DOCSLIB.ORG

Letters in the Question and Answer Session Following the Speeches, How Long Was Lloyd George Two Salient Points Were Quickly the Top an MP? Raised

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Letters in the Question and Answer Session Following the Speeches, How Long Was Lloyd George Two Salient Points Were Quickly the Top an MP? Raised REports to do with the rural and histori- coming to dominate. The that the British Liberal Demo- cal origins of many of the liberal United Kingdom has not been crats are now the largest liberal sister parties and its comparative immune from this process, even party in Europe. Where we lose under-representation in urban, without the help of a PR sys- out is because, under a first- metropolitan areas. This means tem for Westminster elections. past-the-post electoral system also that metropolitan issues are Our own party was formed as for the national Parliament, we not sufficiently well addressed a result of the split of the SDP have not been able to participate by the party at European level, from Labour in 1981. Also, as in government. This contrasts although its positions on asy- William Wallace pointed out, with the position of some liberal lum, immigration and gay rights the economic liberals who were parties in other EU countries, are strong ones overall. highly significant in the Liberal which are much smaller in The top three issues in the Party of the 1940s and early terms of their national vote or ELDR manifesto for the June 1950s decided to leave the party seats in their national assembly Euro elections were the econ- and were instead the inspira- but who are able to form coali- omy, the environment and civil tion for people like Margaret tions, get into government and liberties. This chimes precisely Thatcher and Sir Keith Joseph, sometimes even provide the with British Liberal priorities. making the Conservative Party prime ministership. The point we have reached, of the 1980s an overtly eco- therefore, after nearly forty nomic liberal entity. Graham Lippiatt is the Secretary years of close cooperation with As a postscript to the discus- of the Liberal Democrat History the various sister parties across sion, it is worth remembering Group. Europe, is one where British Liberals feel comfortable and positive – and, while ELDR/ ALDE is a broader church than the British party, we can look forward to the future with con- fidence that liberal values as we understand them and policies deriving from those values will continue to prevail. LEttErs In the question and answer session following the speeches, How long was Lloyd George two salient points were quickly The top an MP? raised. The first was that when The Liberal Democrat His- that he never attended the Lords these questions were first three issues tory group’s autumn 2008 quiz doesn’t affect this. He was cer- becoming important in the late in the ELDR (reprinted in Journal 61, Winter tainly not an MP at the time of 1970s–early 1980s, the risk for 2008-09) contained a ques- his death. British Liberals was that we manifesto tion asking how many years Kenneth O. Morgan would be swamped by the much and days David Lloyd George larger groups of the French for the June had served as MP for Caernar- Lloyd George was surely an centrists under Valery Gis- von Boroughs. Consideration MP from when his result was card D’Estaing and, to a lesser Euro elec- of the answer threw up some declared on 11 April 1890 until degree, the German FDP. That tions were uncertainties: should the start his peerage was announced on problem has been remedied date be counted as the date of 1 January 1945. I have always by the growth in representa- the economy, his election, or the date of the considered I became Leader tion that the Liberal Democrats count and announcement (the of Richmond-upon-Thames have achieved in European the environ- next day), or the day on which council at 10.24 pm on Thurs- elections under proportional he took his seat? Should the end day 10 November 1983. This representation and by the ment and date have been the day on which was the time showing on my decline in French liberal num- civil liberties. his peerage was announced, or watch in the victory photo bers – indeed, a decline mir- the day on which he died (he when the second by-election rored across much of southern This chimes was too ill ever to take his Lords win was declared that evening. Europe. The other point was seat)? Two correspondents have However, the name of Lloyd that in all countries there has precisely taken up the issue: George’s constituency in 1890 been considerable political flux, was not Caernarvon Boroughs. with parties undergoing great with Brit- Lloyd George took his seat on It was Carnarvon Boroughs, or changes internally, sometimes ish Liberal 17 April 1890 and ceased being strictly the Carnarvon District splitting and re-forming, or one with the conferment of his of Boroughs. The firstTimes with one faction or philosophy priorities. title on 1 January 1945. The fact Guide to the House of Commons to Journal of Liberal History 63 Summer 2009 39 LEttErs use Caernarvon Boroughs in a pre-troubles Northern bill’s opponents succeeded Morley does not com- was the 1935 edition, prob- Ireland. She introduced a in having it talked out. Thus ment editorially on many of ably a late change as it still Human Rights Bill on four a letter from King Edward these references, but occa- follows Cardiff. Perhaps occasions and campaigned to his son, the future King sionally he allows his scepti- there was a Statutory Instru- on a wide range of issues George V, on 12 March, cism to appear, particularly ment changing the con- from electoral reform to the stating: ‘Thank heaven these in relation to the scientific stituency name, if someone abolition of capital punish- dreadful women have not discoveries of the century: wants to solve this puzzle ment. In 1965 she even had