DOCSLIB.ORG

Citizenship and Indigeneity Conflicts in Nigeria

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Citizenship and Indigeneity Conflicts in Nigeria Citizenship and Indigeneity Conflicts in Nigeria 1 Citizenship and Indigeneity Conflicts in Nigeria Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution Open Society Initiative for West Africa November 2012 2 Table of Contents I. Defining Indegene and Settlers Chapter One: Introduction by Dr. Jibrin Ibrahim and Idayat Hassan----6 Chapter Two: Citizenship and Exclusion in Africa: Indigeneity in Question – Key note address by Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja----20 Chapter Three: Indigeneity and Belonging in Nigeria from the Pre-Colonial times to 1960 by Prof. Armstrong Adejo----40 Chapter Four: Indigeneity and the Bifurcation of Citizenship Rights in Nigeria: The Search for a Political Solution by Jibrin Ibrahim----64 II. Indigenes and Settlers in Nigeria: Case Studies Chapter Five: Zangon Kataf by Toure Kazah Toure----82 Chapter Six: Aguleri/Umuleri by Okey Ibeanu and Peter Mbah----115 Chapter Seven: Kano by Ibrahim Muazzam----132 III. Indigenes and Settlers on the Plateau Chapter Eight: Historical Insights on Plateau Indigenes and the Struggle for Emancipation by Prof Monday Mangvwat----146 Chapter Nine: The Exclusion of minority groups in the Plateau: Uprooting Citizenship Rights by Dr. Audu Gambo----159 Chapter Ten: The Exclusion of Minority Groups in the Plateau – a Hausa Fulani Perspective by Baba Bala Muhammed----175 3 Chapter Eleven: Reflections on Citizenship -Related Crises in Jos: Finding the Road- Map for Peace by Dr. Joseph Golwa----185 Chapter Twelve: Identity Crisis and the Politics of Conflict Management in Jos, Nigeria by Joseph Ochogwu and Geraldine Yop-Kim----- 214 Workshop Report---- 227 Abuja Declaration----- 230 4 Acknowledgements On behalf of the Centre for Democracy and Development, CDD and our partners the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, IPCR and the Open Society Initiative for West Africa, OSIWA, I would like to acknowledge and appreciate the contributions of partners in the dialogues and projects that went into the making of this book. First, I acknowledge the contribution of the individuals and organisations that made up our informal but vibrant coalition for peace in Jos. The opinions, questions and emotions expressed in this forum went a long way in shaping our thoughts and projects. Our National Workshop on Citizenship and Indigeneity Conflicts in Nigeria and this book stemmed directly from these conversations. Also, we acknowledge that the participation of this group of individuals and organisations in the April 2010 Civil Society Coalition Mission to Jos has availed all of us firsthand information about the situation in Jos which has enriched our collective and also individual projects. It is my hope that the publication of this book would inspire and strengthen our work towards improved citizenship in Nigeria. I wish also to thank the Office of the National Security Adviser, especially General Aliyu Mohammed Gusau and his staff for the series of discussion he hosted with us about the security situation in Jos. We are appreciative of this collaboration and hope that the information contained in this volume would assist in the analysis of the crisis of citizenship not only in Jos which has become the hottest flashpoint, but elsewhere in Nigeria. We thank also the authors whose works are contained in this volume for writing and participating in the National Workshop. We thank especially Professor Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja whose keynote address inspired and enriched the Workshop. We thank all other participants and the media for participating in this workshop. I acknowledge the partnership and support received from our colleagues at OSIWA especially from Dayo Olaide and Peter Ocheikwu; and from Dr. Joseph Golwa and Joseph Ochogwu of the IPCR; without their collaboration, this project could not have been a success. Lastly I thank my 5 staff: Nengak Daniel Gondyi, Idayat Hassan, Uyoyoghene Ugherughe and Terfa Hemen who worked tirelessly to get this book published and accessible to the general public. Signed Jibrin Ibrahim, Ph.D Director, CDD Abuja, November 2012 6 Chapter One Introduction Jibrin Ibrahim and Idayat Hassan Rather than pursuing the common interests of humanity – equality of rights, the satisfaction of material needs, universal respect for the dignity of an individual – their [our] efforts are directed mainly at asserting the rights of their [our] own group (James Littleton, 1991 as quoted in Engin and Patricia, 1999). th Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, Nigeria has celebrated the event, every 29 day of May. Frankly, the regular transfer of power from civilian to civilian government; as against the past experiences of uncultured interventions of the