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The 1984/5 Miners· Strike THE 1984/5 MINERS· STRIKE: THE POLITIC/SING EFFECTS? Jacqueline Ellen Briggs University of York, D. Phil, 1995. ITHE 1984/85 MINERS' STRIKE: THE POLITICISING EFFECTS? JACQUELINE ELLEN BRIGGS, SUBMITTING FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY THE UNIVERSITY OF YORK, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICS, DECEMBER 1995. CONTENTS Acknowledgements ...... page iii Abstract ...... page iv 1. Chapter One - Introduction to the study ...... page 1 2.Chapter Two -Politicisation; what is it? ...... page 27 3. Chapter Three - Introduction to Hemsworth ...... page 87 4. Chapter Four -The Role of the Police ...... page 121 5. Chapter Five - The Role of the Media ...... page 177 6. Chapter Six - The Role of the Women ...... page 214 7. Chapter Seven - The Politics of Hemsworth ....... page 259 8. Chapter Eight - Conclusion to the Thesis ...... page 310 APPENDICES: (1). Appendix One - 1991 Census and Hemsworth ...... page 368 (2). Appendix Two - Parliamentary Election Results for the Hemsworth Constituency Since 1970 ....... page 372 (3). Appendix Three - Copy of Interview Questions ...... page 374 (4). Appendix Four - Minutes of a special meeting of Pontefract Police Community Forum ...... page 378 (5). Appendix Five - Main successor companies to British Coal ...... page 386 (6). Appendix Six - Incidence of Divorce ...... page 388 Bibliography ...... page 391. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincere thanks and deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Doctor Alex Callinicos whose advice, comments and moral support have been very valuable throughout my years of research. Many thanks to my colleagues, Doctor Hugh Bochel, Doctor Terence Karran and Doctor Youcef Bouandel for their help and advice on conducting research. I am particularly indebted to the Politics Department at the University of York, to the School of Policy Studies at the University of Humberside and to my former place of employment, Wakefield District College - especially for the aid and assistance given to me by the librarians at these institutions. SpeCial thanks undoubtedly goes to the people of Hemsworth without whom this research would not have been possible. Last, but not least, thanks to the family and friends, who have and who do share my life, for their support and sacrifice. iii ABSTRACT Commentators at the time made great reference to the effect of the 1984/5 Miners' Strike upon those living in the mining communities, especially the women. As Goodman stated, •Arthur Scargill's claim that the strike 'politicized' people as had no previous postwar industrial event, was certainly correct."(1}. In terms of the impact of the strike upon public opinion and electoral behaviour it is true that mining constituencies nationally did experience a significant surge in turn-out at the 1987 general election. To what extent was this symptomatic of the politicising effects of the 'Great Miners' Strike'? This thesis examines the extent to which the inhabitants of one mining community, Hemsworth in West Yorkshire, were or were not politicised as a direct result of the 1984/5 Miners' Strike. The research is based upon 60 in­ depth interviews, undertaken between 1989 and 1994, with a cross-section of the community. Whilst interest in the politicising effects has tailed off since the end of the strike the subject area remains important both because of the continued political importance of the future of the coalfields, as demonstrated following the October 1992 pit closure announcement, and for what it can tell us about how and why some people become politicised This thesis analyses the extent to which politicisation and changes in public opinion took place in Hemsworth and the extent to which these can be iv attributed to the 1984/5 Strike. A tripartite definition of politicisation is employed: political awareness, political participation and behavioural changes. The roles played by the police and the media are stressed, as is the impact upon the women. The research suggests that the Strike was a significant politicising event, especially upon certain sectors of the community such as the women and those who participated in activities such as picketing. It had a profound effect upon both attitudes and behaviour. It also motivated people who claimed never to have had any interest in politics. To quote one commentator on the Miners' Strike, they were -Never the same again"(2). 1. Goodman, G. The Miners' Strike, (London: Pluto, 1985), page 168. 2. Stead, J., Neyerthe Same Again, (London: The Women's Press, 1987). v CHAPTER ONE - Introduction to the Study. H I joined the Labour Party during the Strike and I'd never been a member before. I'm still a member." (1). HBefore the Strike I could take 'em or leave 'em.