Chambonnières As Inspirer of the French Baroque Organ Style

University of the Pacific Scholarly Commons

University of the Pacific Theses and Dissertations Graduate School

1977

The decisive turn : Chambonnières as inspirer of the French baroque organ style

Rodney Craig Atkinson University of the Pacific

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Recommended Citation Atkinson, Rodney Craig. (1977). The decisive turn : Chambonnières as inspirer of the French baroque organ style. University of the Pacific, Thesis. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/1928

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THE DECISIVE TURN: CHAMBONNIERES' AS INSPIRER OF THE FRENCH BAROQUE ORGAN STYLE

A Thesis Presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of the Pacific

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rc·-t:::---'--=-=----- ___:__:::_ !'~ ', ~- In Partial Fulfillment ' of the Requirements for the Degree Master· of Arts ,'

by Rodney Craig Atkinson May 1977 ------=- - '

This thesis, written and submitted by

is approved for recommendation to the Committee on Graduate Studies, University of the Pacific.

Department Chairman or Dean: ~4_,ZiL

Chairman

~> I Dated C?id:ctfjl:?~ /7 77 v (( =--~~----=

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Appreciation is extended to Dr. David S. Goedecke for his guidance and suggestions. Loving appreciation goes to my parents, Dr. and Mrs. Herbert Atkinson, whose encouragement and support were responsible for the com pletion of this thesis.

i i TABLE OF CONTENTS

::,:;; __ Page

AC KNOW LED G~1 ENT S it

LIST OF EXAMPLES v

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION 1

Problem and Purpose 1

Definitions 4 Limit. a ti ons 4 Research Procedure 5 2. REVIEW OF PRIMARY SOURCES . 7 Books 7 Articles 9 A Dissertation 1 0

Music Sources 10 3. CULTURE AND MUSIC AT THE FRENCH COURT 1 2 The G1ory of the King 1 2 Servants to the Crown 14 Religious Music and the Chapel i6

4. THE HARPSICHORD AND CHAMBONNitRES 21 I The Background of the Lute 21 Chambonni eres' l. ife 25

Traits of Chambonni~res' Music 28

iii iv Chapter Page

==-~-~ 5. THE EVIDENCE OF ORGAN MUSIC 34

Before the New Style ... 34

Beginnings of the New Style 37 D'Anglebert and Couperin 42

Four Late1· Composers .. 43 The End of the Century: Couperin, Grigny 49 6. THE CONTINUING TRADITION: EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 54

7. SUMf~ARY 0 • 0 • 0 0 • • 0 • 0 .. 0 0 56

BIBLIOGRAPHY • 0 • .. 0 - • • • • 0 • • • • • • • • • 59 LIST OF EXAMPLES ~-=--

Example Page ~- 1. Perrine, lute transcription 24

2. Chambonni~res, courante, meas. 1-4 29 3. Chambonnieres, sarabande, meas. 1-5 29 4. · Chambonnieres, sarabande, meas. 16-23 30 5. Chambonnieres, ornament chart 31 6. Chambonnieres, allemande, meas. 2-5 32 7. Chambonnieres, courante, meas. 1-3 33 8. Titelouze, "Pange lingua" (after 1624 edition). 35 9. Nivers, ''Grande Jeu,'' Livre d'orgue, meas.

i 12-13 . 37 l 10. Nivers, "Recit de cromhcrne,'' Livre d'orgue, j meas. 1-2 .. . 38 ~ 11. Nivers, ''Pange lingua," second Livre d'orgue, meas. 1-3 . . 38 12. Lebegue, melodies 39 13. Lebegue, "Plein Jeu," meas. 1-3 40 14. Lebegue, "Une Vierge Pucelle," meas. 9-12 40 15. Gigault, Grande Jeu, "Laissez plaistre vos bestes," meas. 4-6 42

1 6. Ra i son , "Ky r i e , " me as . 1 -4 45 ::::---=-----:...-== 17. Raison, ''Second Sanctus,'' meas. 1-4 45 18. Boyvin, "Concerts pour les flutes," meas. 1-5 46

v vi Example Page

R~-----=-=~ 19. Boyvin, "Recits en tai1le," meas. 1-4 47 ''"'------20. Jullien, ''Dialogue,'' rneas. 1-4 47 21. Chaumont, ''Allemande," meas. 1-4 4B

22. Chaumont, ''Fugue l~gire,'' meas. 9-11 49 23. Couperin, ''Qui tollis," Messe pour les convents, meas. 1-4 . 51 24. Couperin, ''Benedictus,'' Messe pour 1es

~roisses, final three measures 51 25. Grigny, ''Plein Jeu,'' meas. 13-16 52 26. Grigny, "Dialogue,'' meas. 1-4 .. 53

, __- =::-:___ __ ..

~~---~~-

Chapter 1 ~·-- ~ -- -

INTRODUCTION

Problem and Purpose In his book The History of Kevboard Music to 1700, Willi Apel ponders one of the most interesting problems in organ music history: In the tradition of French organ music Titelouze's prints of 1624 and 1626 are followed by a lacuna which is not as long as the one preceding them, but long enough to make the succeeding evolution difficult to understand. Who were the composers who effected the decisive turn from Tite]ouze's strict polyphony to the richly ornamented Baroque style that appears forty years later ... ?1.

Since the publication of Apel 's book in 1972, this forty~ year gap has gone unexplained. We know of the activity of a few organists during that time; nevertheless, the small amount of their music available to us does not adequately illustrate the evolution from Renaissance polyphony to the popular, ornamented, and unevenly-textured style first seen in the work of Nivers. Apel considers the possibility of "an external power• 2 an~ suggests the Jesuits, since one of th~ir aims was to adapt the church service to the tastes of the times. In his book on French Baroque music,

1wtlli Apel, The History of Keyboard Music to 1700, trans, by Hans Tischler\Bloomington; Indiana Univ.ersity Press, 1972), p. 722. 2Ibid., p. 723,

1 2 James R. Anthony is also cognizant of the problem, but

~---- 3 offers no theories. There would seem to be no composers C::::------ ~ -- -- which one could offer in answer to Apel' s question, ----~------ However, one stylistic trait of seventeenth cen tury French organ music does indicate a kind of external power, and it comes from the harpsichord tradition. Manfred

Bukofzer observes that Nivers, Leb~gue, Gigault; and others "assimilated those elements of clavecin music that lent themselves more or less happily to the organ idiom.•• 4 These included four elements which harpsichordists had inherited from lutenists: a predilection for dance rhythms, pbpular-type melody, a variety of ornaments, and the idio matic device of style bris~. resulting in uneven textures. The French organists' tise of style brisd is especially striking, since this stylistic techni~ue is based upon the short tonal duration of plucked strings. The organ has the longest tonal duration of any instrument; it is an ideal polyphonic instrument, and its nature is not conducive to a style involving arpeggiation. That an instrument so essen tially religious in function and association should have had such secular stylistic traits in its literature indi cates that a cultural atmosphere was somehow responsible

3James R. Anthony, French Baroque Music from Beaujoyeulx to Rameau (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974), p. 269. 4 Ma~fred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: W, W. Norton, 1947), p. 172. 3 for the shift in style. Perhaps this is an external power Apel did not consider .

. It is also· curious that the generation of organists >.:;--- ,_.--- who gave the organ its ''new'' style5--Nivers, Leb~gue, and Gigault--have strong stylistic similarities. Two of them-

Nivers and Leb~gue--were known as harpsichordists as well as organists. If we are to account for a ''decisive turn," four questions must be asked, based upon the preceding consid- erations. First, what was the artistic ambience in seventeenth-century France that could have imposed a secular keyboard style upon a church-associated instrument? Second, what harpsichord composer or composers had sufficient con tact with these organists to influence them to use a more secular style? Third, what stylistic similarities exist between that composer and the organists whose wo-rk he may have influenced? Fourth,. are any of the same stylistic similarities present in the organ works of other seven teenth-century organ composers? By answering these questions, the writer intends to present evidence that Jacques Champion de Chambonnieres was the inspirer of these four stylistic traits which appeared in French Baroque organ music during the second half of the seventeenth century. In so doing we shall regard his influence as a part of the cultural and artistic

5Apel, p. 723. 4 ambience which existed in France at that time.

Definitions

'= o -- ~--- .-o---- _ ~--- For the purpose of this study, A.D. 1610 is ~:- -~ '--=--'--=--=-.o._o= designated as the beginning of the French Baroque period. This is Bukofzer's preference since it was near this time that recitatives in the ballets de cour were first sung. 6 It is also a convenient year since it marks the beginning of Louis XIII's reign, artd it was during his rule that monody became a regular feature of French musical composi tion.7 Three terms will be used in reference to styles of I organ composition. The first two, ''French Baroque organ l ti style" and ''new style," are used synonymously and refer to I il II the four stylistic elements enumerated in the earlier ~art i of this chapter. The third term, "Renaissance polyphony,'' J is used in reference to Titelouze's music. This implies a ::1 consistent use of plainchant, cantus planus techniques, ..-.. •1

I canon, and three- and four-part motet-like settings. ~c-~ -~ =~~ I Limitations i ! This course of study will be limited to a survey ~I of seventeenth-century French organ literature. Only works which appeared before 1700 will be discussed in any detail.