military in politics, which led to the demise of the First, Second and aborted Third Republics, is worth celebrating. This is because the survival of the democratic system offers opportunities for dialogue and open conversations on the reconstitution of the Nigerian State in the context of the promotion of human rights, constitutionalism, regular elections and the return of a development agenda for the country. However, as much as we rejoice over the enduring return of civil rule, it is very important to reflect on and examine the patterns, dimensions and dynamics of the increasingly troublesome issue of citizenship and identity-related conflict in the country. Studies on Nigeria’s citizenship and the problem of indigeneity have been intrinsically linked to the colonial experience of the country, as well as the nature and character of the post-colonial 7 state. Drawing from the works of Ekeh (1983), Tukur (1990), Otite (1992), Mustapha (1992), Mamdani (2007), amongst others, there is a theoretical understanding that the divide and rule policy of the colonial state created a series of ethno-religious platforms among the formally unified social groups and this continues to gain prominence and play a significant role in the current socio-political violence that characterizes the post-colonial state. Kenneth (1956) and Mustapha (1992) reveal the existence of inter-communal co-operation and multiple identities in Rogo, a village near Kano, as well as Kano itself, and between the Igbo and Ijaw in the Niger Delta, respectively, during the pre-colonial times. In many cases, there was culture contact, and ethnocentrism was not associated with ethnicity (Nnoli, 1998). However, with the advent of colonialism, social and political structures of traditional societies were reorganized and restructured, featuring what Osaghae (2006) referred to as “ethnic profiling,” or institutional segregation (Mamdani, 1996), which later paved the way for transformation and politicization of existing culture to suit politico-economic agenda of the colonial authority. The relationship between the citizenship and indigeneity crisis, the failure of the emerging post-colonial state to adequately maintain social order and promote nation-building and institutionalize the principles of social equality amongst existing social groups have also been advanced. At the dawn of independence in 1960, the emerging petty bourgeoisie; fractioned and factionalised along ethnic groupings, while they were confronted with the problem of how to effectively manage the complex system of citizenship, nativity and indigeneity, inherited from the colonial authority. As independence brought to light an era where universalization of citizenship became the norm following the collapse of colonial native enclaves and colonial urban centres, the concept of “indigene” was invented by the petty bourgeoisie as hybrid persona combining the attributes of the citizen and those of colonized native (Ibeanu, 2012). The implication of the ostensible remedial approach to solving citizenship/native question is that Nigerians became both individual citizens and communal natives (Ibid). They consequently became inadvertently separated within the sphere of basic universal individual political rights and freedoms, and the indigenous- community-oriented rights provided for in the 1999 constitution (as amended). 8 Related to the debate about the failure of post-independent political elites to confront the vexing question of citizenship and indigeneity, Ugo (2004) noted that the post-colonial political elites have eschewed corruption as a way of life, and subsequently incapacitated states thereby rendering the state an ineffective organ to guarantee security and other goals of social order. This was a process of vitiating efforts to improve human well-being and development at the personal and national levels. While the nation-building project was going on along with the rhetoric of national unity, old patterns of exclusion and domination continued and new ones were invented. Consequently, the reality of nation-building often saw some ethnic groups consolidating their grip on state institutions to the exclusion of others (Alubo, 2004) and thus deepened the crisis of uneven development. As the rivalry continues to wax stronger, the hitherto bottled emotions exploded. Apparently, rather than the country’s diversity to offer opportunity for exchange of ideas, innovation and creativity to tackle societal challenges, ethnic, religious, gender, regional and other identities, have become major challenges in the polity, because these are somehow associated with the perceptions of discriminations and the prevailing limitations of inclusive citizenship (Momoh, 2001). The scholars we have evoked have lucidly and elaborately provided explanations for Nigeria’s predicament on this matter. They have proferred policy and legal
