JJeanean GGilles’silles’s MMessesse ddeses MMorts:orts: A SStudytudy iinn CContextualontextual PeriodPeriod PerformancePerformance Mark Ardrey-Graves
The Requiem Mass of Jean Gilles is certainly not a workhorse of the concert hall or even the Baroque fes- tival, but it has nevertheless enjoyed a comfortable performance history both throughout the eighteenth century and again since the 1950s.1 Even with its interpretation on record and in con- cert by a number of leading Baroque performance ensembles, however, Gilles’s Messe des Morts has yet to be thoroughly explored or presented in an historically informed contextual man- ner that grounds the composition in its ritual-liturgical roots.
Mark Ardrey-Graves Doctoral Student in Choral Conducting James Madison University [email protected]
CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 9 Jean Gilles’s Messe des Morts
BBackgrouackgrou ndnd musique at the Cathedral of St. Etienne Gilles’s most famous work and has been in Toulouse. Although the archival re- considered so since soon after his death. Jean Gilles was born on January 8, cord enigmatically suggests attempts by The composition of the Messe des Morts 1668, in Tarascon, Provence, a small vil- Gilles to secure a position at the larger most likely dates from the last two or lage near Avignon.2 In 1679, Gilles was Cathedral in Avignon,3 he appears to three years of his life. Gilles was com- accepted as a chorister at the Cathedral have held the post in Toulouse until his missioned to compose the work for the of Saint-Sauveur in Aix, fi fty-eight miles death in 1705 at the age of thirty-seven. funeral of a Toulouse government offi cial, away. Due to illness, however, he was An early eighteenth-century account but the offi cial’s son refused to pay the assigned a probationary period before of his grave marker, no longer extant, expense for the instrumental forces he could begin active participation; this reads, “Here lies Jean Gilles, cleric of this that the composition required. Gilles, was the fi rst indication of the fragile church, no less distinguished in the art of therefore, stated that the Mass would health that would plague him through- his music than for his harmonious mode not be performed until after his own out his short life. In 1687, at the age of of life.” Surviving works attributable to death. It is reasonable to assume that the nineteen, Gilles was accepted to stay on him are three masses (one discovered in Mass was performed at Gilles’s funeral in the employ of the Cathedral, one year an archive in Belgium and authenticated in Toulouse.5 later assuming the rank of sous-maître. only in the year 20074), thirteen Grands Following Gilles’s death, his music— Six years later, he replaced his retiring Motets (including a Te Deum and a set- the Messe des Morts in particular—re- teacher, Poitevin, as maître de musique at ting of the Lamentations), and numerous ceived notoriety across France. The the Cathedral but held the post for less Petits Motets. Archival records list the German theorist and composer Johann than two years. In early 1695 he took a names of other motets either lost or as Mattheson commented on a perfor- teaching position in nearby Agde, and in of yet unidentifi ed. mance of the work in Grenoble in 1726. late 1697 he was hired as the maître de The Messe des Morts is arguably It received a number of performances between 1749 and 1770 at the Concert Spirituel, an important public subscrip- tion concert series in Paris.6 In 1756 it was performed at a memorial Mass for the harpsichordist Pancrace Royer (who had directed the Concert Spirituel from 1748). It received another notable liturgical performance in Paris in 1764 at a funeral mass for Jean-Philippe Rameau, and ten years later for no less an occa- sion than the burial offi ce of King Louis XV. In Provence, the work continued to be sung as late as 1805, in a pastiche ver- sion that combined it with movements from the Messe de Requiem of Gilles’s countryman André Campra.7 AMERICAN The Messe des Morts exists in a num- CLASSICAL ber of eighteenth-century manuscripts, the earliest dating from Toulouse c. 1731. Following the performance for Rameau’s MUSIC memorial service, the score was pub- lished by Michel Corrette, who claimed to have published it as Gilles wrote it. In Weston Noble was inducted into the American Classical Music Hall of Fame for 2013 during its earliest extant form (both the 1731 2014 North Central ACDA Conference in Des Moines, Iowa. The award was presented manuscript and the 1764 publication), by Vance Wolverton. the Messe des Morts is scored for four-
10 CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 A Study in Contextual Period Performance
