan role. Secondly, the status of the people interviewed was very high: for example, Randazzo interviewed the Prime Minister, the Premier of Victoria or their respective Opposition counterparts, on 13 occasions. Thirdly, Randazzo interviewed either the Federal Minister of Immigration or his Shadow Minister counterpart on nine occasions; thereby illustrating the importance of immigration policy to the Italo-Australian community, Il Globo and the Government.

Insert Figure 2 approximately here Insert Table 2 approximately here

Domestic political issues, apart from immigration, covered a wide range of topics. Randazzo followed political events and announcements on a weekly basis, and commented on issues such as economic matters and policy, multicultural issues and policy implications and general political debates. While Il Globo’s political commentary remained neutral throughout the 1980s, it did act as a de facto voice for the whole Italian community, and at times it took an active role on particular issues. For example, in 1982 Il Globo articulated what it perceived as its role in the Italo-Australian community in an open letter to Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser, which was published in its pages. This letter suggested that the Australian Government invite the President of the Italian Republic to Australia, and stated:

One ‘historic event’ which your Government could bring about and which would be amply justified by the current feelings of Australia’s Italian ethnic group as interpreted by this newspaper would be a State visit to Australia by the President of the Italian Republic, Signor Sandro Pertini. xxxii

This quote indicates that Il Globo considered it was representing, and giving voice to, the wants and needs of the Italo-Australian community. Il Globo received a response from the Federal Government, which it published on 2 August 1982, acknowledging that the Government would consider a visit by Pertini. From this letter, it would seem that the Australian Government perceived Il Globo as representing the Italo- Australian community, and acting as its mouthpiece. During the 1980s Il Globo voiced the thoughts, feelings and opinions of the Italian community on many topics, with the most common, after domestic political issues, being the transferability of pensions overseas and immigration policy. These topics formed part of the two next largest themes: namely, settlement issues and immigration issues which together were raised in 33% of the selected articles (see Figure 1). Throughout the 1980s both eligibility and transferability of pensions were negotiated between Italy and Australia. Randazzo identified a widening gap between immigrants with an English- speaking background and those from a non-English-speaking background. In an editorial titled Bisogna ancora lottare (‘We must fight on’), he explained that Italian aged pensioners were facing an increase from 10 to 35 years’ minimum residency in Australia in order to apply for a pension. Randazzo urged the Italian community to take advantage of the consultation period offered by the Federal Government to ensure a fair outcome, not only for the Italian community but for all ethnic communities in Australia. But on 8 August 1985, it seemed negotiations were to no avail. In an editorial titled Ma ora basta! (‘Enough is enough!’), Randazzo expressed his dismay with the outcome of the negotiations between Italy and Australia regarding social security policy:

The Italians of Australia should have had plenty of time to learn to take offers of aid and services from the Mother Country with a grain of salt. Today they know that, for their own good, it would have been better not to call for a stepping up of aid and services; perhaps it would have been more useful not to have stomped on the tails of sleeping dogs […]. It is displeasing for us, for the negotiators, both Italian and Australian, but most of all for those Italians who kept glossing over the matter of the 35 years until in the end when they made it the object of fruitless verbal objections.xxxiii

Eventually, a social security agreement between Australia and Italy was signed on 23 April 1986. In August 1987, Italy and Australia jointly decided to tax Italian pensions in Australia and Australian pensions in Italy. xxxiv Given the new taxation rules and the 35-year qualifying period, Randazzo and perhaps the Italo-Australian community felt their country of origin had abandoned them. In one of Randazzo’s editorials, which incidentally shows his grasp not only of complex issues but of the plight of aged Italians, he expressed both his and the Italian community’s disappointment in Italy:

