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Time Runs out for Space Telescope
Nature Vol. 293 17 September 1981 175 Time runs out for space telescope Unfortunately it was realized at a late stage or the gyroscopes create some Guidance snags that, as the fine guidance sensor had a unanticipated resonance in the support limited near range, by locking it in place the structure, something that will only be system would be unable to compensate for discovered during the pre-launch phase licked, others any sudden torque produced in the system when a modal survey will be carried out. as a whole in reaction to the movement of The alterations will also mean a slight some other component if the result was a degradation in the telescope's expected still hidden linear displacement of more than about performance. This will still be well within Washington 0.015 arc seconds. the minimum performance included in the Many fingers were crossed at a ground Following this "pointing crisis", the original design specifications; but it will breaking ceremony held at Johns Hopkins whole system has been redesigned. New not, at least initially, be as high as it could University in Baltimore, Maryland, on feedback has been introduced by keeping have been if more time (and development Monday to mark the beginning of the star selector in the interferometer funds) had been available. construction work on the Space Telescope working in an active mode to keep the Under the original Perkin-Elmer design, Science Institute. The construction of the telescope fixed in its predetermined for example, the telescope was expected to Large Space Telescope itself, due to be direction. -
Lord Cecil Parkinson 1
Lord Cecil Parkinson 1 Trade minister in Margaret Thatcher's first government in 1979, Cecil Parkinson went on to become Conservative Party chairman. He was instrumental in privatizing Britain's state-owned enterprises, particularly electricity. In this interview, Parkinson discusses the rethink of the British Conservative Party in the 1970s, Margaret Thatcher's leadership in the Falklands War, the coal miners' strike, and the privatization of state-owned industries. Rethinking the Conservative Party, and the Role of Keith Joseph INTERVIEWER: Let's talk about Margaret Thatcher during the '70s. After the defeat of [Prime Minister Ted] Heath, Margaret Thatcher almost goes back to school. She and Keith Joseph go to Ralph Harris [at the Institute for Economic Affairs] and say, "Give us a reading list." What's going on here? What's Margaret really doing? LORD CECIL PARKINSON: I think Margaret was very happy with the Heath manifesto. If you look at the Heath manifesto, it was almost a mirror image of her 1979 manifesto. All the things—cutting back the role of the state, getting rid of the nationalized industries, curbing the train unions, cutting of taxes, controlling public expenditure—it's all there. It's a very, very good manifesto. And I've heard her recently compliment him on the 1970 manifesto, which was a slightly sort of backhanded compliment, really. What troubled her was that we could be bounced out of it. We could be moved from doing the things which we knew were right and doing things which we secretly knew were wrong because of circumstances, and I think instinctively she felt this was wrong, but she didn't have the sort of intellectual backup, she felt, to back up her instincts. -
'Why Tories Won: Accounting for Conservative Party Electoral
'Why Tories Won: Accounting for Conservative Party Electoral Success from Baldwin to Cameron' Dr Richard Carr, Churchill College, Cambridge - 15 November 2012 [email protected] Thank you Allen for that kind introduction. Thank you too, of course, to Jamie Balfour and the Winston Churchill Memorial Trust for the support that enabled the research that I will lay out in part today. The research grant was extremely valuable for an early career academic – providing the means to support archival research that still informs my work some two years later, which has borne fruit in three of the articles that will be referred to at the bottom of the slides behind me, and in three monographs on twentieth century British politics I am due to publish in 2013. 6 publications and counting therefore owe part of their genesis to this grant, not withstanding the good work of my two sometime co-authors throughout this period, Dr Bradley Hart (a former PhD student here at Churchill College and current lecturer at California State University Fresno), and Rachel Reeves MP.1 By final way of preamble I must also thank the staff here at the Churchill Archives Centre, and indeed the Master, for various kindnesses over the years – not least in relation to a conference Bradley and I played a small role in coordinating in November 2010, during my By-Fellowship.2 So, today’s lecture is entitled ‘Why Tories Won: Accounting for Conservative Party Electoral Success from Baldwin to Cameron.’ Now, given Stanley Baldwin became Conservative Party leader in 1923, and David Cameron – Boris and the electorate permitting – seems likely to serve until at least 2015, that is quite an expanse of time to cover in 40 minutes, and broad brush strokes – not to say, missed policy areas - are inevitable. -