presentation at the burial of King Louis “Given the documentation of the Messe des Morts’s XV in 1774. One cannot even assume that lively performance history throughout the eighteenth the notes themselves would be the century, the notion of an historically informed common thread. At Rameau’s funeral, for example, not only was the work modern performance immediately encountersers a reorchestrated with oboes, horns, daunting problem: performers can approachh and bassoons, but certain movements Gilles’s Mass from a number of equally (such as the Kyrie) were even rewrit- ten.11 That being said, a researched, viable entry points. historically informed performance study is neither futile nor unproductive but simply in need of a careful and nuanced approach that focuses on contextual part orchestra (with fl utes doubling the edition edited and published by Michel particulars. Gilles’s Messe des Morts is dessus de violon) and fi ve-part choir. Ex- Corrette.10 A scholarly performing edi- a wonderful candidate for an explora- tensive solo and ensemble-solo passages tion of the Mass, edited by John Hadju tion of numerous and equally legitimate predominate the texture for fi ve vocal Heyer, was published by A-R Press historical performance practices. For the soloists: two dessus (trebles), haute- in 1984 as Volume 47 of the Recent purpose of this brief study, the liturgical contre (high tenor), basse, and taille haute Researches in the Music of the Baroque performance in Toulouse in 1705 takes (tenor). The inclusion of a solo part for Era series. This publication remains the primacy of place and will be the focus taille haute, although not completely uncontested critical modern edition of discussion. In many ways, the 1705 unknown in French vocal music of the of the work. Both full score and vocal Toulouse context raises perhaps the early eighteenth century, is nevertheless score of Heyer’s edition are available most interesting performance practice uncommon and one way that Gilles’s for purchase from the publisher; instru- questions; unfortunately, they are also work bears a distinctive stamp. mental parts are available for rental. The the most unanswerable. The modern conductor and re- published score is also widely available searcher are fortunate to have ready in university libraries. access to the music of the Messe des Given the documentation of the PPerformanceerformance PPracticeractice Morts in both manuscript facsimile Messe des Morts’s lively performance CConsiderationsonsiderations score and scholarly performing edi- history throughout the eighteenth tion. A manuscript of Concert Spirituel century, the notion of an historically Gilles’s Mass setting includes com- provenance, dated to 1762, is available informed modern performance imme- posed concerted music of the following online from two different sources: at diately encounters a daunting problem: sections: Introit (Requiem aeternam), the International Music Score Library performers can approach Gilles’s Mass Kyrie, Gradual (Requiem/In memoria Project (IMSLP) and at Gallica, the online from a number of equally viable entry aeterna), Offertory (Domine Jesu Christe/ database of the Bibliothèque nationale points. The work’s fi xture in the French de France.8 The Gallica database also musical consciousness for over eighty contains three manuscript scores from years suggests that it witnessed and was the eighteenth century, dating to 1731, subject to the changing face of perfor- c. 1740, and 1753.9 The 1731 copy, like mance practice during the eighteenth that of 1762, was at one time in the rep- century. Anyone interested in the notion ertoire archives of the Concert Spirituel. of a contextual “period” performance of Like most music manuscripts from the this work must fi rst ask which period is RISERS, FOLIOS, BOARDS & Baroque era in France, these scores are in question. The funerary performance MORE @ DISCOUNT PRICES! written in a meticulously neat hand and of the mass in Toulouse in 1705 would FREE MUSIC PRODUCTS CATALOG are quite legible for the modern reader have marked differences from its con- 1-800-280-40701-800-573-6013 (once clefs are taken into account). Also cert life at the Parisian Concert Spirituel www.valiantmusic.com available at Gallica is the 1764 printed in the 1750s, and different still from its
CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 11 Jean Gilles’s Messe des Morts
Hostias et preces), Sanctus and Bene- dictus, Agnus Dei, and Communion The Messe des Morts began its life as an instrument (Lux aeterna). At the Concert Spirituel, “ the work would have been performed of ritual and prayer, a part of the larger ceremonial thus—one movement following anoth- fabric that was the Requiem Mass and Burialal Offi ce er in progression, just as the work exists in the manuscript and modern edition of the Roman Catholic Church, rather than scores and as one might expect to ex- as art music to be pondered and perience it in a modern concert hall or on recordings.12 In the liturgical context appreciated in a concert hall. for which Gilles originally conceived the work, however, the presentation would have been quite different. The timeless relic of the early Middle Ages. decorating the preexisting chant melody scholarly