_:: -- In this sense the paper deals with the beginnings of certain =--·::..:_=..:::_~

~ 6sukofzer, p. 142. 7Ibid., pp. 145-146. 5 stylistic elements and not the ultimate tradition which was - ~-~-~~~ established in the eighteenth century. Two characteristics of the new organ music will not be discussed since they have no relationship with Chambonnieres. The first is the practice of listing specific registrations in organ suites. This stems from the particular construction of French organs and the French love of tonal color. 8 The second is a polyphonic tradition based on plainchant musical which was used by some French organists. This characteristic is most frequently seen in versets of the Mass. The practice can be traced back to Attaignant; consequently, it cannot be identified with any influences Chambonnieres seems to have exerted on the French Baroque organ style. 9

Research Procedure The procedure of research for this thesis involved five basic investigations. The first dealt with French history as it related to seventeenth-century art an~ music. This led to a general understanding of the relationship between politics and the arts of that time. The second was concerned with Chambonni~res as a composer and as a major social and artistic figure in French culture. Through this part of the research, the importance of the lute and the

8 Bukofzer, p. 172. 9Willi Apel, ''Verset,'' Harvard Dictionary of Music {2nd ed., Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1969), p. 899. 6 harpsichord as favored instruments of the nobility became a feature of the thesis. Third, the combined examination ~

~------,...,---~ of the 1 ives and organ music of Chambonnieres' pupils helped ~;--- ~- establish the extent of influence he had on them. The

- fourth aspect of research was similar to the third, dealing ----- with the remaining known organ composers of the seventeenth century. The fifth aspect involved an examination of organ works by Marchand, Dandrieu, D'Agincourt, Gaspard Corrette, and others. This confirmed scholars' beliefs regarding the continuation of the new style into the eighteenth century. This procedure became the organization for the presentation of evidence in this thesis. ""~---~=- Chapter 2 r=;-- REVIEW OF PRIMARY SOURCES

Books Five books provided a wealth of information pertaining to both historical and musical issues of the thesis. It is perhaps iignificant that three of them were - written within the last half decade, demonstrating the -- attention which seventeenth-century French music has been receiving in recent years. Robert Isherwood's Music in the Service of the King is especially valuable in its emphasis on royal poli tics in relation to music. 1 It begins with a discussion of the philosophic ideas of French musical culture and pro ceeds to an apparently thorough account ~f French music from Henri II through Louis XIV. Over two-thirds of the book deals with the music of the si~cle d'or. An extensive bibliography reveals an abundance of French sources, and the nature of th~ volume is a rare contribution to the subject.

Willi Apel's aforementioned The History of Ke~ board Music to 1700 is an exceptionally complete work. Apel's discussions are perspicuous and comprehensive, a

1Robert Isherwood, Music in the Service of the ~j.illl. (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1973).

7 8 factor which seems noteworthy when the vastness of his subject is considered. This book was invaluable as a ~--"- survey of composers and their output, and Apel' s consider- =--=-==-'------~---- ation of stylistic elements provided inspiration for further examination of scores. Music in its historical perspective is not a prominent feature of the work, however. Manfred Bukofzer included only a few paragraphs on French organ music in Music in the Baroque Era but his statements are stimulating. His observation on the use of style brisi in organ music led to the formulation of this thesis. 2 The fifth chapter of the book, ''French Music Under the Absolutism,'' provides fundamental insights into .the society and music of the time. James R. Anthony's Fr_ench Barooue Music from Beaujoyeulx to Rameau divides French music into five sections: stage music, religious music, music for the lute and keyboard instruments, instrumental ensemble and solo music, and vocal chamber music. Anthony devotes the greatest amount of attention to the most popular forms of that era; significantly, only twenty-five of the 378 pages are devoted to organ music. Because Anthony's subject is more specialized, he devotes more attention to detail than does Bukofzer. The chapters of French opera would be especially helpful to researchers of this genre, but his coverage of French organ music is not as encompassing as Apel's. Though

2Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Bar_9_9_!!e Era (Nevi York: IL W. Norton, 1947), p. 172. 9 this was a drawback for the purposes of this thesis, the book is a valuable addition to its subject.

Wilfred Mellers' Fran~ois Couperin and the French Classical Tradition contains chapters with important back ground information on taste and values of le grand si~cle. 3 Mellers' emphasis is on etiquette of a precieuse culture, but this supports the content of Isherwood's work. Mellers also offers discussions of Couperin's organ music, and the book is distinguished as the only English biography of

Fran~ois Couperin.

Articles Various articles in the fifth edition of Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians gave pertinent informa tion regarding the composers' lives, careers, and composi tions.4 Unless recent scholarship indicated new informa tion, composers' dates are taken from these articles. These sources present information which helps one under = stand the working habi.ts of. seventeenth-century organists. Guy Oldham's "A New Source of French Keyboard Music of the Mid 17th [sic] Century'' discussed a London manuscript containing seventy organ works by Louis Couperin~

3wilfred Mellers, Fran~ois Cou~erin and the French Classical Tradition (New York: Dover Pu•lications, 1968). 4Grove's Dictionary of Music a~• Musicians, ed. Eric Blom (5th ed.; New York: St. Martiim'·s Press, 1954). 5Guy Oldham, "A New Source of French Keyboard Music of the Mid 17th Century" in Recherchss sur la Musigue fran,aise classique (Paris: Editions A. et J. Picard, 1960 1 pp, 51-59, 10 Unfortunately, Oldham does not deal with compositional style of these pieces; since the manuscript is not yet " -==---'---=----===--o__ published, evaluation was impossible for this writer. Oldham's inter•st is in handwriting, organization, and dates marked on the manuscript. These dates provide clues as to Couperin's whereabouts between 1650 and 1659, aiding

researchers in constructihg ~iographical data. Performers

still await the ~rtext publi~ation which Oldham promised would follow ''in due course.• 6

A Dissertation Charles Edward Vogan's "French Organ School of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries" is a catalogue of French organists and their careers. 7 It is an alphabeti cal listing of cathedral and court musicians of varied significance. Its primary importance. to this thesis was in confirming the court activity of composers mentioned in later chapters.

Music Sources Scholarly editions of seventeenth-century French organ music exist in three important series. The Archives de ma,tres d'orgue edited by Filix Alexandre Guilmant and

6 Oldham, p. 55. 7charles Edward Vogan, ''French Organ School of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries'' (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan, 1948). 11

Andr~ Pirro is comprised of ten volumes, nine of which are devoted to French organ music. 8 This series was completed in 1910 and remains a major source. It contains the organ music of all major composers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Two other series, ~~niste Liturgigue, edited by Gaston Litaize and Jean Bonfils, 9 and Oraue et hiturgie, edited by Norbert Dufourcq, Filix Raugel, and Jean de Valois 10 provide publications taken from the Archives and are more readily accessible.

The Oeuvres Compl~tes of Jacques Champion de Chambonnieres, edited by Paul Brunold and Andre Tessier, is taken directly from the 1670 engravings. 11 The volume contains valuable English translations and a preface by Denise Restout. The biographical data on Chambonnieres presented in this edition is indispensable to students of this harpsichordist.