Holders of Ministerial Office in the Conservative Governments 1979-1997
Holders of Ministerial Office in the Conservative Governments 1979-1997 Parliamentary Information List Standard Note: SN/PC/04657 Last updated: 11 March 2008 Author: Department of Information Services All efforts have been made to ensure the accuracy of this data. Nevertheless the complexity of Ministerial appointments, changes in the machinery of government and the very large number of Ministerial changes between 1979 and 1997 mean that there may be some omissions from this list. Where an individual was a Minister at the time of the May 1997 general election the end of his/her term of office has been given as 2 May. Finally, where possible the exact dates of service have been given although when this information was unavailable only the month is given. The Parliamentary Information List series covers various topics relating to Parliament; they include Bills, Committees, Constitution, Debates, Divisions, The House of Commons, Parliament and procedure. Also available: Research papers – impartial briefings on major bills and other topics of public and parliamentary concern, available as printed documents and on the Intranet and Internet. Standard notes – a selection of less formal briefings, often produced in response to frequently asked questions, are accessible via the Internet. Guides to Parliament – The House of Commons Information Office answers enquiries on the work, history and membership of the House of Commons. It also produces a range of publications about the House which are available for free in hard copy on request Education web site – a web site for children and schools with information and activities about Parliament. Any comments or corrections to the lists would be gratefully received and should be sent to: Parliamentary Information Lists Editor, Parliament & Constitution Centre, House of Commons, London SW1A OAA. -
The New Right Think Tanks and Policy Change in the Uk
THE NEW RIGHT THINK TANKS AND POLICY CHANGE IN THE UK Andrew James Tesseyman DPhil Thesis University of York Politics Department Submitted, February 1999 Abstract It has often been claimed that, during the 1980s and early 1990s, the new right think tanks — namely the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), Centre for Policy Studies (CPS), and Adam Smith Institute (ASI) — had a major impact on policy-making and policy change. This thesis addresses such claims by examining three reforms in which the new right think tanks have been attributed an influence — bus deregulation, education reform, and prison privatisation. It seeks not only to empirically assess their impact, but also to relate these findings to the policy-making literature, in particular the Rhodes Model which emphasises policy continuity and the Advocacy Coalition Framework which seeks to explain policy change. It is argued that the new right think tanks had an impact on all three policy changes, as members of "advocacy coalitions", although the nature and extent of this impact varied. In some cases, the TEA, CPS, and ASI were able to have a direct impact on policy change, obtaining access to policy-makers through coalition allies. In other cases their impact was indirect, in shaping the broader "climate of ideas". The new right think tanks also contributed to new patterns of policy formulation, although there is limited evidence of any long-term structural impact on policy-making in these areas. It is also argued that the case studies raise a number of issues for the Rhodes Model and the Advocacy Coalition Framework, although these could be addressed by integrating the two to develop an approach to account for both policy continuity and policy change. -
A Question of Definition? Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001
6 Mark Garnett Ideology and the Conservative Party A question of definition? Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001 Mark Garnett In the wake of election defeats in 1970, 1974 and 1979 both the Labour Party and the Conservatives held prolonged inquests into the reasons for their apparent failures in office. These debates – which were often extremely bitter – focused on the underlying principles which had informed the performance of each party. In each case critics claimed that governments had been guilty of ideological betrayal. In 1970 and 1979 Labour’s leaders were accused of not being socialist enough; after the fall of the Heath government in 1974 the ex-Prime Minister was attacked for the opposite reason. The 1975 Con- servative leadership contest, in which Edward Heath was defeated by Margaret Thatcher, took place against a background of fierce ideological conflict between what came to be known as economic ‘wets’ and ‘dries’. The 1997 general election produced a more decisive defeat for the Conservatives than any of the three most recent reversals of fortune for either party; and economic policy, the traditional fulcrum of ideological debate, was a key factor for the voters who turned out the Tories after eighteen years of power. Yet after the landslide, under William Hague internal party disagree- ments about economic policy were confined to skirmishes over the details, notably the extent and timing of tax cuts. Observers of Conservative con- ferences could be forgiven for thinking that membership of the European single currency had very little to do with economics; but in any case Hague’s compromise policy on this issue held up well enough to keep remaining misgivings under control (see Chapter 3). -
