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The Golden Age of Mexican-Spanish Relations, 1931-1939

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The Golden Age of Mexican-Spanish Relations, 1931-1939 Optimism Betrayed: The Golden Age of Mexican-Spanish Relations, 1931-1939. Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of London By Ivan Hilmardel Pliego Moreno London School of Economics and Political Science 2 August 2005 UMI Number: U213078 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U213078 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract Mexico and Spain have had a long and complex relationship since the former achieved independence from the latter at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The two countries established diplomatic relations in 1836, yet it took almost a century before relations became meaningful and mutually beneficial. The establishment of the Second Spanish Republic in 1931 signified a new era in Spanish politics, and Spain’s foreign policy towards the Americas adopted a more pragmatic and progressive approach. In particular, this led to a new era in transatlantic relations towards Mexico. During the next five years, Spain and Mexico developed amicable and cooperative social, economic and political ties. The military uprising in Spain in the summer of 1936 put the Spanish Republic’s international relations to the test, revealing her true friends and allies. Mexico proved to be, beyond any doubt, Spain’s firmest supporter, although the relationship was unable to counterbalance the influence of European Non- Intervention, and American neutrality. Mexican efforts to gather sympathy and support for the Republican cause in the League of Nations had little effect. Mexico, along with the Soviet Union, and the contribution of the International Brigades, represented the legitimate Spanish Government’s only hope of international support. Other Latin American countries did not follow the example set by Mexican foreign policy towards Spain during the civil war. Nevertheless, Mexico’s stance demonstrated its commitment to democracy, whilst at the same time, showing its independence from the United States. There was an intense interest in the fate of the Spanish Republic, and after its defeat in 1939, Mexico opened the doors to nearly 30, 000 Spanish Republican exiles. They made an important contribution to Mexican cultural life, and became a constant reminder that the Second Republic was truly a significant, though thwarted, step towards the establishment of a democratic regime in Spain. 2 Table of Contents Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 5 Glossary 6 Introduction 7 Chapter I. Mexican Spanish Relations Before the Establishment of the Second Spanish Republic 18 Chapter II. The Golden Era of Mexican Spanish Diplomatic Relations 40 Chapter III. Mexican and Spanish Politics During the Second Republic 71 Chapter IV. The Outbreak of the Spanish Civil War and the Mexican Response in an International Context 98 Chapter V. Mexico Supports the Second Spanish Republic 133 Chapter VI. Mexicans Supporting the Rebels in the Spanish Civil War 176 Chapter VII. The Beginning of the Spanish Diaspora into Mexico 203 Chapter VII. The Schizophrenia of Mexican Spanish Relations, 1939-1977 244 Epilogue 270 Bibliography 273 Appendix 296 3 This work is dedicated to Yolanda Ortiz de Zulueta the most recent victim of (the study of) the Spanish Civil War, my life-long companion and beloved wife 4 Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Paul Preston, for his consistent guidance, encouragement, and support. I am extremely grateful to all the institutions that supported my work; particularly, the British Council and the CONACYT, whose funding allowed me to engage in this academic adventure, the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies at LSE, for both financial assistance and its unique academic research infrastructure, Dr. Clara E. Lida, Elat Colegio de Mexico , Leonor Sarmiento at the Ateneo Espanol de Mexico, and Mtra. Marcela Lombardo Otero, at the Centro de Estudios Filosoficos, Politicos y Sociales Vicente Lombardo Toledano. 