8Felix Alexandre Guilmant and Andri Pirro, eds.,

Archives de maftres d'orgue des XVIe. XVIIe. et XVIIIe. ~--- steeles, 10 volumes (Paris: A. Durand, 1898-1910). 9Gaston Litaize and Jean Bonfils, eds. L'Organiste Liturgi~, 60 volumes (Paris: Schola Cantorum, 1956- ). 1 0Norbert Dufourcq, Felix Raugel, and,Jean de Valois, eds., Orgue et Liturgie, 79 volumes (Paris: Editions Musi- cales de la Schola Cantorum, 1950- ). 11 Jacques Champion de Chambonnieres, Oeuvres Com IU._etes_, ed. by Paul Brunold and Andre Tessier, trans. by Denise Restout (New York: Broude Brothers, 1967). - f=~c~~-- Chapter 3

CULTURE AND MUSIC AT THE FRENCH COURT

The Glory of the King The seventeenth century was the century of Louis XIV. It was the century in which France possessed a supremacy of cultural brilliance unparalleled in her own history and outstanding in the history of Europe. The court was the center of cultural life in France, and courtly life in the seventeenth century was marked by a burgeoning of artistic creation and participation. This artistic activity was the result of royal absolutism and Louis XIV's policy of centralization, designed to establish France as a supreme and independent na t 10n. 1n . Europe. 1 Believing in his possession of Divine Right, Louis established himself as God's representative on earth. Consequently, France would have to achieve ~- _- superiority among nations of the world if she were to pro- claim his rightful glory. Political, economic, religious, and artistic potency were to flower under his personal supervision and protection, thereby reflecting the glory of the throne. 2

1Robert Isherwood, Music in the Service of the King (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1973), pp. 150-151. 2Ibid. 1 2 1 3

Lout~' taste and talent for dance and music were

=-~-=~-~-- cultivated in his formative years. As a child he had been taught to emulate his father's participation in the ballets de cour. He had been taught to sing and to play various musical instruments. As a result, Louis' desire for his reign to be celebrated for artistic eminence was earnest. 3 It was not, however, a matter of art for art's sake. Louis believed that artists and their creations would ensure his immortality. 4 Self-sufficiency in the arts, then, was essential to the success of this pol icy. Italy had dominated the cultural scene of Europe thus far, and if France were to be independent, she would have to usurp thi~ authority for her own benefit. France would be so self-sufficient that French art would be exported, not imported. The vainglorious Louis would center himself in the midst of artistic brilliance. The expenditures required for artistic embellis.h- ment would be administered freely since they _promoted his image and enhanced the prestige, grandeur, and strength of France. A gazette of the time, the Mercure galant, eval uated the situation: ~The establishment of (artistic} academies is a very serious affair because of the utility . 5 the state can derive from them.''

3rsherwood, p. 114. 4Ibid., p. 150. 5 .. Ibid., p. 151. 14 Music became "the handmaiden of the politics of absolutism.•• 6 Its purpose was to increase the mystique of ""-~~---~~-- the throne. Musicians provided aural decoration for the court, accompanied extravagant theatrical diversions, and engaged courtiers in musical activity that suitably glori fied the royal realm. ~ectacles in Louis' honor increased in frequency and scope. The ballets de cours became a principal activity of the entire court. Opera became annual entertainment, and a variety of other entertainments b--- were devised for courtiers' diversion. These divertissements almost always consisted of music, and when not, •usical accompaniment was supplied. Balls, hunts, banquets, fireworks displays, and chamber concerts were frequent fare. 7 It was in this atmosphere that the best musicians lived and worked.

Servants to the Crown Musicians of the court were appropriated to one of four general areas: the Grande Ecurie, the Academie, the Chambre, and the Chapelle. Musical positions to the court were awarded by the king on the basis of performance in competition. Each division had its own administration which looked after the musical necessities of the court. Unless musicians held ranks of master or superin tendent, they were regarded as servants to the crown. They

6Isherwood, p. 352. 7Ibid., pp. 248-249. 1 5 came from lower-middle class families, were paid a modest

=---~-~~--~ wage, and their duties were organized on .a quarterly basis. Many musicians alternated courtly service with musical activities in Paris, such as giving lesso.ns and playing in the homes of the middle class.8 This explains why many organists held positions both at the chapel and in Paris, concurrently within a year. An example of this is Louis Couperin, who was introduced by Chambonni~res to Paris and the court about 1650, and soon after obtained positions at the royal chapel and at Saint-Gervais. 9 Duties within the Chambre and Chapelle were often coinciding. A chapel musician could perform in a diver tissement one evening, and accompany a motet the following morning. The divisions in the king's music were primarily for the purpose of administration. 10 The most prestigious of all the kings' servants were the musicians of the Grande Ecurie. They were part of the royal retinue whenever the king traveled, and possessed the right to dine in companionship with the king. They were exempt from taxation. Their duties were to provide music for official cer.emonies, marriages, receptions, and proclamations. The ensemble consisted of trumpets, drums, oboes, musettes, and horns. ll

8Isherwood, p. 251. 9•Louis Couperin," Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Eric Blom (5th ed., New York: St. Martin's Press, 1954), II, p. 482. 1 0 ' Isherwood, p. 250. 11 Ibid., pp. 284-285. 1 6 The members of the Acad6mie royale de musigue were a special arm of the centralization policy. The membership ~- =-- consisted of instrumentalists and composers who were to cultivate the art of music for the glory of France. Musi cians were trained by the Acad6mie to provide music for the operas and divertissements. 12 Performers of the musigue de Chambre provided music for promenades, boating, balls, collations, the morning rising of the king, the dining of the king, his moments of relaxation, and his nightly retirement. They gave private musical instruction to members of the court. Many virtuosi of the guitar, lute, violin, and harpsichord were assigned to the Chambr~. They performed solo and in ensemble, in halls and in private quarters. 13

Religious Music and the Chapel The thorough secularization of French culture was responsible for the subordinate position of church music during the age of absolutism. Long before the policy of centralization had begun in 1661, the worldly ambience at the French court had been developing. At the Valois Court in the 1500's, musical activity had been centered in the lavish ~stacles and magnificences. 14 The ballet de cour

12James R. Anthony, French Baroque Music from Beaujoyeulx to Rameau (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974), pp. 18-20. . . 13 Isherwood, pp. 250-252. 14 Ibid., pp. 78-79. 1 7 of Beaujoyeulx had been dedicated to the affluence and infallibility of Henri III's realm. 15 Under the rule of c· ----

Louis XIII in the first third of the 1600's, musical and ------dramatic ballet flourished as court entertainment; the King remained the center of the realm's attention and praise. 16 Religion existed only on the periphery of courtiers' lives. "When I come to the court,'' said the mar€chal de Clfirambault, ''I am persuaded that in order to be an upright man, it is necessary to know only how to

. dance." 17 When Louis XiV came to power, the music of the royal chapel had changed little since Fran~ois I had orga nized it in 1543. Since the music of the chapel had remained strongly conservative, 18 it must have utilized a polyphonic style, traditional Latin texts, and plainchant melodies. The performers of the royal chapel included an organist, lutenist, two chapel masters, fourteen singers, and a children's choir. 19 The total is small when compared with the host of singers, instrumentalists, dancers, and designers which must have been required for the spectacles and the chamber concerts, including Louis XIII's Vingt- guatre violons du roi. With the reign of Louis XIV, the chapel organization was enlarged by the addition of two new masters,

15 Isherwood, p. 79. 16 Ibid., p. 103. 17 Ibid., p. 90. 18 Anthony, p. 12. 19 Ibid. 18 several instrumentalists, and three organists. 20 This expansion was not due to any religious fervor that had suddenly overwhelmed the monarch, but was rather the first step in altering the Mass to suit his own tastes. Louis attended the abbreviated short Mass more often than he did high Mass. 21 In order to grant regal grandeur to the recited low Mass, he specified the inser- tion of various motets with elaborate instrumental accom- paniments. As one observer of the time noted: Occupied constantly with the idea of grandeur, born with the most decided spirit for music, having acqu~red some extraordinary knowledge in this art through the new genre of composition which the Lully employed in his Opera [sic], the king imagined that he could intro duce the symphony of violins into the motet.22 When informed that the Council of Trent had forbidden the use of these instruments in church music, Louis secured a judgment from the Archbishop of Paris which stated that the Council had only meant to forbid music disrespectful to the Church. 23 Church music's subaltern position was solidified in 1662, one year after the centralization policy of Louis XIV. The bishops of Paris met to establish specific rules for church music. In this decree, the Ceremoniale parisi en:;e, they required organists to use G1·egorian melodies for

20 rsherwood, p. 305. 21 Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: W. W. Norton, 1947), p. 163. ------22 rsherwood, p. 306. 23 Ibid. 19 the Kyrfes, portions of the Gloria, the first Sanctus, the Agnus Dei, and the Domine Salvum. For the remaining part ""~--~~---

~- - -~ ==-=----==-=== of the Ordinary, organists were free to use whatever musi ~ ------cal material they wished. This easing of musical requirements was, in effect, a compromise in the direction of a more popular style. 24 By the 1680's, Henri Dumont had altered plainchant with modern accidentals, pressing the modes into modern keys, and reorganizing the chants into measured structure.25 Lully composed extravagant psalms which made use of choral dialogues, recitatives with bass and organ accompaniment, and vocal airs, duets, and trios, all with orchestral accompaniment. 26 The effect of this music is so grandilo quent that French critic Romain Rolland called Lully's compositions ''true religious operas.~ 27 This same element of display gave way to spectacle sometime during the same decade. Louis and his entourage made a daily display of ceremony on their way to the royal chapel.· ''It was less a demonstration of piety than a musi cal extravaganza.•• 28 The display was irregular, however;