Ideology and Cabinet Selection Under Margaret Thatcher 1979-1990
Prime Ministerial Powers of Patronage: Ideology and Cabinet Selection under Margaret Thatcher 1979-1990 Abstract: This article will examine how Margaret Thatcher utilised the Prime Ministerial power of Cabinet ministerial appointment between 1979 and 1990. The article will utilise the Norton taxonomy on the parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP) to determine the ideological disposition (non-Thatcherite versus Thatcherite) of her Cabinet members across her eleven years in office. It will assess the ideological trends in terms of appointments, promotions and departures from Cabinet and it will use archival evidence to explore the advice given to Thatcher to assist her decision-making. Through this process the article will demonstrate how Thatcher was more ideologically balanced than academics have traditionally acknowledged when discussing her Cabinet selections. Moreover, the article will also demonstrate the significance attached to media presentation skills to her decision-making, thus challenging the emphasis on ideology as a dominant determinant of Cabinet selection. Keywords: Conservative Party; Margaret Thatcher; Thatcher Government 1979-1990; Ministerial Selection; Cabinet Ministers. 1 Introduction: This article contributes to the academic literature on the political leadership of Margaret Thatcher, focusing on the powers of patronage that a Prime Minister possesses in terms of Cabinet selection. The article will address the following three research questions: first, how ideologically balanced were her Cabinets; second, did she demonstrate a bias towards Thatcherites in terms of promotions into Cabinet; and, third, was there a bias towards non- Thatcherites in terms of departures from Cabinet? In answering these questions, the article will use archival evidence to gain insights into the factors shaping her decision-making on Cabinet selection. -
Conservative Economic Policy-Making, 1974-79
Farewell to prices and incomes policies: Conservative economic policy-making, 1974-79 Adrian Williamson University of Cambridge [email protected] CWPESH no. 9 Abstract: From 1960 to 1979, Prices and Incomes Policy (“PIP”) was central to Labour and Tory attempts to manage the economy. Since 1979, no Government has attempted direct controls on wages or prices. The Conservatives moved away from controls in the late 1970s. This paper considers two aspects of that change: the move away from PIP and the debates over joining the EMS. In the 1970s, the Conservatives were playing out in microcosm the central economic debates which had tormented policymakers since the 1960s and which were to preoccupy them throughout the 1980s and beyond. In contrast to the Wilson, Heath and Callaghan governments, they were moving away from PIP but they were doing so uncertainly. By default, they decided that markets should fix wages and prices, but with a little discreet assistance from a ‘forum’. Whether that would turn back into PIP remained to be seen. They embarked upon, but did not resolve, a key question that then arose: should economic management depend upon close linkage with Europe and the Deutschmark? Or was the UK to be a monetarist island, ‘entire of itself’? It is tempting to think that the abandonment of PIP, and British refusal to join the EMS, were inevitable. But this is not so. By 1979, the Conservatives had posed many questions about inflation, but they had arrived at very few answers. 2 Introduction Between about 1960 and 1979, Prices and Incomes Policy was a central feature of attempts by successive British Governments, of both parties, to manage the economy. -
Crown Copyright Catalogue Reference
(c) crown copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/36 Image Reference:0061 THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT Printed for the Cabinet. October 1962 CC. (62) Copy No. 45 61st Conclusions CABINET CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cabinet held at Admiralty House, S.W. I. on Tuesday, 23rd October, 1962, at 10.30 a.m. Present: The Right Hon. HAROLD MACMILLAN, M.P., Prime Minister The Right Hon. R. A. BUTLER, M.P., I The Right Hon. THE EARL OF HOME, First Secretary of State Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Items 1-6) The Right Hon. VISCOUNT HAILSHAM, j The Right Hon. LORD DILHORNE, Lord Q.C., Lord President of the Council j Chancellor and Minister for Science i The Right Hon. REGINALD MAUDLING, The Right Hon. HENRY BROOKE, M.P., M.P., Chancellor of the Exchequer Secretary of State for the Home Department The Right Hon. DUNCAN SANDYS, M.P., The Right Hon. IAIN MACLEOD, M.P., Secretary of State for Commonwealth Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Relations and Secretary of State for the Colonies (Items 1-3) The Right Hon. PETER THORNEYCROFT, The Right Hon. JOHN HARE, M.P., M.P., Minister of Defence Minister of Labour The Right Hon. ERNEST MARPLES, M.P., The Right Hon. CHRISTOPHER SOAMES, Minister of Transport M.P., Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food The Right Hon. JOHN BOYD-CARPENTER, The Right Hon. MICHAEL NOBLE, M.P. M.P., Chief Secretary to the Treasury Secretary of State for Scotland and Paymaster General The Right Hon. -