consensus is that the Messe As Marcel Pérès points out, plainchant with parallel harmonies in two, three, des Morts was fi rst performed at the in France around the year 1700 was a or even four voices. It was employed cathedral of Saint-Etienne in Toulouse in lively arena for debate, variation, and primarily in psalmody and hymnody February 1705 at the funeral mass for even original composition.14 Compos- and also occasionally in the singing of the composer himself. As such, it began ers such as Guillaume-Gabriel Nivers, responsories as a means of accentuating its life as an instrument of ritual and Henri Dumont, and André Campra, as the solemnity of the liturgy. The practice prayer, a part of the larger ceremonial well as numerous anonymous fi gures, was an improvisatory one, well docu- fabric that was the Requiem Mass and revised, adapted, and composed new mented in the area around Paris from Burial Offi ce of the Roman Catholic chants across a spectrum of aesthetic the sixteenth through the nineteenth Church, rather than as art music to be approaches, attempting to balance centuries, with some notated examples pondered and appreciated in a con- received-tradition conservatism with preserved in seventeenth-century cert hall. In such a ceremonial context, modern rhetorical-aesthetic and tonal- manuscripts.18 Although the practice is the concerted polyphony would not rhythmic progressivism.15 not as well documented in the French have been presented all at once but Additionally, the plainsong in south- regions beyond Paris, the tradition of im- scattered throughout the ritual of the ern France at this time would not provisatory fauxbourdon singing remains funeral mass. Other portions of the necessarily have been unaccompanied. a living one in parts of Italy, the Iberian liturgical ritual, texts not set by Gilles, The serpent (the bass member of the Peninsula, and the Mediterranean islands, would have been sung in plainsong or cornett family) was a nearly ubiquitous so one can cautiously surmise that such recited in a monotone chant. instrument in Provençal churches, in- a practice would have been familiar in The specifi c repertoire of these litur- cluding those of Toulouse, from the late eighteenth-century Languedoc. gical chants themselves is elusive. While sixteenth through the early nineteenth the modern conductor or scholar might centuries, employed in the accompani- instinctively reach for a copy of the ment of plainsong (and possibly even A QuestionQuestion ofof Liber Usualis to supply the necessary polyphonic) singing.16 Whether this GGeographyeography andand LanguageLanguage plainchant melodies, such a move would practice would have extended to the be anything but authentic: plainchant in solemnity of a funeral mass deserves The issue of geography plays an seventeenth- and eighteenth-century further inquiry, but given the ceremoni- important moderating—and confound- France was in all likelihood a far dif- ousness of the occasion for which Gilles ing—role for the musical-liturgical ferent creature than that standardized composed polyphonic and orchestral- researcher. The musical life of late seven- by the Solesmes monks and codifi ed accompanied music, there is no reason teenth-century France was so thorough- in the Liber Usualis in 1896.13 Indeed, to doubt the serpent’s participation. ly Paris-centric that the archival evidence the standard aural image that most Another issue surrounding the rec- for how things were done beyond the of us possess for “Gregorian chant,” reation of late seventeenth- and early sphere of the Île-de-France is almost the image that is taught in most music eighteenth-century plainsong perfor- nonexistent. Research for this study thus history classes, is as much a product of mance practice is that of improvised far has uncovered no published scholar- the late nineteenth century as it is the fauxbourdon.17 This practice consisted of ship on the specifi c topic of provincial
12 CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 A Study in Contextual Period Performance
(let alone Provençal) plainchant practice the eighteenth century, at the Concert France and is even today the center and repertoire in the seventeenth and Spirituel and other performances in Paris of Occitan language and culture in the eighteenth centuries. There is, however, and the north of France, choirs would country. Although the Occitan language one possible pertinent clue here. In certainly have sung Gilles’s Mass with is in many respects a close cousin of a 2001 article in Early Music, Jack Eby the well-documented Francophone French, it is markedly different in its presents a comparison between the pronunciation, but we cannot immedi- phonology and pronunciation.26 Thus, a “Parisian” and “Roman” traditions of ately make the same assumption about native Occitan/Provençal speaker would Requiem Mass settings beginning with Toulouse. The city sits solidly in the approach Latin from a different vantage Ockeghem (c. 1480) and