24 Anthony, p. 268. 25 Bukofzer, p. 163._ 26 Isherwood, p. 306. 27 Romain Rolland, Some Musicians of Former Days (New York: Henry Holt, 1915), p. 124. 28 rsherwood, p. 307. 20 chapel musicians performed only when the king attended Mass and on holy festivals. 29 "-' Piety was lost in pomp to such an extent that the ===-=--=--= L~: - texts of the motets were often unrelated to religious matters. One example is a text by Pierre Perrin for a motet on the Elevation of the Host, one of the hol test moments in the Mass. The subject is Louis XIV. Rempli de ton esprit le plus grande des monarques, Fay que de son amour il nous donne les marques, Et qu' apres tant de maux et de troubles divers, Enfin le si~cle d'or regne sur l'univers.30 (Filled with your spirit, the greatest of Kings, May it be that by his love he would give us his esteem, And that after so many misfortunes and divers troubles, At last the golden century would reign over the universe.) Thus did Louis XIV's pavonine preferences expand the distinctly secular quality which had for so long been the nature of French music and culture. It was logical that with such an environment the court would have developed a predilection for the harpsichord over the organ. The organ was used only in the chapel; harpsichords were used in living quarters. The organ was stationary; the harpsichord could be transported for ceremonies and entertainments. It is significant that until 1710, the royal chapel contained only a mediocre positive organ.~ Of keyboard instruments, the French bestowed their greatest affection on the harpsichord. 32

29Isherwood, p. 250. 30 Ibid., p. 307. 31 Anthony, p. 279. 32 Ibid. ,--, Chapter 4 ------ ~--- --

THE HARPSICHORD AND CHAMBONNitRES

The Background of the Lute The strong affinity for the harpsichord in France was directly related to the high regard for the lute during the early seventeenth century. The popularity of the lute was such that by 1637 Marin Mersenne had called it the noblest of musical instruments since Louis XIII and some of his subjects were fairly competent in playing it. 1 It reached its greatest popularity during the last years of louis XIII's reign, but despite the appearance of important lute compositions later in the century, its popularity began to wane about 1640. 2 There were several reasons for this decline in popularity. The lute was difficult to play, and lute tablature presented reading difficulties. 3 Concurrent with these factors was the increasing popularity of the harpsi chord. The greater ease of playing a keyboard and reading staves gave the harpsichord a decided advantage. 4 The

1Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: W. W. Norton, 1947), p. 164. 2James R. Anthony, French Baroque Music from Beaujoyeulx to Rameau (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974), p. 229. 4Ibid., pp. 229-230.

21 22 popularity of the harpsichord at Versailles was prompted ------~ ------by Louis XIV's training with Etienne Richard. 5 While differences between the two instruments insured the success of the harpsichord, similarities were

responsible for the transference of the lute idiom to the ~--- harpsichord. 6 This idiom, called style brisfi (''broken style"), was based upon the technique of arpeggfation. 7 The sound of the lute faded quickly; no voice could be carried through for any length of time. Consequently,

~--- 8 polyphonic voice leading was impossible. Nevertheless, ~--- harmony could be established through arpeggiation, and melody could be created through the progression of a single voice. Certain tones could be made prominent by the use of a variety of ornaments, thereby sustaining a melodic line. 9 Through articulation and use of double and triple stops, ~---~- dance rhythms could be performed. 10 The result was a style marked by broken chords, fragmentary inner voices, extensive ornamen~ation, with a constant variation between ''thick'' and "thin" effects. 11 Style brisE was an outgrowth of an approach demonstrated in early French lute tablatures. 12

5Robert Isherwood, Music in the Service of the Kin (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1973, p. 114. 6Anthony, p. 230. 7Bukofzer, p. 165. 8 Ibid. 9Anthony, p. 232. 10 Bukofzer, p. 165. 11 Ibid. 12 Anthony, p. 232. 23

French harpsichordists eagerly ada~ted style brisi

- to their instrument. e=-==-~= To them the clavecin was a kind. of mechanized lute •.. simulated polyphony survived even though a naturally polyphonic instrument made deceit unnec essary.l3 The desire to imitate the lute in this manner was also due to the great social prestige which the lute had enjoyed. 14 Any modifications in the style were reflective of the differences between the two instruments. The harpsi chord had longer strings and longer sustaining power; ''slurring," the technique of holding down several keys at the same time, could phrase passages and make certain notes hss prominent. The similarities between the two instruments extended to the nature of the music composers wrote for

------them. Dances had dominated 1 ute collections for years. ~--~ Jean-Baptiste Bresard's Thesaurus harmonicus (1603) con tained 403 compositions and was substantially comprised of allemandes, courantes, and gavottes. 15 Robert Ballard's entries de luth (1611) contained similar pieces. 16 Gaultier's Rhetoric des Dieux consisted entirely of dances.17 These compositions were idealizations of certain dance characteristics and not choreographic in purpose. 18

13Wilfred Mellers, Fran~ois Cou erin and the French Classical Tradition (New York: Dover Publications, 1968 , p. 1 95. 14 Bukofzer, p. 169. 1 5 Anthony, p. 231. 16 Ibid., p. 235. 17 Ibid., p. 235. 18 Ibid., p. 232. 24

This double application of style bris~ can be seen

- in a work by the lutenist Perrine. Perrine's collection of e"~-=---7-~~-=

Fi"-' -=------_-_ lute pieces (1580) consists of dances transcribed from lute ~ - F -~~.:= tablature into keyboard notation. The example below presents L a literal transcription of a Gaultier Pavane. Beneath the ------transcription is the same music, transcribed for harpsichord.

Example 1. Perrin~ lute transcription19

~--- ir· J .. J J ~--- l JIt

The fact that the keyboard transcription can stand alone as harpsichord music demonstrates how closely the two instru ments were related. That this same style should appear in organ music as well, though in modified degree, is hard to comprehend unless some harpsichordist's work had served as inspiration. What clavecinists were there who could have influenced Nivers, Lebegue, and Gigault so uniformly? Rene Mezangeau (died ca. 1536), while his few harpsichord pieces

19 Bukofzer, p. 166. 25 show the style bris~ influence, 20 must be eliminated from - consideration since we have no record of his coming into =~-~=7"= contact with any of the "new style'' organists. Any contact Mezangeau would have had with the organists would have been while they were still young boys. The composers whose works appear in the 1630 Lynar tablature must be eliminated from consideration for the same reason, even though these pieces by Ballard, La Barre, Monnard, and others display dance characteristics. 21

The one figure who tou~hed the lives of Nivers and Lebegue, whose stylistic traits may be seen in the work of Gigault, and who taught harpsichordists and organists of the period is Jacques Champion de Chambonniires. An exam ination of his life and work will present evidence which indicates his inspiration to French organists.

Chambonn i eres I Life Scholars agree that Jacques Champion de Chambon nieres (ca. 1602-1672) was first master of French harpsi chord music and the founder of the French school of harp sichordists.22 While composers such as Mezangeau, Pinel,

20Willi Apel, The History of Keyboard Music to 1700, trans. by Hans Tischler (Bloomington: Indiana Uni versity Press, 1972), p. 506. 21 Apel, p. 507 .. 22 oonald Jay Grout, A History of Western Music (rev. ed., New York.: H. W. Norton, 1973); see also Anthony, p. 241; Apel, p. 505; and Bukofzer, p. 170. 26 Gaultier, and Monnard are known to have preceded him, his accomplishments as composer and teacher dominated the time. 23 His harpsichord pupils included Louis Couperin,

Jean-Henri D'Anglebert, and Nicolas Leb~gue. Together they created the bulk of the seventeenth-century French harpsichord must c.

Chambonni~res came from a musical ancestry which ·blended harpsichord and organ. Nicholas Champion (died ca.

1550) was a cantor of the chapel of Fran~ois I. Thomas

c Champion held the post of organist of the Chambre du Roi f--'--- during the latter part of the sixteenth century, achieving fame and regard only as an organist, a player of the §pinette and a great contrapu~tist. 24 Chambonni~res' father, Jacques Champion, was of the Chevalier de 1' Ordre ~Rot, a court organist and Sieur de la Chappel1e. 25 The

Chambonni~res dynasty of chapel musicians, organists, and harpsichordists should not go without note when considering this composer as an inspirer of an organ tradition. The

possibility that Chambonni~res was trained as an organist is very strong.

Early in h.is lifetime, Chambonni~res received wide fame as a musician. Writing between 1628 and 1635, Mersenne

declared Chambonni~res to be inimitable as both composer and

23 Apel, p. 705. 24 Andr~ Tessier, "Preface," Oeuvres Compl~tes of Jacques Champion de Chambonni~res, p. xi. 2S"Chambonnieres," Grove's, II, p. 156. 27 performer: - '='~==o== .•. I can express my feelings only by saying that one should not hear anything else after him, either if one desires beautiful melodies and beautiful ha r monic parts blended together, or the beauty of the movement, a lovely touch, as well as lightness and rapidity of the hand .... One may say that the instrument has met its ultimate master.26 Le Gallo1s attested to the originality of his performing s ty1 e: Everybody knows this illustrious personage excelled above all others as much because of the pieces he com posed as because he was the creator of a beautiful manner of playing.27 Throughout Europe he was considered one of the most eminent masters that ever existed. His influence went beyond his own pupils to further generations to French harpsichordists. His music aroused much interest in cen- tral Europe and the Low Countries, which is shown by this correspondence with Constantin and Christian Huygens. 28 Froberger's dance suites were influenced strongly by Cham bonni~res.29 Beginning in 1638, his success at the French court and in the salons was unparalleled, and the renown of this influential composer continued well beyond his lifetime. 30 Chambonnieres' influence on the French school of harpsichordists was threefold. First, he preserved two traditions from the lute collections in composing dances and emphasizing melodic elements. Second, his table of

26 Tessier, p. xv. 27 Ibid, 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid., p. xi. 30 Ibi d., p. xi i i. 28 . agrlments provided a nucleus and source of inspirati6n for - <=~-=~-~-= younger composers. Third, his adaptation of style brisi

~- --=------

~-- to the clavecin was masterly, and he employed it consis~ ~ ----- tently throughout his work. Those of his pupils who com posed music for the harpsichord display these three primary elements in their work.

A .closer examination of Chambonni~res' stylistic traits will aid the inspection of the organ composers who seem to have been inspired by him.

Traits of Chambonnieres' Music

Chambonni~res' harpsichord music was issued pub- licly in 1670 in two volumes. In a preface to the first volume, Chambonniires indicates to his public that the pieces had been widely disseminated throughout Europe. 31 The pieces were probably composed over a thirty-year period. 32 All 142 pieces in the two volumes are dances, and are distributed in varying numbers: sixty-five courantes, twenty-eight sarabandes, fifteen allemandes, fourteen gigues, four pavanes, four chaconnes, three galliards, two brusques, and one each of canaris, minuet, rondeau, volte, and dr6lerie. Tonality is used as a unifying device. The suites are freely ordered, and the number of each dance varies in each suite. (The numerical superiority of the

31 chambonni~res, Oeuvres Compl~tes, p. xxxii. 32 Anthony, p. 242. 29 courante became one of the distinguishing features of French 33 Baroque harpsichord suites.) - f=-'~c=~~-===~-

Chambonni~res' penchant for descriptive titles ~- helps to mark certain pieces with a mood or aspect. "Gigue la Vilageoise'' describes the dance of an innocent, virginal country girl. "Allemande 1 a Dunquerque," "Courante 1 a

Toute Belle'' and "Sarabande Jeunes Z~phirs" are other titles that demonstrate Chambonni~res' fondness for dealing with manner or mood. (Examine any suite by Couperin to see how important this idea later became.)

Chambonni~res' use of melody is an obvious characteristic. Two examples of the tune-like quality of some of his work are given below.

Example 2. Chambonni~res, courante, meas. 1-434

Example 3. Chambonnieres, sarabande, meas. 1-535

These examples illustrate the popular quality of his melodies.

33 --:- - Apel, p. 706. ~===--=-·--:-___:--

~----- ------34 chambonnieres, p. 38. ,-;--- •• 35 -::- - : - Ibid. 1 P• 100. 30 An extremely unusual example of Chambonnieres' melodic gift may be found in the example below. The passage is comprised of a series of cadences, so much in sue- cession that a key center is hardly established. The harmony is atypical of the seventeenth century.

Example 4. ·chambonnteres, sarabande, meas. 16-2336 Mt ' "" --- • J r I""' /+ly . J-J 1- f-.. \ ' ... I I I fill' r A /IIIII • ,_ ~ .. I I ~11 I fr\ --4¥.- i I \ I f i -

As Chambonnieres and his pupils published their compositions, a vocabulary of ornamentation unfolded. In the Livre premier, Chambonnieres expressed dissatisfaction with the performances of his music by diverse performers. 37 To obviate the problem, he constructed a table of ornaments so that his music might receive more stylish execution. 38 This chart provided a foundation of agriments for the

36Anthony, p. 243. 37chambonnieres, p. xxxiii. 38 Apel, p. 717. 31 succeeding French keyboard composers.

Example 5. Chambonni eres, ornament chart 39 '""""--=---

Improvisation was important in the matter of his ornamentation. The writer Le Gallais observed that Cham- bonnieres always interpolated different ornaments when he played. " he diversified them so much by all these various beauties that one always found new graces in I them. " 40 Except for one gigue written in the form of a i 41 canon, all of Chambonnieres' pieces would demonstrate the avoidance of any strict polyphonic writing. His work 1 reveals a fondness for the constantly-altering texture and ~ li I arpeggiation that marks ·lute style brisi. The opening of I a G major allemande serves well in demonstrating the chang J ing textures inherent in his style.

39 chambonnieres, p. xxxv. 40 Tessier, p. xxxv. 41chambonnieres, p. 46. 32 Example 6. Chambonnieres, allemande, meas. 2-542

>=;--=~--=

~ ~-'-='-'----'-_:-~ -=- rc·- -

The beginning of the first full measure implies five voices, but at the end of the same measure there seem to be three, if one counts the fading whole note in the bass. Two voices begin the second measure, but the texture is quickly filled with the reappearance of two middle voices. By the end of the third measure a four-voice texture still remains, but this tapers to only two voices by the end of the fourth measure. A combined use of hemiola and measured arpeggios is illustrated in the ~allowing excerpt from a courante:

42 chambonnieres, p. 47. 33 Example 7. Chambonnieres, courante, meas. 1-343

~-=- --- l""f4 " .;. -.n )I,_ I I I II. "* .. - • -..J-4 I ' I !l_ I ~ '1 J! ) I •rJJ .d ...' j_ 4 ' t t

The bass carries the hemiola (compare first and second measures) while the upper parts display a varying number of independent voices. Chambonnieres' influence on the harpsichord style of his own time and succeeding generations is observed by examining the literature. The evidence is persuasive when the works of Chambonni~res' pupils are considered. It is this same consideration which will prove influential in regarding Chambonni~res as an inspirer of the French Baroque organ style.

43 chambonni~res, p. 77.

b Chapter 5 r;;;::- -=----=-----:-

THE EVIDENCE OF ORGAN MUSIC

Before the New Style

Titelouze. There is no indication of Chambonnieres' influence in the organ music preceding the work of his pupils. The music of Jean Titelouze (1563-1633) emerges from a hundred-year gap that separates him from the 1530 prints of Attaignant. His musical vocabulary is that of Renaissance polyphony. 1 The music that comes immediately after Titelouze displays some use of secular-type melody, but this is hardly enough to justify the style which burgeoned later in the century. 2 Titelouze was a conservative musician, preserving traditional approaches to organ music. 3 His 1623 edition of organ music contains settings for twelve plainchant hymns with accompanying versets. His magnificat setting (1626) is based on the modes of the Church. Titelouze uses traditional ideas of continuous and migrating cantus

1James R. Anthony, French Baroque Music from Beaujoyeulx to Rameau (New York: H. W. Norton, 1974), p. 26 3. 2Willi Apel, The History of Keyboard Music to 1700, trans. by Hans Tischler (Bloomington: Indiana Uni versity Press, 1972), p. 722. 3Ibid., p. 500.

34 35 planus, thematic imitation, and canonic counterpoint. 4 - ;;"jo==~~=,==~~-

Example 8. Titelouze, ''Pange lingua" (after 1624 edition)5 .-. I -.r ~ ·~ . --- rr ru~ It! I I - ..._. "f I

His liberties are seen in his expansion of versets to a more extended length, and in his variations of hymn tunes. 6 Apel observes that Titelouze represents the end of an epoch in organ composition. 7

Contemporaries of Chambonniires. There are only a few organ works extant which precede the new style first illustrated in Nivers' 1660 collection. These few works show influences not associated with Chambonniires. One fantasia by Charles Racquet (active 1618-1643) shows strong similarities to Sweelinck. 8 The two preludes of Etienne Richard (c. 1622-1669), while showing a predilection for a secular kind of melody, are notable for their consistency of polyphonic texture. Anthony states that they are ''close 1n.. sp1r1 'tt o an ear 1'1er genera t'1on .... ,9 The anonymous

4Apel, p. 502. 5Anthony, p. 270. 6Ape 1 , p. 504. 7Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9Anthony, p. 266. 36 compositions which appear in two Paris manuscripts continue the Titelouze tradition with cantus planus settings of Gregorian hymns. Their gravity in mood is noteworthy. The music contains inscriptions such as Fugue mllancholigue and bien grave et plaintif. 10 Henri Dumont's Meslanges, intended for three viols, organ, or harpsichord, possess

this sa~e quality of sobriety. James Anthony observed that their style works against a transference of idiom "from the clavecin to the organ."ll In the 1660 Fugues et Caprices, Fran9ois Roberday (c. 1620-1690) makes use of certain themes by students of Chambonni•res, though there are no other traces of his influence. Roberday admits his use of material by Cambert, D'Anglebert, and Louis Couperin, but never specifically identifies the themes or pieces. 12 His compositions are predominantly influenced by the Italian school. They are notated in open score; Roberday also uses themes from Frescobaldi, Bertalli, and Cavalli; there are sectional variations in the Frescobaldi manner; and there are no registration specifications. 13 There would be only a weak possibility .of Chambonnitres' influence in Roberday's use . of gigue rhythms.l 4 This is hardly enough to justify a position for Roberday in the evolution of the new style,

lOApel, pp. 504-505. 11 Anthony, p. 266. 12 Ibid., pp. 264-265. 13 Ibid., p. 264. 14 Ibid., p. 265. 37 but his works indicate a change in interest by organ -

<=:--~--:=.---c~=~~ composers. c.; '"'co;=--'--'-==-- Beginnin£2 of the New Style Guillaume Gabriel Nivers (1632-1714) was the first composer to display elements of Chambonni~res' style. He had occupied the organ post at Saint-Sulpice, Paris, for over twenty-five years before beginning his service at the royal chapel in 1567. His Livre d'orgue (1660) is com prised of one hundred pieces on church modes. It is the first organ collection that supplies solid evidence of Chambonnieres' influence. Many sections of the pieces contain a kind of ''harpsichordic homophony in which shifts of texture act to destroy any linear integrity.•• 15 The two examples below illustrate this.

Example 9. Nivers, "Grande Jeu," Livre d'orgue, meas. 12- 1316

15 Anthony, p. 269. 16 Guillaume Nivers, Livre d'orgue, ed. Norbert Dufourcq (Paris: Editions Bornemann, 1963), p. 26. 38 Example 10. Nivers,"Recit de cromhorne,'' Livre d'orgue, meas. R~ ~----=---=--- /OJ:.- ..., f'pl .. - 'p - • -e-"r.• J_ . .a--=:J.l ..J J l .

Nivers also employs Chambonni~res agriments. The following is his setting of the Gregorian hymn, Pange lingua, found in the second Livre d'orgue (1667). Compare it with Titelouze's setting of the same hymn.

Example 11. Nivers~"Parige lingua,'' second Livre d'orgue, meas.

fl I I - ~ • ~ ~- .. u.o ,.l, J ~; ... • I l I ' I

I .. •

17 Guillaume Nivers, Livre d'orgue, 2~me fascicule, ed. Norbert Dufourcq (Paris: Editions Bornemann, 1963), p. 49. 18Anthony, p. 270. 39 Nivers'. importance seems to lie in the organization of his books (grouping pieces by key in a way similar - R==-~-c-- ---=o=- 0~= to Chambonnieres' suites), his organistic adaptation of style brise, and his use of ornamentation. Nicolas Lebegue (ca. 1630-1702) was first organist at Saint-Meri and Saint-Miredic, Paris, before his employ ment at the royal chapel in 1678. His Pieces d'orgue (1676) is comprised entirely of organ suites which contain specified registrations and which illustrate a strong tendency toward popular-type melodies. The examples below demonstrate the melodic quality which pervades his work:

Example 12. Lebegue, melodies 19 ,w II• *r r &J r l r r'fJ r rr p1 J. ; J 11 ~ ~ e

Lebegue also combined dance rhythms, ornamentation markings, and style brise elements in a manner similar to that of his teacher. Below is an example from the Second livre (1678), a collection of pieces for the Mass of the solemn feast:

- 19 Anthony, p. 271. ~~------__: -- = - ==-- , 320 Example 13. Le begue,, "Pl.e1n · \.eu,1 " meas. 1-

------ ~------

5':::'---=---

The Troisiime livre especially displays style brise. The harpsichord idiom is so strong that Lebegue makes mention of it in the subtitle: II . . . . large Offer- tories and Elevations; And all the best known No~ls, Sym phonies and carillons that one can play on the Organ and the Harpsichord." 21 _style brise can be seen in th·is extract from a noel:

22 Example 14. Lebigue, "Une Vierge Pucelle,'' meas. 9-12 ==-----

20 Norbert Dufourcq, ed., Deux Grand ~lesses, vol. 29 prgue et Liturgie (Paris: Schola Cantorum, 1956), p. 6. 21 Anthony, p. 271. 22 Norbert Dufourcq, ed., Noels varies, vol. 16 Q.r:g_Lj_e et Lituraie (Paris: Schola Cantorurn-:-1956), p. 10. 41 Example 14 (continued)

--•

Of the three composers of the new style, Nicolas Gigault (1625-1707) is the most conservative; this is significant since we have no record of his having studied with Chambonni~res. His activity in Paris (Saint Nicolas des-Champs, ca. 1652} must have brought him into contact with Nivers or Leb~gue. His Livre d'orgue (1685), while dedicated to ''la Tr~s Ste. Vierge," is intended for organ or harpsichord as well as lutes, viols, or flutes. 23 It contains about 180 pieces, including plainsong polyphony

~----- in the style of Titelouze, Italian ricercare, French !-C dances, and popular-type melodies. The following example illustrates one of his few uses of style brise, and its dotted rhythm indicates a secular style:

23 Apel, p. 718. 42 Example 15. Gigault, Grande Jeu, "Laissez plaistre vos bestes," meas. 4-624 o=;=-~=-=~-==

E~------O..t I ~ - t.. \ ~ • J. ! -· • 0 I ~. r """'_\ I i~il ~\ - - I I i l I r \

D'Anglebert and Couperin

Two other known students of Chambonni~re~ composed organ music: Jean-Henri D'Anglebert (1635-1691) and Louis Couperin (1626-1661). They both have minor status as organ composers, but for different reasons. The five organ fugues by D'Anglebert are insuffi cient to classify him as a major composer. They are the least representative of Chambonni~res' style. While use of Chambonnieres' ornamentation is evident, the works are "spacious)y-conceived works of strict, indeed of learned, counterpoint.•• 25 They are rich in chromatic harmony. The organ works of Louis Couperin (1626-1661) could not be evaluated for this thesis. His seventy works are contained in an unpublished London manuscript discovered in 1960. Each of the pieces is dated and the entire

24 Norbert Dufourcq, ed., L'Or ue Parisien sous le r~gne de Louis XIV (Copenhagen: Wilhelm Hansen, 1956 -, p. 28. 25 Apel, p. 718. 43 collection encompasses an eight-year period, from 1650 to 1658. It is believed that these were composed shortly ~

==-- -=--=-=---=~ after Chambonni~res first introduced L~uis Couperin to Paris and court society. Fantasias predominate the works!6 and they are said to be dance-oriented and homophonic in --- - texture. 27 Guy Oldham asserts that these pieces help fill the gap between Titelouze and the first collection of Nivers. 28 With publication, vital indications of Cham bonni~res' influence on Couperin's organ music would be more readily available.

Four Later Composers As Louis XIV's centralization policy continued, religious music became more secular. This is well demon strated in organ music by the works of Andri Raison, Jacques Boyvin, Gilles Jullien, and Lambert Chaumont.

Stylistic traits of Chambonni~res may be found in the work of these composers in varying degree. The works of Boyvin, Jullien, and Chaumont provide the first known examples of organ works in the new style written outside the Paris circle.

26 Guy Oldham, "A New Source of French Keyboard Music of the Mid 17th Century'' in Recherches sur Ia Musigue franJaise classigue (Paris: Editions A. et J. Picard, 1960 • pp. 56-57. . 27 Anthony, p. 266. 28 Oldham, p. 54. 44 Andre Raison (died 1719}, organist at the Paris - =------church of Saint-Genevi&ve from 1666 to 1716, contributed two organ books, in 1688 and 1714. Little is known of his life. Grove's indicates he was probably a pupil of Titelouze, 29 but Apel ·estimates Raison's birth during the 1640's, at least seven years after Titelouze's death. Raison's organ music reveals characteristics which may be linked with Chambonni~res. While consisting of versets for five organ Masses, the pieces of the Premier livre are arranged according to church modes. Contrary to the arrangement of the Masses of the Roman Graduale, this unity by tonality is comparable to harpsichord suites. Raison instructs organists to ~e mindful .of the pieces' possible rapport with the sarabande, gigue, gavotte, bour&e, canaris, passacaille, or chaconne, but suggests that they be played slower in church so as to keep "the sanctity of the place" 30 intact! This is indica tive of two cultural aspects: the increasing seculariza tion of culture under Louis XIV's centralization, and the preeminence of the harpsichord as a keyboard instrument to the extent that its music was transported to the organ and the church service.

29 "Raison," Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musi cians, ed. Eric Blom (5th ed., New York: St. Martin's Press, 1954}, VII, p. 25. 30 Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: W. W. Norton, 19471: p. 173. 45 A noteworthy example of Raison's use of harpage

~..!1_10 and ~.Drise is from the Mass on the first tone =~= -=- from the Premier Livre.

Example 16. Raison, "Kyrie,'' meas. 1-431 _., .wr-r j A - I j~j - . I e .,, \ j I ~ c..r ... t n~ I - • - - ... -r- :'U" l

A Sanctus from the same collection is lilting and dancelike, and utilizes cadences and oincements as ornamentation.

Example 17. Raison, "Second Sanctus," meas. 1-432_ ..., ·- I I .... J ~ ]'}~~~~-~ • I t I ~ I I I l 1--.· - :jlw • • - I I

3 1 Andr~ Raison, Premier livre d'orgue, ed. Norbert Oufounq, vol. 55 Orgu_e et Liturgie (Paris: Schola Can torum, no copyright date}, p. 2.

~ --- __: - --- - 32 Andr~ Raison, Premier livre fl'orgue, ed. Norbert Dufourcq, vol, 61 Orgue et Liturgie (Paris: Schola Can torum, no copyright date), p. 19. 46 "In their melodious, dance-like character these pieces follow Lebegue," 33 wrote Apel, thereby linking Raison with Chambonnieres' musical lineage. Raison's second organ volume appeared well into the eighteenth century. It is given no attention by Anthony, but Apel deems it "insignificant and superficial." 34 The works are marked by the same stylistic traits which appear in the first book. The work of Rauen composer, Jacques Boyvin (c. 1653-1706), is preserved in two volumes, published in 1689 and 1700. Boyvin's pieces are arranged by church modes, several pieces set to each mode in the manner of a suite. Dance influences are not prevalent in Boyvin's work, but ornamentation and style brisi are present. In Examples 18 and 19, Boyvin's use of slur, arpeggiation, and altered textures are noteworthy.

Example 1.8. Boyvin, "Concerts pour les flutes," meas. 1-535

I 1""'1"1 j, J _j--J J....--j • .J II .J~ .d • ~J . ' • - I \ •

33 Apel, p. 732. 34 Ibid,, p. 733. 35 Jacques Boyvin, Premier livre d'orgue, ed. Jean Bonfils, val. 1 L'Astrie (Paris: Les Editions Ouvrieres, 1969), p. 18. 47 Example 19. Boyvin, ''Recits en taille," meas. 1-436

~--~------

Chartres organist Gilles Jullien (c. 1653-1703)

published only one collection of ~rgan music, Premier livre d'orgue (1690), consisting of eighty pieces grouped accor ding to church modes. Ornamentation and style brise are

evident, and Jullien's affinity for four~bar phrase struc ture gives many of the pieces a resemblance to popular song. The passage below demonstrates these traits.

Example 20. Jullieil, "Dialogue," meas. 1-437 j I ····,-J ...nT.J 1 I"

L l ... -

•

36 Apel, p. 733. 37 Gilles Jullien, Suite du second ton, ed. Norbert Dufourcq, vol, 2 Orgue et Liturgie (Paris: Schola Cantorum, no copyright date), p. 30. 48

Though Lambert Chaumont (c. 1635~1712) was Belgian, - Apel classifies his work with the French organists. 38 Cer~ ~ ""' r:··--fi=--~------tainly he displays a generous inheritance of the French ~ :~- harpsichord style in his work. His Pieces d'orgue sur les huit tons (date unknown) is organized in the same manner as Jullien's. Chaumont's Pieces d'orgue illustrate a resemblance to harpsichord style so strongly that many pieces could be played on that instrument with little or no problem in the transference. An example is the allemande from the suite on the guatrieme ton. The only distinctly organistic trait in this piece is the pedal point onE (first measure).

Example 21. Chaumont, "Allemande,'' meas. 1-439

-. --- ~------... f_ - ~ IT-~ .,..,. , ..J'~ =-r.--::..

38Apel, pp, 734-735, 39 Lambert Chaumont, Suite d'orgue sur les huit tons, ed. Jean Ferrard, vol. 25 Le Pupitre (Paris: Heugel, 1970), p. 72. 49 Example 21 (continued)

~=-=- -=---==-co~-

~---

Chaumont's collection presents allemandes, gigues, chaconnes, and pieces designated to capitalize on the organ's colors of registration, all in a broken and highly ~--- ornamented style. Even the fugues do not retain linear consistency, which may be observed in this excerpt from the middle of a four-voiced fugue:

Example 22. Chaumont, "Fugue legere," meas. 9-11 40

1"1 I ~ r-,- I • !.}' ' .J -il- I -u 1 \I, j f l _.,, .. • ~ 1 r I li r i ' ,;:; _- -

The End of the Century: Couperin, Grigny While there are no records of surviving organ compositions by Charles Couperin or Fran~ois Couperin the elder, their study with Chambonnieres is known. 41 Cham bonnieres' influence on the family's musical style seems to

4°Chaumont, p. 83. 41 "Couperin," Grove's, II, pp. 482-483. 50 have been passed down from father to son, for it appears in

the organ music of Fran~ois Couperin le grand (1668-1733). Couperin's musical inheritance came from his father, his uncle, and Jacques Thomelin. Thomelin (ca. 1640-1693) held a post as chapel organist to Louis XIV, but was a composer of the older polyphonic style. It was Thomelin's influence that gave Couperin his mastery of polyphonic technique. 42 As a result, Couperin's style was ''half-way between polyphony and harmonic thought.•• 43 The Pilces d'orgue (1690) is the sum of his organ output. This volume consists of two organ masses, pour les paroisses and pour les convents. Each mass contains twenty-one pieces in identical ordering: five Kyries, nine Glorias, one Offertory, three settings of Sanctus-Benedictus, two of Agnus Dei, and one Deo Gratias. These Masses, intended for liturgical use, reveal Couperin's absorption of Titelouze-Thomelin elements: plainchant melody, fugal devices, and fluent part-writing.

There are evidences of the Chambonni~res tradition, however. Ornamentation, dance rhythms, and melodic appeal are present. The third couplet of the Gloria in the parish Mass is a gigue; the fourth is a march. The Qui tollis peccata mundi of the convent Mass is so similar to the harpsichord idiom that Couperin's biographer, Wilfred Mellers, claimed the

42 "Couperin," Grov~. II, pp. 482-483. 43 Wilfred Mellers, Fran~ois Couperin and the French Classical Tradition (New York: Dover Publications, 1968), p. 89. 51 piete was ''a refinement on the most fragrant triple rhythmed melodies of the lutenists and Chambonni~res.• 44 e;- ~'~r:"~ --''-----"7--'=----

~____::____:::_: Example 23. Couperin, "Qui tollis,• Messe pour les con r:~~ vents, meas. 1-445 ,J - I - .,. I .. \ ,...,...... ~ ) ~~ J$

I -,I I

The Offertory of the convent Mass uses a popular-type dance melody, seemingly in variation form. The Benedtctus eleva tion of the parish Mass is ornamented with ''filled'' passage work.

Example 24. Couperin, ''Benedictus,• Messe pour les oeroisses, final three measures 46 " I I I u ... iJ I==- f ~ ~ ~ ...

_.,

44 Mellers, p. 92. 45 Ibid. 46 tbid., p. 94. 52 The work of Nicolas de Grigny (1672-1703) also contains a mixture of learned counterpoint and .''ornamented =~=--~-~-=- lyricism.••47 The latter is probably the influence of Lebegue, his teacher, which gives Grigny direct musical lineage to Chambonnieres. Premier livre d'orgue (1699, published 1711) contains an organ Mass and paraphrases on Gregorian hymns (which is a link with Titelouze). Grigny's part-writing is ''of a quality not seen since the early part of the century.•48 His use of altering textures is conservative, and he seems to avoid arpeggiation even though he uses other ornaments:

Example 25. Grigny, "Plein Jeu,'' meas. 13-1649

His use of ornamented melody and dance-like rhythms is shown in the passage below. Note the song-like quality of the four-measure phrase:

47"Grigny," Grove's, III,_p. 814. 48William Maul, ''The Organ Works of Nicolas de Grigny" (unpublished thesis, Washington University), p. 14. 49 F~lix Alexandre Guilmant and Andrd Pirro, eds., Archives de ma,tres d'orgue des XVIe. XVIIe. et XVI!Ie. steeles, 10 vo1s. (Paris: A. Durand, 1898-1910), V, p. 7. 53 Example 26. Grigny, ''Dialogue,'' meas. 1-450

.. "" """ .... - ,. /liN -• _J. .l - J lJ m·JJj"j ... -- • T

The organ music of Couperin and Grigny represent the highest level of French Baroque organ music. 51 The depth of expression in these liturgical compositions is considered the result of their mastery of construction in the polyphonic style, and in their handling of plainchant and chromatic harmony. 52 Their works stand apart from the norm of late seventeenth century organ composition. Still, the popular elements and the profusion of ornaments seem to be rooted in the style of Chambonniires. Their composi tions are the last known organ works of le st•cle d'or.