This time there are too many things the Italian Auditor-General has forgotten or pretended to forget. The Auditor cannot or does not want to understand reasons why. He has forgotten that, if and when the Italian Parliament decides to ratify the Italo- Australian Accord—giving back a little dignity and hope to the demoralised Italian pensioners in Australia— Australians will have to contribute proportionally to the pensions of the former immigrants re-entering Italy on the basis of the period of their working life spent in Australia. He has forgotten that, in the 1950s, 1960s, and part of the 1970s, the annual remittances of Italian immigrants reached and surpassed the point of $1 thousand billion Lire. He has forgotten that the economies of entire regions in the South would have collapsed without remittances from the immigrants; and that the ‘economic miracle’ would not have been a reality without the escape valve of emigration, still not by free choice. He has forgotten that one should refrain from cutting a minimum pension, whether by a little or a lot, because the immigrants have paid legally guaranteed provident contributions towards their pension. He has forgotten that whatever the retroactive law, like that proposed, when it is not administratively beneficial it is politically oppressive, judicially indefensible, and socially repugnant. And one may also harbour suspicions that, behind the unspeakable tardiness of the Italian Parliament in ratifying the Italo- Australian Social Security Accord, there may be a truly cynical manoeuvre to cut all minimum pensions to emigrants—isn’t it so?xxxv

Immigration issues featured prominently in Randazzo’s editorial commentary throughout the 1980s, even though large-scale migration from Italy to Australia had ceased more than a decade before. The polemic between Il Globo and Labor Minister for Immigration Chris Hurford after the Australian Government’s introduction of a points- based system for prospective visa applicants provides a telling example of Il Globo’s attempt to influence legislation on behalf of the Italian community. In 1979, the Liberal Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, Michael MacKellar, launched NUMAS—a points system for assessing immigration applicants—which marked a departure from past practices. Randazzo made Il Globo’s view on NUMAS clear, stating: ‘NUMAS gives the civil immigration employees every discretionary power [to use it] as an instrument of social, economic, and racial discrimination’xxxvi and ‘NUMAS reveals its character, as a squalid instrument of discrimination, to damage the most numerous southern European ethnic groups: a slight modification of certain points does not to render it more humane’. xxxvii In 1985, Randazzo showed hope for a revision of immigration policy in an interview with Minister Hurford, published on 14 April that year. Indeed, Hurford made some vague promises: to reform the NUMAS selection system, to search for new Italian emigrants and to expand the family reunion category. However, these promises were broken when he announced a revision of the points system which did not contemplate any of the changes discussed in his interview with Il Globo, and in fact decreased the quota for new migrants.xxxviii Voicing the sentiment that the Italian community in this country was ‘under threat’, Randazzo focused his editorials on Hurford and the Government’s immigration policy. On 4 August 1986, Randazzo published letters the paper had received from both Hurford and Gerry Hand, the Labor member for the federal seat of Melbourne. Both letters explained and defended the immigration selection policy. xxxix The following week, Randazzo stated ‘the limit of tolerance [of all southern Europeans in Australia regarding the immigration policy] has been reached and exceeded’xl and he demanded that the Government ‘collectively and effectively isolate the by now discredited Hurford’.xli This sentiment did not change and, in fact, worsened with the publication of the FitzGerald Report in May 1988, which had been commissioned to investigate immigration policy after ethnic groups, such as the Italians—led by organs of the ethnic press, such as Il Globo—had expressed dissatisfaction with it. According to Randazzo, the results of this report carried a clear central message:

that Australia is completely closed to southern European immigrants, and in particular to Italians, Greeks and Yugoslavs, the three most numerous non-British ethnic groups that have borne the principal burden of the post- war immigration program and have, in many vital ways, enriched the demography, the economy, and the culture of the nation in the process.xlii