continuing ancient Languedoc region of southern point than would a speaker of French. through to Cherubini (1816).19 The two traditions differ mostly in details: the wording of some of the texts, the presence (Parisian) or absence (Roman) TTableable 1 - OrderOrder ofof ServiceService of a troped Sanctus, the choice of texts for the Offertory and Gradual, and the MMassass MovementMovement MusicalMusical SettingSetting inclusion (Roman) or omission (Parisian) Entrance Rite plainsong of the Dies Irae within the liturgy. In ev- ery instance but one (that of the lack of Introit Gilles a polyphonic, composed setting of the Kyrie plainsong incipit – Gilles Dies Irae), Gilles’s setting of the Requiem corresponds with the Roman tradition, Collect plainsong as do those by his contemporaries Epistle plainsong – reciting tone Poitevin, Campra, and Charpentier.20 With this (admittedly scant) informa- Gradual Gilles tion in hand, we can surmise a liturgical foundation fairly consistent with that of Tract (Absolve Domine) plainsong the post-Tridentine Graduale Romanum Sequence (Dies Irae) plainsong and sketch a hypothetical outline of the Gospel plainsong –reciting tone order of service for the 1705 Toulouse Requiem Mass liturgy. (Table 1) Offertory Gilles If Table 1 addresses what texts were Preface (sursum corda) plainsong sung for the Requiem liturgy in 1705, it leaves unanswered how those texts Sanctus & Benedictus Gilles were sung. The pronunciation of the Latin text is a particularly thorny issue. Elevation (Pie Jesu) plainsong; interspersed It was not until the year 1904 that the between the 21 Vatican proclaimed the universal adap- Sanctus & Benedictus tation of “Italianate” pronunciation of Pater Noster & Anaphora plainsong Latin for all ecclesiastical functions, and the French in particular resisted the shift Respond (Qui Lazarum) plainsong for a further two decades.24 Prior to Agnus Dei Gilles that time, the pronunciation of liturgical Communion plainsong Latin would have followed the rules and patterns of the vernacular tongue of Postcommunion Gilles the local region. Recent decades have Motet [often, in France, a setting of the De Profundis]22 witnessed the near-wholesale adoption of (Parisian) French pronunciation of Absolution (Libera me/In paradisum) plainsong23 liturgical Latin in performances of the sacred French Baroque repertoire.25 In
CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 13 Jean Gilles’s Messe des Morts
Were one to assume that “French was at hand, an examination of Gilles’s set- more or less equal stress, with a slight at best a second language”27 for the ting of the text in his Messe des Morts accent usually…on the fi nal syllable of choristers of Saint-Etienne and that in order to deduce pronunciation clues the word. In [Italianate] Latin, syllabic their approach to spoken Latin was the is at best a speculative and inconclusive stress often occurs on the penultimate same as that across Europe at the time enterprise. While his rhythmic applica- or antepenultimate syllable of a word.”30 (pronunciation following that of the tion of the Latin text in both the choral A conductor (or singer) armed with vernacular), then the aural result would and solo contexts suggests a knowledge this knowledge will fi nd Gilles’s rhythmic be something more akin to an Italianate of and ease with the syntax of that structuring of this movement entirely or Hispanic pronunciation. language, the musical writing itself for sensible from a French-pronunciation At the same time, it is important to the most part does not provide any approach, while such text setting would consider that even in the far south of clear clues as to the manner of pronun- be counterintuitive (or just bad writing) the Midi, French was the language of ciation. The one movement where we from an Italianate or Occitan-based power and of the educated class. Les- might crack the code is the Kyrie. Gilles perspective. Employing this insight, the sons in French were an integral part consistently places the fi nal syllable of all conductor would be entirely appro- of the choristers’ daily schooling at the three words (Kyrie, Christe, and eleïson) priate and contextually grounded in cathedral,28 and a large cathedral in an on strong beats, often with agréments choosing a francophone approach to important city such as Toulouse would (which further accentuate the beat the Latin.31 One may very well ask why undoubtedly draw a certain amount of in question) specifi ed on those same such an issue is important—a question cosmopolitanism. How this translated ultimate syllables. (Figures 1 and 2) This that Andrew Parrot addresses when he into the daily recitation of Latin texts very well may point to a francophone writes, in liturgical performance, however, may approach to the Latin: as Reeves states, never be known.29 Turning to the work “In French Latin…all syllables receive “[F]irstly, a correctly underlaid text will become easier to sing…the appropriate vowel from the period is likely to be technically more helpful to the singer… Secondly, the rhythms of the music and language are more likely to match… Thirdly, Latin is rescued from appearing to be a dead language, or the exclusive property of the modern Roman Church… In short, [it] can shed unexpected light on the nature of the music itself and in particular it helps to refi ne our understanding of the subtle balance of music and text that characterizes the best vocal writing of any age.”32
Along with the issue of appro- priate pronunciation of the text in performance is that of appropriate execution of the notes, both vocal and instrumental. The music of the French Baroque is distinctive among seventeenth- and eighteenth- century repertoires in its use of agréments, often designated to a high degree of specifi city by the composer or copyist. Agréments
14 CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 A Study in Contextual Period Performance fundamentally differ from the standard notion of “ornamentation” in that “The modern scholar must concede that an exhaustively they are not extra, fi ligree additions to preexisting music but are an essential and thoroughly authentic reconstruction of component of the composed music as Gilles’s Messe des Morts embedded within conceived by the composer. Many of the manuscript scores (as well as the edition an early-eighteenth century Toulousain by John Hadju Heier) make use of the liturgy is as elusive as it is desirable. sign “+” to designate these agréments, typically executed as a trill beginning on the upper auxiliary. However, one further device common to French music instruments, as available: harpsichord, Spirituel in Paris through the second half of the era was expressly not written into lute, theorbo, bassoon, and harp were of the eighteenth century, in a secular the music, namely that of notes inégales. equally viable options. As was the norm and concert-style environment,36 the This employment of a slight “swinging” for French choral writing of the period, performances and recordings of the of pairs of stepwise-moving eighth or Gilles cast the work for fi ve-part choir: past thirty years do represent their own sixteenth notes is one of the most dessus (treble), haute contre (high tenor), integral authenticity that should not in well-known performance practices of taille haute (tenor), basse taille (bari- any way be scoffed and offer their own seventeenth- and eighteenth-century tone), and basse (bass). The choirboys performance-practice insights. France, described by both French and would have sung the dessus part in the Among these available recordings, non-French musical writers of the day as polyphony, as female singers would not two deserve special mention here. The a prevalent feature of both sacred and have taken part in liturgical events. The 2010 recording by the Orchestre Les secular repertoires. solo dessus voice would have likewise Passions and Chœur Les Elemens, under The size and constituency of the been sung either by a boy treble or an the direction of Jean-Marc Andrieu, choral ensemble at Toulouse in the adult male falsettist or possibly even includes a serpent in the orchestra and opening years of the eighteenth century a castrato.35 The remaining four voice continuo group, as mentioned previ- is not well documented, but evidence parts were all sung by changed male ously, adding a distinctive timbre to suggests eight choirboys, with a fur- voices. the musical performance. The 1993 ther complement of clergy-cantors (in recording by Joel Cohen and the Bos- minor orders) to round out the choir, CConclusiononclusion ton Camerata, uniquely, includes some suggesting a total number of between items of plainchant (Requiem æternam fourteen and sixteen voices in the core In the fi nal analysis, the modern schol- at the beginning, Absolve Domine after choral ensemble.33 These singers were ar must concede that an exhaustively the Gradual, a partial Préface, and most supported by the organist, a serpent and thoroughly “authentic” reconstruc- notably a Dies Irae and Qui Lazarum, player, and a basse de violon player.34 tion of Gilles’s Messe des Morts embed- both offered in a putative Provençal As previously stated, the serpent was ded within an early-eighteenth century rhythmicized treatment) interspersed used to accompany plainchant; it might Toulousain liturgy is as elusive as it is de- among the concerted movements. In so very well also have contributed to the sirable. Even a fairly cursory and surface doing, Cohen’s treatment comes closest continuo group in the concerted music. exploration of some of the main topics to conjuring the liturgical context of the A recent recording of the Messe des of inquiry, such as this paper represents, work, although he leaves untouched Morts performed by Jean-Marc Andrieu demonstrates that the employment of the issues of fauxbourdon singing or and the ensemble Les Passions (2010, period instruments, notes inégales, agré- accompaniment