1 would also like to thank the helpful archivists of the various archives in Mexico, Spain and the UK. A number of friends deserve especial mention, particularly Richard Baxell, Jerry Blaney, Sebastian Dovey, Mildred Foster, Simon Kollnberger, Pilar Munoz, Darren Olley, Mar Rubio and Ryme Seferdjeli, who gave me accommodation, support and encouragement. All assisted in hours of discussions, proofreading, and corrections, and shared this long journey. My debt of gratitude will be permanent to those many others who offered advice and encouragement. The final stage of the proofreading was generously completed by Liz Hoar, Maggie Torres, Jill Parsons, and Irene Huls. 5 Glossary AEM Ateneo Espanol de Mexico AGA Archivo General de la Administration AGMA Archivo General Militar de Avila AGN Archivo General de la Nation AHDM Archivo Historico Diplomatico Mexicano AHN Archivo Historico Nacional AHN-SGC Archivo Historico Nacional-Seccion Guerra Civil AHPCE Archivo Historico del Partido Comunista Espanol AIR Archivo de Izquierda Republicana AMAE Archivo del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores CCM Confederacion de la Clase Media CEDA Confederacion Espanola de Derechas Autonomas CEFPSVLT Centro de Estudios Filosoficos, Politicos y Sociales Vicente Lombardo Toledano CGOCM Confederacion General de Obreros y Campesinos de Mexico CGT Confederation General de Travail CIER Centro de Investigation y Estudios Republicanos CNT Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo COPA Confederacion Obrera Pan-Americana CROM Confederacion Regional Obrera de Mexico CSUM Confederacion Sindical Unitaria de Mexico CTM Confederacion de Trabajadores de Mexico FAPECyFT Fundacion Archivos Plutarco Elias Calles y Fernando Torreblanca FEE Falange Espanola en el Exterior FE de las JONS Falange Espanola de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista FET Falange Espanola Tradicionalista FLC Fundacion Francisco Largo Caballero FPI Fundacion Pablo Iglesias FUE Fundacion Universitaria Espanola FUE Federation Universitaria Escolar ILO International Labour Organisation JARE Junta de Auxilio a Refugiados Espanoles PAN Partido Action Nacional PNR Partido Nacional Revolucionario PSOE Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol PRM Partido de la Revolution Mexicana PRO Public Record Office SERE Servicio para la Evacuation de Republicanos Espanoles SHAT Service Historique de l’Armee de Terre UB Universitat de Barcelona UGT Union General de Trabajadores UME Union Militar Espanola UN AM Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico UNS Union Nacional Sinarquista uo Universidad Obrera de Mexico Vicente Lombardo Toledano 6 Introduction. On August 17, 1945, the City Hall of Mexico's capital was declared Spanish territory. This extraordinary declaration, along with the corresponding lull diplomatic immunities granted by the Mexican government, allowed an official public session of the Cortes Espanolas to reconstitute the Spanish Government of the Second Republic.1 The reasons behind this exceptional situation lay in the close relationship developed between the two countries during the previous decade. In order fully to understand the broad picture of the historical links, and the significance of Mexican-Spanish relations at a time of fundamental changes in world politics, a word must be said about the historical antecedents. In the period that elapsed between achieving independence from Spain and the military uprising against the Spanish Republican regime, Mexico had barely more than a century of history. Throughout this period, Spain played a prominent and, at times, very active role, as for example during the struggle for independence. It would be a mistake, however, to assume that Spain’s only active involvement was in ^attempting to prevent Mexican independence. On the contrary, Spaniards played a relevant part in the actual achievement of Mexico’s independence from Spain. As a sovereign state, Mexico owes its very existence to a collective effort in which Spaniards had a major role to play. Spaniards bom in the colonial territory were known as criollos, whereas those who had been bom in Spain were referred to as peninsulares. The former group played the leading role in organising and directing the War of Independence from the Spanish Crown, aided and abetted by the latter. Despite this, it is not surprising that some criollos did not want the American territories to be independent, while in addition, not all the peninsulares were against Introduction. the independence of the colonies. Some key figures emerged from this group, who identified themselves with the independence movement and made important contributions to it. One of them, Francisco Javier Mina, a young military man of the Spanish army, is considered a Mexican hero for his contribution to the war effort in resisting the colonial armies during the War of Independence.2 Due to his standing as a foreign fighter for Mexican independence, his name would later be linked to those of Mexican volunteers during the Spanish Civil War. Broadly speaking,
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