( the police). Now if I saw one drowning I certainly wouldn't pull him out. I hate the establishment. I hate the police, all except one (the local community constable}." (2) .. During the Strike, I became politicised during the Strike. I almost joined the Revolutionary Communist Party, not because I thought they were any good but because I used to go picketing, I've never been a miner but I used to go. Some of my mates went to Orgreave. I just had a deep hatred during the Strike, and I think the Revolutionary Communist Party articulated that hatred better than anybody else." (Now a member of the local Green Party). (3). • Not more involved, no. More aware, you become." (4). • I joined the Labour Party during the Miners' Strike. H (5). This research topic constitutes a critical analysis of the aftermath of the 1984/5 Miners' Strike. It involves the detailed examination of one particular community starting more than four years after the 1984/5 Miners' Strike. 1 The community examined here is Hemsworth, in West Yorkshire; the research attempts to ascertain whether the people of Hemsworth were "politicised" as a direct result of the Miners' Strike. A number of factors are central to this thesis. After giving a detailed descriptive and historical account of the community of Hemsworth, it is necessary to concentrate upon; firstly, the mining industry in general; secondly, the mining industry and Hemsworth; thirdly, the Miners' Strike in general terms; fourthly, the Miners' Strike and Hemsworth; fifthly, the concept of politicisation; sixthly, the politicisation of Hemsworth; and finally to marry the two major themes, - were the people of Hemsworth politicised and, if so, were they politicised as a direct result of the Miners' Strike or as a result of other factors? It is necessary to establish whether there is a causal relationship between the Miners' Strike and politicisation. The information accrued as a result of this research, using both the primary anQ secondary sources, is important because of what it reveals both about the question/concept of politicisation and also about the impact of the Miners' Strike on one specific mining community. A plethora of books, journals and other literature has been written about the Miners' Strike, much of which is analysed throughout the course of this thesis but, it is held that the concept of the politicisation of communities and the significant after-effects of the strike have not been given enough detailed investigation and have not been the subject of a great deal of debate. Since the end of the Strike interest has to a certain extent "tailed-oW, although the 199213 coal dispute did place it back in the political spotlight. This research sheds more light on politicisation and any lasting impact of the Strike. 2 RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY It is felt that the chosen topic is important because the state of the coalfields has been a crucial issue in British politics since the 1970s. Its importance was indicated when Cecil Parkinson(6), then Secretary of State for Energy, unveiled the Government's plans to privatise British Coal; a privatisation which is described in Jonathan Winterton's article (The Times Higher Education Supplement 11.1.91) as "Cecil Parkinson's promise of the "ultimate privatisation"". Parkinson notes in his book, 'Right at the Centre', that he made this claim at the 1988 Conservative Party Conference; "'Coal will be privatized. By the next parliament, we shall be ready for this, the ultimate privatization. '"(7). He goes on to say, .. What was ultimate about the proposed privatization of coal was that it would mark the end of the political power of the National Union of Mineworkers and would make the coal industry what it should always have been, another important industry, no more and no less important than many others. "(8). It is worthy of emphasis, however, that although the thesis is important because the question of coal is important, the wider question of politicisation constitutes the crux of the thesis and, therefore, the primary reason why the work is of interest to political scientists and others. This work seeks to examine whether Hemsworth can be regarded as a microcosm of the coal community as a whole. Are the lessons to be learnt from this study of Hemsworth applicable to other communities? Other industries, perhaps? Given that Hemsworth is (was?) a typical example of a mining community, it is a valid and representative example to use. This will be illustrated in subsequent chapters. This research topic can be seen as original for a number of reasons; firstly, many political observers, at least up until the October 1992 pit closure announcements, 3 regarded the coalfields as ·old hat·, almost a 'fait accompli' - they neglected the current developments, for example, privatisation, flexible working hours, etc.; secondly, the researcher has actually lived in the area which was subject to investigation. She is/was part of that community, not an (possibly patronising) outsider. It is worth stating, however, that care needs to be taken with this point as the researcher may not originally be a geographical outsider but the very nature of conducting the research and investigations means that she is to some extent an outsider; thirdly, the fact that the researcher is female might lend itself to a slightly different political perspective.
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