of the plainsong by Ligia Digital) makes use of the serpent ments, vocal forces and voice types, and the serpent, and his decisions regarding in the continuo group. On occasion (such pronunciation of Latin à la française, which chants to include seem somewhat as a solemn Requiem Mass), the above desirable and helpful though these de- arbitrary and haphazard and nowhere numbers were augmented by additional vices are, is insuffi cient to provide a truly near complete.37 It is also worth note singers from the city’s other churches historically informed presentation of the that Cohen’s recording, even as it at- and instrumentalists (primarily violins) work approaching its original context. It tempts through intentional use of Itali- from the town. The continuo group could is worth repeating that, given the Messe anate pronunciation of the Latin text to also be enriched by an assortment of des Mort’s vibrant life at the Concert distance Gilles’s work from the Parisian
CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 15 Jean Gilles’s Messe des Morts
sphere, makes generous use of that that “this Mass…makes [Gilles’s] death Dame-des-Doms in Avignon more than most telling of French Baroque stylistic much regretted.”38 once during the period 1701– 1702. He devices, notes inégales. also is, however, consistently mentioned The variety of interpretive decisions in the archival rolls of the cathedral in exhibited between the various record- NOTES Toulouse during this same period, where ings of the Messe des Morts currently he was fi rmly established, on the payroll, 1 available underscores the breadth of James R. Anthony, French Baroque Music and had his contract renewed at the (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1997), beginning of 1702. the performance practice umbrella, 4 as well as the amount of speculative 271; John Hajdu Heyer, “Preface,” Jean John Hajdu Heyer, “A newly discovered decision-making required by conduc- Gilles: Requiem (Madison: A-R Editions, French baroque Mass by Jean Gilles: Reconsidering the concerted Mass in tors in approaching this repertoire. An 1984), xi. 2 Biographical information in the following France c. 1700” (January 1, 2007): RILM extremely rich fi eld of research and paragraph is drawn from John Hajdu Abstracts of Music Literature, EBCOhost experimentation remains to be tilled Heyer, “Jean Gilles (1668– 1705): A (accessed March 22, 2014). in historically informed approaches to 5 Biography,” in Musicology at the University Heyer, “Preface,” x. Gilles’s music. Further exploration of of Colorado: A Collection of Essays (1977): 6 Anthony, 271. the liturgical and musical contexts of 80– 94. 7 Heyer, “Preface,” xi. early eighteenth-century Provence will 3 Ibid., 87– 88. Heyer points out, as did sev- 8 The IMSLP score may be accessed at continue to uncover the riches of the eral earlier biographers, that Gilles’s BBibliographyibliography Bisaro, Xavier. “Le plain-chant au XVIIIe siècle: enjeux et manifestations d’un Êtreecclésiastique.” Actes du colloque de Poitiers (2010): 93–107. Dufourcq, Norbert. “Contribution a l’histoire du Concert-Spirituel dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle.” Recherches sur la musique française classique XIX (1979): 195–210. Gilles, Jean. Messe des mors [sic]. Manuscript score. Paris: n.p., c. 1762. From the Bibliothèque National de France, départe- ment Musique, L-4310. http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark: /12148/btv1b8419204g.r=Jean+Gilles.langEN (Accessed April 25, 2013). Gilles, Jean. Requiem. Philippe Herreweghe, La Chapelle Royale. Harmonia Mundi 901341, 1990, compact disc. ______. Requiem. Joel Cohen, The Boston Camerata. Erato D 102548, 1993, compact disc. ______. Requiem. Hervé Niquet, Le Concert Spirituel. Oberlin Adda 581175, 2000, compact disc. ______. Requiem. Jean-Marc Andrieu, Orchestre Les Passions. Ligia Digital 202196, 2010, compact disc. Heye, John Hajdu. The Life and Works of Jean Gilles. PhD diss., The University of Colorado, 1973. ______, ed. Jean Gilles: Requiem (Messe des Morts). Madison: A-R Editions, 1984. Kennedy, Michael and Joyce Kennedy, eds. Oxford Dictionary of Music, Sixth Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Randel, Don Michael, ed. The Harvard Dictionary of Music. Cabridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003. Ranum, Patricia M. Méthode de la prononciation Latine dite Vulgaire ou a la Française: Petite méthode à l’usage des chanteurs et des récitants d’après le manuscrit de Dom Jacques Le Clerc. Arles: Actes Sud, 1991. 16 CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 A Study in Contextual Period Performance btv1b8419204g> perfectionner la prononciation, & non 1682 – 1790.” Annales du Midi LXXXVI, 9 Stable URLs for the online scores are as pas la corrompre’: L’accentuation du 118 (1974): 299. follows: chant grégorien d’après les traités de 29 Machard provides the name of one of the (1731), CHORAL JOURNAL Volume 54 Number 11 17