yet been enfranchised. It definitively. In 1983 the con- the rare distinction of being would have been more dig- Mr Gladstone watched stituency spelling changed an unopposed Liberal MP! nified if the PM had not spo- these things vaguely and to Caernarfon. Berkley Farr ken on the Bill - or backed it with misgiving: instinct In 1890 the Carnarvon up’. A letter to CB followed must have told him that District of Boroughs com- Editor’s note: we will be carry- on 29 March when the King the advance of natural prised Carnarvon, Bangor, ing a full biography of Sheelagh wrote: ‘The conduct of these explanation … would Conway, Criccieth, Nevin Murnaghan in a future issue of so-called “suffragettes” has be in some degree at the and Pwllheli; and from 1918 the Journal. been so outrageous and done expense of the supernatu- to 1950 only Carnarvon, that cause such harm (for ral. But from any full or Bangor, Conway and Pwll- which I have no sympathy) serious examination of heli. As well as Caernar- that I cannot understand the details of the scientific fon we now have Conwy, CB and women’s suffrage why the Prime Minister movement he stood aside, Nefyn, and for some Welsh I must challenge Richard could speak in their favour’. safe and steadfast within speakers Cricieth. Name Reeves’ statement ( Journal Dr Alexander (Sandy) S. the citadel of Tradition. changes are a minefield for of Liberal History 62, Spring Waugh the unwary, and even for 2009) that Sir Henry Camp- Of course Gladstone read the expert. FWS Craig has bell-Bannerman (CB) was voluminously on theological Caernarvon Boroughs in ‘far from progressive on the Morley and Gladstone and even scientific subjects, British Parliamentary Election issue’ of women’s suffrage. I was surprised to see that but his interest often lay in Results 1885–1918. In 1870 – within two years Michael Ledger-Lomas, in the secondary detail. For David Williams of his election as an MP in reviewing Richard Shan- Morley and many of his gen- 1868 – CB voted for Jacob non’s Gladstone: God and eration the realisation that Bright’s unsuccessful bill Politics ( Journal 61, Winter the universe was both vaster Sheelagh Murnaghan for women’s suffrage (Jacob 2008–09), perpetuated the and immeasurably older I was somewhat surprised to Bright, a younger brother of claim that John Morley than previously believed see no mention of Sheelagh John Bright, was then one ‘turned a positivist’s blind imposed a radical re-exam- Murnaghan in the ‘Liberal- of Manchester’s three MPs). eye’ to his subject’s religious ination of the view that the ism and Women’ issue of Nor did CB modify his views. In the introductory divine creator retained a the Journal (issue 62, Spring consistent acceptance of the chapter to the great biog- direct personal interest in 2009). The article on Lib- principle of women’s enfran- raphy, Morley suggested the human species inhabit- eral women MPs notes that chisement after he became that the ‘detailed history of ing this small planet. Glad- between 1951 and 1986 there Prime Minister. Mr Gladstone as theologian stone, on the other hand, were none at all. On 19 May 1906 he and churchman will not retained the life-long con- Sheelagh Murnaghan received a deputation of be found in these pages’; viction that God supported was the only Liberal MP to some three hundred suffra- but there are nevertheless and directed his daily activi- be elected to the Northern gettes who were told that, innumerable references, ties. Morley did not seek to Ireland Parliament. At a although he thought that the throughout the book, to the challenge this comforting time before the Orpington activities of the more mili- key role of religion in Glad- view, because the purpose by-election when there tant agitators were counter- stone’s career.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Australian Council for Educational Administration Reproductions
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 355 640 EA 024 741 AUTHOR Aldrich, Richard TITLE The Emerging Culture of Educational Administration: A UK Perspective. PUB DATE Jul 92 NOTE 19p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Australian Council for Educational Administration (Darwin, Northern Territory, Australia, July 5-8, 1992). PUB TYPE Speeches/Conference Papers (150) Viewpoints (Opinion/Position Papers, Essays, etc.) (120) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Administrative Change; *Administrative Organization; *Educational Administration; *Educational Change; *Educational History; Elementary Secondary Education; Foreign Countries IDENTIFIERS *United Kingdom ABSTRACT Organization of the United Kingdom's education system mirrors its political divisions; education is different and somewhat autonomous in each area: England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. The Department of Education and Science, based in London, oversees the English education system. Education in the United Kingdom has a longstanding foundation of voluntary provision based on the Church and private philanthropy. In recent years, local power in English education has been based in some 100 Local Education Authorities (LEAs). This has led to some wide disparities between educational systems. The educational system is divided into primary schools, secondary schools, and higher education. The overriding feature of all three parts is that historically they have not invested much in administration. The origins of educational reform can be traced to three sources: the oil crisis of 1973-74, Labour party views, and the Conservative radicalism of Margaret Thatcher. This Conservative educational view was implemented through a series of reform laws. It is still uncertain what the long-term effect of this reform period will be. However, the role of educational administration and administrators has been changed significantly, and local educational authorities have been depleted.
    [Show full text]
  • Lord Cecil Parkinson 1
    Lord Cecil Parkinson 1 Trade minister in Margaret Thatcher's first government in 1979, Cecil Parkinson went on to become Conservative Party chairman. He was instrumental in privatizing Britain's state-owned enterprises, particularly electricity. In this interview, Parkinson discusses the rethink of the British Conservative Party in the 1970s, Margaret Thatcher's leadership in the Falklands War, the coal miners' strike, and the privatization of state-owned industries. Rethinking the Conservative Party, and the Role of Keith Joseph INTERVIEWER: Let's talk about Margaret Thatcher during the '70s. After the defeat of [Prime Minister Ted] Heath, Margaret Thatcher almost goes back to school. She and Keith Joseph go to Ralph Harris [at the Institute for Economic Affairs] and say, "Give us a reading list." What's going on here? What's Margaret really doing? LORD CECIL PARKINSON: I think Margaret was very happy with the Heath manifesto. If you look at the Heath manifesto, it was almost a mirror image of her 1979 manifesto. All the things—cutting back the role of the state, getting rid of the nationalized industries, curbing the train unions, cutting of taxes, controlling public expenditure—it's all there. It's a very, very good manifesto. And I've heard her recently compliment him on the 1970 manifesto, which was a slightly sort of backhanded compliment, really. What troubled her was that we could be bounced out of it. We could be moved from doing the things which we knew were right and doing things which we secretly knew were wrong because of circumstances, and I think instinctively she felt this was wrong, but she didn't have the sort of intellectual backup, she felt, to back up her instincts.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Why Tories Won: Accounting for Conservative Party Electoral
    'Why Tories Won: Accounting for Conservative Party Electoral Success from Baldwin to Cameron' Dr Richard Carr, Churchill College, Cambridge - 15 November 2012 [email protected] Thank you Allen for that kind introduction. Thank you too, of course, to Jamie Balfour and the Winston Churchill Memorial Trust for the support that enabled the research that I will lay out in part today. The research grant was extremely valuable for an early career academic – providing the means to support archival research that still informs my work some two years later, which has borne fruit in three of the articles that will be referred to at the bottom of the slides behind me, and in three monographs on twentieth century British politics I am due to publish in 2013. 6 publications and counting therefore owe part of their genesis to this grant, not withstanding the good work of my two sometime co-authors throughout this period, Dr Bradley Hart (a former PhD student here at Churchill College and current lecturer at California State University Fresno), and Rachel Reeves MP.1 By final way of preamble I must also thank the staff here at the Churchill Archives Centre, and indeed the Master, for various kindnesses over the years – not least in relation to a conference Bradley and I played a small role in coordinating in November 2010, during my By-Fellowship.2 So, today’s lecture is entitled ‘Why Tories Won: Accounting for Conservative Party Electoral Success from Baldwin to Cameron.’ Now, given Stanley Baldwin became Conservative Party leader in 1923, and David Cameron – Boris and the electorate permitting – seems likely to serve until at least 2015, that is quite an expanse of time to cover in 40 minutes, and broad brush strokes – not to say, missed policy areas - are inevitable.
    [Show full text]
  • A Question of Definition? Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001
    6 Mark Garnett Ideology and the Conservative Party A question of definition? Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001 Mark Garnett In the wake of election defeats in 1970, 1974 and 1979 both the Labour Party and the Conservatives held prolonged inquests into the reasons for their apparent failures in office. These debates – which were often extremely bitter – focused on the underlying principles which had informed the performance of each party. In each case critics claimed that governments had been guilty of ideological betrayal. In 1970 and 1979 Labour’s leaders were accused of not being socialist enough; after the fall of the Heath government in 1974 the ex-Prime Minister was attacked for the opposite reason. The 1975 Con- servative leadership contest, in which Edward Heath was defeated by Margaret Thatcher, took place against a background of fierce ideological conflict between what came to be known as economic ‘wets’ and ‘dries’. The 1997 general election produced a more decisive defeat for the Conservatives than any of the three most recent reversals of fortune for either party; and economic policy, the traditional fulcrum of ideological debate, was a key factor for the voters who turned out the Tories after eighteen years of power. Yet after the landslide, under William Hague internal party disagree- ments about economic policy were confined to skirmishes over the details, notably the extent and timing of tax cuts. Observers of Conservative con- ferences could be forgiven for thinking that membership of the European single currency had very little to do with economics; but in any case Hague’s compromise policy on this issue held up well enough to keep remaining misgivings under control (see Chapter 3).
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Economic Policy-Making, 1974-79
    Farewell to prices and incomes policies: Conservative economic policy-making, 1974-79 Adrian Williamson University of Cambridge [email protected] CWPESH no. 9 Abstract: From 1960 to 1979, Prices and Incomes Policy (“PIP”) was central to Labour and Tory attempts to manage the economy. Since 1979, no Government has attempted direct controls on wages or prices. The Conservatives moved away from controls in the late 1970s. This paper considers two aspects of that change: the move away from PIP and the debates over joining the EMS. In the 1970s, the Conservatives were playing out in microcosm the central economic debates which had tormented policymakers since the 1960s and which were to preoccupy them throughout the 1980s and beyond. In contrast to the Wilson, Heath and Callaghan governments, they were moving away from PIP but they were doing so uncertainly. By default, they decided that markets should fix wages and prices, but with a little discreet assistance from a ‘forum’. Whether that would turn back into PIP remained to be seen. They embarked upon, but did not resolve, a key question that then arose: should economic management depend upon close linkage with Europe and the Deutschmark? Or was the UK to be a monetarist island, ‘entire of itself’? It is tempting to think that the abandonment of PIP, and British refusal to join the EMS, were inevitable. But this is not so. By 1979, the Conservatives had posed many questions about inflation, but they had arrived at very few answers. 2 Introduction Between about 1960 and 1979, Prices and Incomes Policy was a central feature of attempts by successive British Governments, of both parties, to manage the economy.
    [Show full text]
  • Crown Copyright Catalogue Reference
    (c) crown copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/128/36 Image Reference:0061 THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT Printed for the Cabinet. October 1962 CC. (62) Copy No. 45 61st Conclusions CABINET CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cabinet held at Admiralty House, S.W. I. on Tuesday, 23rd October, 1962, at 10.30 a.m. Present: The Right Hon. HAROLD MACMILLAN, M.P., Prime Minister The Right Hon. R. A. BUTLER, M.P., I The Right Hon. THE EARL OF HOME, First Secretary of State Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Items 1-6) The Right Hon. VISCOUNT HAILSHAM, j The Right Hon. LORD DILHORNE, Lord Q.C., Lord President of the Council j Chancellor and Minister for Science i The Right Hon. REGINALD MAUDLING, The Right Hon. HENRY BROOKE, M.P., M.P., Chancellor of the Exchequer Secretary of State for the Home Department The Right Hon. DUNCAN SANDYS, M.P., The Right Hon. IAIN MACLEOD, M.P., Secretary of State for Commonwealth Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Relations and Secretary of State for the Colonies (Items 1-3) The Right Hon. PETER THORNEYCROFT, The Right Hon. JOHN HARE, M.P., M.P., Minister of Defence Minister of Labour The Right Hon. ERNEST MARPLES, M.P., The Right Hon. CHRISTOPHER SOAMES, Minister of Transport M.P., Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food The Right Hon. JOHN BOYD-CARPENTER, The Right Hon. MICHAEL NOBLE, M.P. M.P., Chief Secretary to the Treasury Secretary of State for Scotland and Paymaster General The Right Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • Evidence Versus Ideology in Education Policy
    Educar 34 001-176 7/1/05 13:08 Página 53 Educar 34, 2004 53-70 Evidence versus ideology in education policy; the recent history of initial teacher education in England and Wales and the implications for educational researchers as agents of change Terry Haydn University of East Anglia. School of Education and Professional Development Norwich NR4 7TJ [email protected] Resum En els últims trenta anys, hem assistit a una reconsideració radical de la manera com els llicenciats universitaris han estat iniciats en l’ensenyament a Anglaterra i Gal·les. Malgrat que es tracti d’un breu espai de temps, és possible discernir un canvi significatiu en la mane- ra com s’ha tractat de portar a terme un canvi en aquest aspecte de l’educació. Els anys vuitanta es van caracteritzar per una prudent i gradual evolució cap a un sis- tema «d’associació» entre les escoles i les universitats. Els estudiants ocupaven més temps d’ins- trucció a l’escola que no pas a la universitat. Més recentment, l’acostament a l’escola com a base de la formació va ser redefinit des d’un model precipitat i poc consensuat d’acredi- tació segons «competències». El contrast amb les anteriors modalitats de formació de mes- tres a Anglaterra i Gal·les és encara més notable. L’article subratlla els canvis d’enfocament en la reforma de l’etapa inicial de l’educació de mestres a Anglaterra i Gal·les, així mateix, considera les implicacions derivades dels dits canvis per a aquells que es dediquen a la inves- tigació educativa.
    [Show full text]
  • Four Speeches That Changed the World
    4 SPEECHES THAT CHANGED THE WORLD THAT 4 SPEECHES In 1974, Sir Keith Joseph delivered a series of speeches which set out – for the fi rst time – an alternative to the prevailing consensus of the day. These speeches, which changed the world, remain remarkably fresh and relevant today. For with amazing clarity, force and indeed humility, SIR KEITH JOSEPH Sir Keith argued against the easy but fl awed option of money-printing to solve current economic problems. In its place, he argued for a smaller state, lower government spending, lower taxes and lighter regulation. Four Speeches that The aim? To encourage enteprise as the only way to secure higher long- term employment, economic health and prosperity for all. changed the world He did not pretend then that such an approach would be politically easy. WITH A FOREWORD BY LORD VINSON OF RODDAM DENE But as he asked at the time: “Can we aff ord to? Experience leads me to ask, can we aff ord not to?” Price £10.00 SIR KEITH JOSEPH Centre Centre for Policy for Policy Studies Studies These lectures, originally given by Sir Keith Joseph shortly after he and Margaret Thatcher founded the Centre for Policy Studies on 12 June 1974, are reprinted on the occasion of the Inaugural Margaret Thatcher Conference on Liberty, held on 18 June 2014 to celebrate the 40th anniversary of our foundation. Acknowledgement The circulation of this lecture has been underwritten by the Nigel Vinson Trust in furtherance of the wider understanding of the constitution of freedom. The aim of the Centre for Policy Studies is to develop and promote policies that provide freedom and encouragement for individuals to pursue the aspirations they have for themselves and their families, within the security and obligations of a stable and law-abiding nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Margaret Thatcher's Cabinet
    Margaret Thatcher’s Cabinet “If you want something said, ask a man; if you want something done, ask a woman.” —Margaret Thatcher Dear Delegates, Welcome to WUMUNS 2018! My name is Stephen Bertelsman, and I am your director for Margaret Thatcher’s Cabinet. I am in the class of 2019 at Washington University in St. Louis, majoring in Political Science and History. In addition to directing this committee, I serve as the president of our Model United Nations team. I have been involved in Washington University’s Model UN organization since my first year and consider my teammates my closest friends. As a native of St. Louis, I cannot wait to welcome you to our city for an exciting weekend. Our committee will begin on May 4, 1979, when Queen Elizabeth II invited Margaret Thatcher to form a government. Thatcher, dubbed “the Iron Lady” by the Soviet press, charged ahead, ready to tackle the daunting issues of the day. But Thatcher, formidable as she may be, cannot lead the whole nation alone. She needs the help of you, her loyal cabinet, to effectively govern the nation. Will you rise to the occasion? Or will you stand idly by as the greatest empire in the world crumbles away? The decisions are yours alone to make. Dare to be bold, but remember the old adage: “The higher up the mountain, the more treacherous the fall.” If you have any questions while preparing for the conference, please do not hesitate to contact me at [email protected]. God Save the Queen! Sincerely yours, Stephen Bertelsman Contents Committee Mandate……………….…………..……………………… 1 Background Information..……………………………...………….
    [Show full text]
  • The Conservative Party and Thatcherism, 1970-1979: a Grass-Roots Perspective
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository The Conservative Party and Thatcherism, 1970-1979: A Grass-Roots Perspective by Daniel Anthony Cowdrill B.A (Hons) M.Phil A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of Master of Philosophy Department of Medieval and Modern History College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham September 2009 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis argues that ‘Thatcherism’ was consistent with the values and interests of the Conservative party. The threat of socialism was pervasive and underpinned by the party’s socio- economic base. The economic status of the middle class, under threat from inflation, pay controls, taxation, organised trade unions, and even comprehensive education, resulted in a strong emphasis on individual freedom. The free market, property, and choice, with their strong norm of methodological individualism, were the Thatcherite alternative. This strengthened those with skills and qualifications but destroyed the collective structures that supported those without. Thatcherite historiography is exercised most by intellectual high politics while the broader Conservative party has been neglected.
    [Show full text]
  • 01-Edwards-Text 1..204
    Chapter 1 Timeline3 1968 . Kenneth Robinson's Green Paper4 on NHS reorganisation in England and Wales was published with a similar paper in December in Scotland. Both proposed the replacement of the tripartite division of health services with area boards A40±50 for England and Wales), combining the responsibilities of Regional Hospital Boards, Hospital Management Committees, local authority personal health services and Executive Councils. The Ministries of Health and Social Securitywere amalgamated to form the Department of Health and Social SecurityADHSS). Richard Crossman became the ®rst Secretaryof State for Social Services. Health regained its Cabinet seat. 1969 . The Redclie Maud Commission on Local Government5 reported, recommend- ing three Metropolitan Authorities containing 20 Metropolitan District Au- thorities outside London and 58 UnitaryAuthorities in the rest of England. Theyalso felt that local authorities should take over responsibilityfor the NHS. The Hospital AdvisoryService was established following a series of scandals about the ill-treatment of patients in long-stayhospitals. GeoreyHowe led an inquiryinto care at ElyHospital in Wales. 1970 . Richard Crossman's Green Paper6 on NHS reorganisation was published. It amended Robinson's 1968 proposals bydoubling the number of area boards to ®t in with local government arrangements, it reintroduced the idea of regional planning boards and it suggested, within the larger area boards, local `district' committees to involve the communityand health service workers in running the NHS. However, the chain of command was to run from the minister direct to area boards, with regions having an advisoryrole only. The Conservatives won the General Election. Keith Joseph replaced Richard Crossman as Secretaryof State for Social Services.
    [Show full text]
  • Science Policy Under Thatcher
    Science Policy under Thatcher Science Policy under Thatcher Jon Agar First published in 2019 by UCL Press University College London Gower Street London WC1E 6BT Available to download free: www.uclpress.co.uk Text © Jon Agar, 2019 Jon Agar has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identified as author of this work. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from The British Library. This book is published under a Creative Commons 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the work; to adapt the work and to make commercial use of the work providing attribution is made to the authors (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Attribution should include the following information: Agar, J. 2019. Science Policy under Thatcher. London, UCL Press. https://doi.org/10.14324/111.9781787353411 Further details about Creative Commons licenses are available at http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/ Any third-party material in this book is published under the book’s Creative Commons license unless indicated otherwise in the credit line to the material. If you would like to re-use any third-party material not covered by the book’s Creative Commons license, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. ISBN: 978-1-78735-343-5 (Hbk) ISBN: 978-1-78735-342-8 (Pbk) ISBN: 978-1-78735-341-1 (PDF) ISBN: 978-1-78735-344-2 (epub) ISBN: 978-1-78735-345-9 (mobi) ISBN: 978-1-78735-346-6 (html) DOI: https://doi.org/10.14324/111.9781787353411 For Kathryn, Hal and Max, and my parents Ann and Nigel Agar.
    [Show full text]