50 Guilmant and Pirro, V, p. 5. 51 Anthony, p. 273. 52 Ibid. Co;- Chapter 6 ------THE CONTINUING TRADITION: EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

Early eighteenth-century organ must~ continued to display use of the new style. As compositions by Marchand, Gaspard Corrette, Dandrieu, DuMage, Daquin, D'Agincourt,

and other~ appeared early in the century, the styl~ became

a tradition. Not only did style bri~i continue to appear in organ works but also the dance rhythms, popular-type tunes, profuse ornamentation, and tempo markings of gayement and gratiedsement. Anthony noted that these factors did "little to improve the musical content and much to detract from the legitimate purpose of musical comment on the 1 l liturgy.•1 I ! The tradition apparently continued up until the I' ~· Revolution. Dr. Burney described hearing Armand-Louis Couperin (1725-17Bg) play a concert in 1769: " ... he

often tried, and not unsuccessfull~, mere harpsichord passages, sharply articulated and the notes detached and separated.'' 2 Burney also observed.Claude Balbastre (1727-

1James R. Anthony, French Baroque Music from Beaujoyeulx to Rameau (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974), p. 276. 2•couperin," Grove's Dictionar of Music and Musicians, ed. Eric Blom 5th ed., New York: St. Martin's Press, 1954), II, p. 499.

54 55 1799) play one of his Concerts Spiritu~~: " . . he . . played between each verse ..• of the magnificat .. g--=-=--~~~- 0...- every species of music, even to hunting pieces and jigs, without surprising or offending the congregation."3 Such was the state of spiritual music as the end approached.

3charl es Burney, The Present State of Music in France and Italy (London: T. Becket, "1771), pp. 36-37. -

~--~--

Chapter 7

SUMt~ARY

The conclusion that Jacques Champion de

Chambonni~res provided stylistic traits which served as inspiration for the French Baroque organ style is supported by answering each of the original four questions stated in the first chapter, based upon the material presented. The artistic ambience in France was permeated with a secular atmosphere. This was directly related to the cultural trend that had been established at the French court since the 1500's, and had burgeoned during the last third of the seventeenth century. The glorification of the French monarch had begun as an aspect of noble life and eventually grew into an official policy of state. ·Since the rule of Henri III, music's primary func tion in the French court had been to accompany lavish courtly diversions and private entertainment of nobility. The bulk of musical entertainment was secular. This secu- larity pervaded the lute dances which were fashionable for the nobility to play. The decline of the lute's popularity was concurrent with the rise of the harpsichord's. Since the lute had received high social prestige, composers imi- tated the lute idiom on the keyboard. With the presence of the eminent Chambonni~res in Paris and at Versailles, thi~

55 57 master became the most influential figure in French keyboard art.

~ Organ music in France reflected the trend toward w~~~ secularization. The Ceremonial parisiense was a compromise in the direction of a new style. This new style was derived from the music of the harpsichord, which was distinguished by its use of dance rhythms, popular-type melody, ornamen tation, and style bris~. The master and representative of this harpsichord style was Jacques Champion de Chambonnieres. Chambonni.res' harpsichord style may be seen in the organ works of most of his pupils. He taught two com posers whose works first illustrated the new organ style,

Nivers and Leb~gue. The third, Gigault, whose first pub lished work appeared eighteen years after Nivers' 1665 Premier livre, is more conservative than the other two, and it is significant that he was not a student of Chambonni~res. Still, his work displays the same elements inherent in the work of Nivers and Leb~gue. Whether by direct contact with

Chambonnieres or association with Nivers and Leb~gue (which is a strong possibility), these elements in Gigault's work indicate the same source of inspiration. The elements of the new style are magnified in the works of composers whose compositions appeared during the final third of the century, an increasingly secular period of French history. Raison, Boyvin, Jullien, and Chaumont display traits strongly suggestive of Chambonni~res' influence, Even the works of the conservative Fran~ois Couperin 58 and Nicolas de Grigny reveal thSir inheritance of the harpsichord tradition. This tradition was continued into the early eighteenth century by such composers as Cl~ram- bault, D'Agincourt, Marchand, and others. Modern scholars such as Apel, Bukofzer, and Anthony attest to its contin uation, as does Charles Burney in the accounts of his eighteenth-century travels.

Chambonni~res was one of the most imposing figures in seventeenth-century French music. When he is viewed as having been the inspirer of the new style in organ music, he stands as a symbol of his time: the worldly court musician providing the inspiration for religious music, against the backdrop of secular French culture that would lead to an age of artistic decadence and the frivolity of the style galant. BIBLIOGRAPHY

---Books .!\nthony, James R. French Baroque Music (rom Beaujoye_ulx to Rameau. New York: W. W. Norton, 1974.

Ape1, Hill i. Harvard Dictionary of Music. 2d ed. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of the Harvard University Press, 1969. _____ The. History of Keyboard Music to 1700, trans. Hans Lischler. Bloomington: Indiana University Pre5s, 1972. Bukofzer, Manfred. Music in the Baroque Era. New York: W. W. Norton, 1947. Burney, Charles. The Present State of Music in France and 1__~. London: T. Becket, 1771.

Gillespie, John. Five Centuries of Ke_y_board f1usic. Belmont, Calif.: Hadsworth, 1965.

Grace, Harvey. French Organ Music_. New York: H. W. Gray, 1 91 9.

§r_Q_ve's_jl_ictionary of ~1usic and Musicians, 5th ed., 10 vols., ed. Eric Blom. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1954. !sherwood, Robert. Music in the Service of the Kin_g .. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1973.

Lewis, Anthony. Q_pera and Church t·1usic, 1630 .. 1750. London: Oxford University Press, 1975.

Mel'lers, ··~iifr·ed. .fran c;o is C..Q_Li_P. e rj_ n a n_

Rhys, Hed1 ey How.,11, ed. the Arts. Princeton: P·ress·-,-19G1.

Rolland, Roma·ir.. Some ~lus·icians of Former Di!_Ys, trans. r'la r y B1 a j k 1 0 c k :--N ewYOr k: -·--Hen t');-··fioTf;-·-1 9T5.

59 60 Periodicals

Guenther, Eileen Morris. ''Composers of French No~l Varia =-=--- - tions in the 17th and 18th Centuries,'' Diapason, LXV, c Nos. 1, 2, 3 (December 1973; January, February 1974). r;;;:~--- :-:.-~~ -=--- ~-~ Oldham, Guy. ''Louis Couperin: A New Source of French Keyboard Music of the Mid 17th Century,'' Recherches ~~----- sur la Musigue fran9aise cl~ssigue {1960), 51-59.

Dissertations Fuller, David. "Eighteenth Century French Harpsichord Music." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, 1965. Maul, Will lam Joseph. "The Organ Works of Nicolas de Grigny." Unpublished thesis, Washington University, 1 96 5. ~--

Vogan, Charl~s Edward. ''French Organ School of the Seven teenth and Eighteenth Centuries.'' Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan, 1948.

Music Boyvin, Jacques. Premier livre d'orgue, ed. Jean Bonfils, vol. 1, L'Astree. Paris: Les Editions Ouvrieres, 1 96 9.

Chambonniires, Jacques Champion de. Oeuvres complit~s. Paul Brunold and Andre Tessi.er, eds., trans. Denise Restout. New York: Braude Bros., 1967.

Chaumont, Lambert. Pi~ces d'orgue sur les huit tons, ed. Jean Ferrard. Paris: Heugel, 1970.

Couperin, Fran~ois. Piices d'orgue .. Les Ramparts, Monaco: Editions de l'Oiseau-Lyre, 1949. Dufourcq, Norbert, ed. · L'orgue parisien sous le regne. de Louis XIV. Copenhagen: Wilhelm Hansen, 1956. Guilmant, Felix Alexandre and Andre Pirro, eds. Archives des maftres d'orgue des XVIe. XVIIe. et XVIIIe. si~cles, 10 vols. Paris: Durand, 1898-1910. Jullien, Gilles. Suite du second ton, ed. Norbert Dufourcq, vol. 2, Orgue et Liturgie. Paris: Schola Cantorum, no copyriiht date. 61 Nivers, Guillaume. Livre d'orgue, 2ime fascicule, ed. Norbert Dufourcq. Paris: Editions Bornemann, 1 963. ;=;---=~----=~- -~- Raison, Andri. Premier livre d'orgue, ed. Norbert Dufourcq, vols. 55, 58, 61, Orgue et Liturgie. Paris: Schola Cantorum, no copyright date.