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cultural Landscape Adaptation And
    NYAME AKUMA No. 72 December 2009 NIGERIA owner of the new farm. Berom men do this in turns until everyone has his own farm. But apart from pro- Cultural Landscape Adaptation and viding food for the work party, the wife or wives is/ Management among the Berom of are usually responsible for subsequent weeding in Central Nigeria order to ensure good harvests. The Berom people practice both cereal and tuber forms of agriculture. Samuel Oluwole Ogundele and James Local crops include millets, sorghum, cocoyam, po- Lumowo tato, cassava and yam. Berom farmers – men and Department of Archaeology and women – usually fence their farms with cacti. This is Anthropology an attempt to prevent the menace of domestic ani- University of Ibadan mals such as goats and sheep that often destroy Ibadan, Nigeria crops. [email protected] Apart from farming, the Berom men do practice hunting to obtain protein. Much of this game meat is also sold at the local markets. Hunting can be done Introduction on an individual or group basis. Some of the locally available game includes cane rats, monkeys, ante- This paper reports preliminary investigations lopes and porcupines. According to the available oral conducted in April and May 2009, of archaeological tradition, Beromland was very rich in animal resources and oral traditions among the Berom of Shen in the including tigers, elephants, lions and buffalos in the Du District of Plateau State, Nigeria. Berom people olden days. However, over-killing or indiscriminate are one of the most populous ethnicities in Nigeria. hunting methods using bows and arrows and spears Some of the districts in Beromland are Du, Bachi, have led to the near total disappearance of these Fan, Foron, Gashish, Gyel, Kuru, Riyom and Ropp.
    [Show full text]
  • P E E L C H R Is T Ian It Y , Is L a M , an D O R Isa R E Lig Io N
    PEEL | CHRISTIANITY, ISLAM, AND ORISA RELIGION Luminos is the open access monograph publishing program from UC Press. Luminos provides a framework for preserving and rein- vigorating monograph publishing for the future and increases the reach and visibility of important scholarly work. Titles published in the UC Press Luminos model are published with the same high standards for selection, peer review, production, and marketing as those in our traditional program. www.luminosoa.org Christianity, Islam, and Orisa Religion THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF CHRISTIANITY Edited by Joel Robbins 1. Christian Moderns: Freedom and Fetish in the Mission Encounter, by Webb Keane 2. A Problem of Presence: Beyond Scripture in an African Church, by Matthew Engelke 3. Reason to Believe: Cultural Agency in Latin American Evangelicalism, by David Smilde 4. Chanting Down the New Jerusalem: Calypso, Christianity, and Capitalism in the Caribbean, by Francio Guadeloupe 5. In God’s Image: The Metaculture of Fijian Christianity, by Matt Tomlinson 6. Converting Words: Maya in the Age of the Cross, by William F. Hanks 7. City of God: Christian Citizenship in Postwar Guatemala, by Kevin O’Neill 8. Death in a Church of Life: Moral Passion during Botswana’s Time of AIDS, by Frederick Klaits 9. Eastern Christians in Anthropological Perspective, edited by Chris Hann and Hermann Goltz 10. Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories and Methods, by Allan Anderson, Michael Bergunder, Andre Droogers, and Cornelis van der Laan 11. Holy Hustlers, Schism, and Prophecy: Apostolic Reformation in Botswana, by Richard Werbner 12. Moral Ambition: Mobilization and Social Outreach in Evangelical Megachurches, by Omri Elisha 13. Spirits of Protestantism: Medicine, Healing, and Liberal Christianity, by Pamela E.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: the Case of Nigeria
    3 The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: The Case of Nigeria Nduba Echezona As the Cold War cycle played itself out, some of the multinational nation-states which had been taken for granted such as the former Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia suddenly dissolved. Their splitting pointed towards a direction which had hitherto been a trend in world politics, namely that the nation’s territory had to be synonymous with the territory of the state, the nation being made up of people with shared cultures and myths of blood ties. This direction in Europe might have set a worldwide pace. Africa has shown very little sign of complying with it. Africa entered the post-Cold War era with seemingly high prospects of terri- torial disintegration. This was exemplified by many civil wars in recent years, some with genocidal features. But, except for Eritrea and, to a lesser extent Somaliland, the political map of Africa’s states and borders has remained remarkably unchanged. Wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo have not caused these states to split. