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Copyright by RONALD D. FOWLER 1978 the LIFE and POLITICAL THOUGHT OF Copyright by RONALD D. FOWLER 1978 THE LIFE AND POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JACQUES ABBADIE by RONALD D. FOWLER, B.A., M.A. A DISSERTATION IN HISTORY Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved / Chairman of t] '^wy/.^jl^ %.. 3L.VÍ ofi Íhe Giíaduate School May, 19 7 8 A?/X^0355 ÍT^ ^^<^ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS c y V"> *—^ My grateful appreciation goes to Dr. Lowell L. Blaisdell of the Texas Tech University History Department. For years, he has tirelessly and professionally directed my course through graduate work and, then, through the research and writing phases of this dissertation effort. His unceasing interest and optimistic spirit have been constant sources of encouragement to me during these years In addition, I would like to thank the members of the graduate committee who supervised the now-completed degree program and dissertation. Especially I would like to acknowledge the time-consuming task performed by each member in reading and criticizing this dissertation. Dr. David M. Vigness, Dr. Jacquelin Collins, Dr. James W. Plarper, Dr. William E. Oden and, especially, Dr. James E. Brink, all contributed encouragement and constructive criticism at stages during the program. Finally, I am grateful to all friends and col- leagues who aided or encouraged the completion of this document. The list would be far too long if all names were to be mentioned. 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . ii Chapter I. THE HUGUENOT BACKGROUND 1 II. LIFE OF JACQUES ABBADIE 4 2 III. THE CORONATION SERMON OF 1688 87 IV. 1692: THE DEFENSE DE LA NATION BRITANNIQUE 131 V. ENGLAND AND PAPISM IN THE DEFENSE 18 0 VI. CONCLUSION 215 BIBLIOGRAPHY 246 111 CHAPTER I THE HUGUENOT BACKGROUND The purpose of this work is to explore the life and political philosophy of Jacques Abbadie (1654-1727), French Protestant divine, historian, and political theorist Although Abbadie was one of the more well-traveled men of his day, leaving France to reside in Brandenburg, England, and Ireland by life's end, his interest in the experiences of his Huguenot coreligionists back home prior to and fol- lowing the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 16 85 never flagged. Eventually, because of the circumstances in Franc and the situations in which he found himself, the Protestan minister came to deal with politics, a subject for which his training was inadequate. The political concepts that he evolved leaned heavily upon the ideas of John Calvin, the man whose thought shaped his primary interest, theology John Calvin, although best-known for his theolog- ical writings, also proferred his political opinions at various times over the course of his career. It was in the nstitutes of the Christian Religion, in fact, that he offered his most comprehensive remarks on this subject. In the fourth book, twentieth chapter, he dealt with the 2 subject of "Civil Government." A number of important political concepts emerge from this chapter, several of which are germane to the material that follows. John Calvin believed, first, that civil government was an essential condition of life. It was ordained by God as a distinct entity separate from spiritual govern- 2 ment. In fact, the division is so basic that neither secular nor spiritual government may interfere with the other without negatmg its very nature. 3 Magistrates, created by God, must look to the preservation of an atmosphere of godliness in civil society so that Law will be based on true piety. The chief responsibilities of magistrates are "righteousness (justice)" and "judgment 4 (control of wickedness)." On a broader scale, government in mankind takes three forms: Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy. It is God in His eternal wisdom who determines 5 that which is best for a particular society. Private John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion^ 2 vols., translated by Henry Beveridge (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1962), 2: 650-676. Hereafter cited as "Calvin." 2 Ibid., pp. 651-652. 3Ibid. , pp. 140-141. Although this is not a refer- ence to the specific chapter cited above, it is the most direct statement made by Calvin on the subject of the divi- sion. It thus serves a purpose in clarifying allusions found in the chapter on civil government to the twofold nature of authority. ^lbid., pp. 652-659. ^lbid., pp. 656-659. persons, through conscience as well as fear, owe respect and obedience to magistrates as God's appointed. This is true even when the officials are tyrants, for, often, tyranny is God's means of imposing punishment on a sinful 7 society. If a tyrant is to be resisted, this is the domain of "popular magistrates" if they "have been appointe to curb the tyranny of kings," such as the "Ephori" in Sparta, the "Demarchs" in Athens, or, perhaps the three g orders in moaern kingdoms. However, at times God, in His mercy, may use "avengers" to punish or remove a wayward 9 monarch. The private individual may ignore a magistrate's orders only when they are contrary to the expressed Will of God. If the consequences of. his disobedience are severe he may be solaced by the knowledge of his redemption throug Christ. Such, in brief, are the points of Calvin's political philosophy that have application here. Calvin's theory remained the basis of Huguenot political thought until 16 85. Even the religious wars of the sixteenth century could not shake the foundations of support for the monarchy entrenched in the sect. Certainl]^ it is true that the contemporary thinkers called the "monarchomachs" added certain dimensions to the initial ^lbid., pp. 668-669. ^lbid., pp. 670-674. ^lbid., p. 675. ^lbid., p. 674. Ibid., pp. 675-676. core of ideas and expanded the original rationale, but the spirit of Calvin remained basic within their works. That Calvin's fundamental concepts continued to be accepted is indicated by the general submission of the Huguenots to the monarchy after the accession of their coreligionist, Henry IV, to the throne in 15 89. This acceptance continued for a century and began to change only after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 16 85. It is the thesis of this paper that Jacques Abbadie, living a century and a half after Calvin, and active in the period of Huguenot political reassessment occasioned by the Revocation, struggled to evolve a politico-religious theory which would be consonant with the original tenor of Reformation Calvinism. And, in doing so, Abbadie demonstrated the illogic of a God- oriented political tlieory in an increasingly secular age. The progression of Abbadie's life and theory makes for an interesting study, which must, for practical con- siderations, begin with a brief survey of Huguenot history and political theory from 1562-16 85. The period, conve- niently, may be divided into four appropriate time seg- ments, which allows for an analysis of each in turn. Part I: 1562-1589 Persecutions connected with the French Reformation can be documented as early as the 1520's. During the four decades that followed, indications of the increasing ten- sions between dominant Catholic and growing Protestant factions multiplied. In 1547, for instance, the special agency called the "burning chamber" began its assigned 12 task of punishing Protestant heretics. But it was not until 1562 that the fragile peace in the French society deteriorated into war. In that year, Francis, the Catholic Duke of Guise, attacked and massacred a group of Huguenots 13 at worship in Vassy. This event signaled the beginnings of the religious warfare which would devastate France for forty years, and may be used for our purposes as initiatinc the first of the four designated periods. It is crucial to recognize the complexity of the French situation which faced the Huguenots in the last half of the sixteenth century. Religion was not their onli; subject of concern, for political strife, based on family jealousies, also played a part in these tumultuous decades. "La chambre ardente." 12 Philippe Erlanger, St. Bartholomew's Night, trans. Patrick O'Brian (New York: Randon House, Pantheon Books, 1962), p. 16. Originally published under title Le massacre de la Saint-Barthelemy, 24 aout 1572 (Paris: Gallinard, 1960) . 13 The massacre at Vassy has been called the "Sarajevo of the religious wars," by H. 0. Evennett, The Cardinal of Lorraine and the Council of Trent, p. 21, quoted in Donald R. Kelley, "Martyrs, Myths, and the Massacre: the Background of St. Bartholomew," American Historical Review 77 (December 1972): 1334. Rivalries involving the Valois family led by Catherine de Medici, the Guises under Francis and Henry, and the Bour- bons under Henry of Navarre, supported by the Montmorency clan, brought France constantly to the brink of disaster. Senseless brutality appeared early and led to the most violent event in the early war period: the infamous St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 15 72, when Catholics in Paris and other major cities attacked and murdered thou- sands of Huguenots. Promises were made by all sides, only to be broken when convenience demanded; atrocities occurrec only to be regretted when necessity called for compromise. While the Guises and the Bourbons fought for family and religion, the Valois fought for survival, and the Mont- morencys fought for political sanity. Only the removal of the Valois and Guise leadership and the Catholic con- version of Bourbon Henry brought peace, finalized in 1598 by the famous Edict of Nantes. The Calvinist political theoreticians during the period 1562-1572 had some difficulty synthesizing John Calvin's political ideas with the realities of the war situation. It was essential for them to view the Huguenot participation in warfare as basically defensive in nature, with the Huguenots defending the Valois monarch^ W.
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