After Leader of the Opposition John Howard agreed with the report’s central recommendation, Randazzo took a strong stand against Howard as well, labelling him in his editorial a ‘pathetic figure for a leader’.xliii This recommendation was not the result the paper was hoping for when voicing its dismay through its editorials. Randazzo stated: ‘If the FitzGerald Report is accepted, it would mean Australia has been mistaken in everything up until now. It would mean that the millions of immigrants who have arrived from ’45 until today belong to the mistake category’. xliv According to Randazzo, the door to Australia had been closed to southern Europeans. He felt as though the Italian community was being subjected to discrimination when he stated that:

immigration has become a barometer for the maturity of Australian politics. The current situation reminds us of other symbolic moments in Australia’s brief history: of the persecution of the Aborigines and Asians, of the White Australia policy, of the infamous linguistic dictation test used for the expulsion of undesirables.xlv

Conclusion Content analysis revealed Il Globo’s proactive role for, and on behalf of, the Italo- Australian community. This may be best illustrated with reference to the three themes outlined in this paper, namely: domestic political issues, settlement issues and immigration issues. With regard to domestic political issues, it appears evident that Randazzo’s, and consequently Il Globo’s, strategy was not to support any political party but rather to support those parties that best served the needs of the Italian community; thereby allowing the paper and its editor-in-chief to remain politically neutral. Findings from the longitudinal study indicate that Il Globo acted as a mouthpiece for the Italo-Australian community, by directing its opinions and concerns to various government agencies and administrations. With regard to settlement issues, Randazzo’s editorials reflect the tensions between the Italo-Australian community and its host society during the roll-out of multicultural policies. In the development of a bilateral accord with Italy regarding pensions (e.g. the Social Security Agreement between Australia and Italy, in force since 1988), Il Globo became a de facto spokesperson for the community, attuned to its wants and needs, and disseminating relevant information within the community. Gaps in welfare policy during the 1980s brought home to the Italo-Australian community the realisation that mutual recognition of their pension rights was yet to be acknowledged. It also appears, through Il Globo’s editorial commentary, that there was a gradual acceptance of pension rights acquired while in Australia, which in turn reflected the permanent nature of the Australian emigration experience. In so far as the then Australian immigration policy was concerned, Il Globo was again seen by the Government as a legitimate medium for conveying information regarding its policy to the Italian community, and for expressing the wants, needs and views of the ethnic community to government. Il Globo did not accept this role passively but rather intervened actively in an attempt to engage community debate. Despite its active role, Il Globo’s editorials, articles, interviews and letters, which received responses from the relevant government ministers and agencies on critical matters, were at times not enough to influence the outcomes of issues that affected the Italo-Australian community. However, it is clear that Il Globo was active in obtaining responses from the Government, and therefore played an important leadership role in Australia’s Italian community during those decades; thereby maintaining its role, not only with regard to immigration and multicultural issues as identified by Edwards and D’Andreaxlvi in previous studies, but also in broader policy areas and on issues such as social security and welfare policy. By playing an active, public and even educative role, Il Globo helped shape Italo- Australians’ identity and sense of community by providing a medium for discourse,xlvii to the extent that the community came to regard the publication as one of its leading institutions. In the 1980s, Il Globo provided a media outlet through which the community interacted with governments and, through governments, with the wider society on issues that the newspaper perceived as important to, and for the betterment of, the community it represented. Il Globo’s external legitimacy was exemplified by Federal and State governments alike regarding the Italian-language newspaper as a trustworthy interlocutor in the political process and as a medium worth engaging with on complex issues. Further, the paper’s editorials seem to have struck a chord with its readership: thus Il Globo was not only supported by its community, but was also reflecting, not creating, community opinion, which supports previous research on the functions of the ethnic press.xlviii A critical figure in the success of Il Globo and its function in the community was the paper’s longstanding editor-in-chief, Nino Randazzo. As the most notable face of Il Globo, he was constantly in touch with his readership; and as a consequence the paper, through his editorials, was able to accurately identify and represent the changing views, hopes and aspirations of the Italo-Australian community in that era. The community embraced Il Globo as a medium for expressing itself and this cemented its role as a community institution. Much of the newspaper’s success must be attributed to Randazzo’s personal determination, ambition and ability. As result of this investigation, further study may be recommended. For instance, later periods (e.g. the 1990s and 2000s) may be analysed in order to determine to what extent (1) Il Globo maintained its proactive role, in particular after Randazzo vacated the Editor’s chair in 2006 and (2) the paper encountered an intensified challenge with the advent of the Internet age and digitalisation of the media. References

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Endnotes

i Ruzzene and Battiston, Italian-Australians. ii Miller, The Ethnic Press in the United States; Riggins, ‘The Media Imperative’; Husband, ‘Minority Ethnic Media as Communities of Practice’; and Cover, ‘Community Print Media’. iii Rando, ‘I giornali di lingua italiana in Australia’. iv Kelly, The March of the Patriots. v Park, The Immigrant Press and Its Control; Miller, The Ethnic Press in the United States; Riggins, ‘The Media Imperative’; and Tovares, ‘La Opinión and Its Contribution’. vi Edwards, ‘Australian Post-war Immigration’; ‘L’immigrazione post- bellica’; and ‘Australian Multicultural Policies According’. vii Mascitelli and Battiston, Il Globo. viii Pascoe, The Italian Press in Australia. ix Farouque, The Age, April 17, 2006. x Ibid. xi Battiston, ‘How the Italian-Australian’, 79–80. xii Ibid., 81. xiii Mascitelli and Battiston, Il Globo, 9. xiv Ibid., 7. xv Park, The Immigrant Press and Its Control; Baily, ‘The Role of Two Newspapers’; Miller, The Ethnic Press in the United States; Edwards, ‘Australian Post-war Immigration’; Tovares, ‘La Opinión and Its Contribution’; and Yin, ‘Between the Local and the Global’. xvi Doueihi, ‘Ethnic Press’; and Mascitelli and Battiston, Il Globo. xvii Tenezakis, The Content of Three Sydney-based Ethnic Newspapers. xviii Park, The Immigrant Press and Its Control; and Urbanski, ‘Immigration Restriction and the Polish-American Press’. xix Tenezakis, The Content of Three Sydney-based Ethnic Newspapers. xx Zafiropoulos, ‘The Ethnic Media’. xxi Ibid. xxii Apple, Ethnic Media Resource Booklet. xxiii See note 20 above. xxiv See note 22 above. xxv Edwards, ‘Australian Post-war Immigration’; Tovares, ‘La Opinión and Its Contribution’; Yin, ‘Between the Local and the Global’; and Nolan et al., ‘Mediated Multiculturalism’. xxvi Krippendorff, Content Analysis. xxvii Tovares, ‘La Opinión and Its Contribution’. xxviii Ibid. xxix Rando, ‘I giornali di lingua italiana in Australia’. xxx Johansson, ‘The Editorial Commentary’. xxxi Randazzo, Il Globo, March 29, 1982. xxxii Randazzo, Il Globo, May 3, 1982. xxxiii Randazzo, Il Globo, August 5, 1985. xxxiv Randazzo, Il Globo, August 31, 1987. xxxv Randazzo, Il Globo, August 10, 1987. xxxvi Randazzo, Il Globo, September 22, 1980. xxxvii Ibid. xxxviii Randazzo, Il Globo, June 10, 1985. xxxix Randazzo, Il Globo, August 4, 1986. xl Randazzo, Il Globo, September 15, 1986. xli Ibid. xlii Randazzo, Il Globo, June 6, 1988. xliii Ibid. xliv Ibid. xlv Ibid. xlvi Edwards, ‘Australian Post-war Immigration’; ‘L’immigrazione post- bellica’; and D’Andrea ‘Australian Multicultural Policies’. xlvii Carli, ‘A Community Paper’; and Cafarella and Pascoe, ‘The Newspaper for an “Imagined Community”’. xlviii Park, The Immigrant Press and Its Control; Tenezakis, The Content of Three Sydney-based Ethnic Newspapers; and Urbanski, ‘Immigration Restriction and the Polish-American Press’.