Evidence Versus Ideology in Education Policy
Educar 34 001-176 7/1/05 13:08 Página 53 Educar 34, 2004 53-70 Evidence versus ideology in education policy; the recent history of initial teacher education in England and Wales and the implications for educational researchers as agents of change Terry Haydn University of East Anglia. School of Education and Professional Development Norwich NR4 7TJ [email protected] Resum En els últims trenta anys, hem assistit a una reconsideració radical de la manera com els llicenciats universitaris han estat iniciats en l’ensenyament a Anglaterra i Gal·les. Malgrat que es tracti d’un breu espai de temps, és possible discernir un canvi significatiu en la mane- ra com s’ha tractat de portar a terme un canvi en aquest aspecte de l’educació. Els anys vuitanta es van caracteritzar per una prudent i gradual evolució cap a un sis- tema «d’associació» entre les escoles i les universitats. Els estudiants ocupaven més temps d’ins- trucció a l’escola que no pas a la universitat. Més recentment, l’acostament a l’escola com a base de la formació va ser redefinit des d’un model precipitat i poc consensuat d’acredi- tació segons «competències». El contrast amb les anteriors modalitats de formació de mes- tres a Anglaterra i Gal·les és encara més notable. L’article subratlla els canvis d’enfocament en la reforma de l’etapa inicial de l’educació de mestres a Anglaterra i Gal·les, així mateix, considera les implicacions derivades dels dits canvis per a aquells que es dediquen a la inves- tigació educativa. -
Birmingham, 1968
1 Birmingham, 1968- At Roy Wake’s suggestion, in the revolutionary year of 1968 John followed Roy into the Inspectorate. At John’s interview for the position, across the room he could discretely notice his old friend Shirley Williams, who was by then a junior Minister for Education.1 On his departure from the school at the end of 1967 after his 15 years as Boys’ housemaster, the Bedales Chronicle, raved: ‘For many of us, John Slater is all that is worthwhile at Bedales, and indeed is Bedales as we should like to remember it.’2 In their history of Bedales, Roy Wake and Pennie Denton commented that: John Slater developed his ideas in dealing with controversy and political education during his time at Bedales, and took them into national work, playing a key role in advising the then Secretary of State, now Lord Joseph, when the uproar over [the subjects of] Political Education and Peace Studies was at its height; he remains extremely active in all matters concerning the teaching of history and politics, as professor in the London Institute of Education.3 In January 1967, John’s friend Shirley Williams’ became Minister of State at the Department of Education and Science in charge of schools. In her view, the post-war generation of teachers was the most impressive ever to enter state schools in the UK many had already had responsible roles in the armed forces and had benefited from the wartime government’s Further education and Training Programme, offering ex-servicemen and women the opportunity and means to go to university and paying for them to graduate.4 On 20 December 1967, at the Court at Buckingham Palace, Her Majesty in Council was pleased on a Represenrtion of the Secretary of State for Education and Science5 to appoint John Gilmour SLATER, Esquire, B.A. -
Thornleigh Salesian College “ GOD HAS CREATED ME to DO HIM SOME DEFINITIVE SERVICE
The North West Dioceses Catholic Leadership Programme Tuesday 16th May 2017 Thornleigh Salesian College “ GOD HAS CREATED ME TO DO HIM SOME DEFINITIVE SERVICE. HE HAS COMMITTED SOME WORK TO ME WHICH HE HAS NOT COMMITTED TO ANOTHER. I HAVE A PART TO PLAY IN THIS GREAT WORK; I HAVE MY MISSION. I AM A LINK IN A CHAIN, A BOND OF CONNECTION BETWEEN PERSONS. HE HAS NOT CREATED ME FOR NAUGHT. I SHALL DO GOOD, I SHALL DO HIS WORK.” THE LEADER’S MORNING OFFERING Dear Lord So far today I have done well. I have not gossiped, nor have I lost my temper , been irritated by or been irritable with my colleagues. I have not said anything insensitive or thoughtless. I have been neither selfish nor overindulgent. THE LEADER’S MORNING OFFERING Dear Lord So far today I have done well. I have not gossiped, nor have I lost my temper , been irritated by or been irritable with my colleagues. I have not said anything insensitive or thoughtless. I have been neither selfish nor overindulgent. ….But Lord, help me to realise… THE LEADER’S MORNING OFFERING Dear Lord So far today I have done well. I have not gossiped, nor have I lost my temper , been irritated by or been irritable with my colleagues. I have not said anything insensitive or thoughtless. I have been neither selfish nor overindulgent. ….But Lord, help me to realise… ….that in a few moments….. THE LEADER’S MORNING OFFERING Dear Lord So far today I have done well. I have not gossiped, nor have I lost my temper , been irritated by or been irritable with my colleagues.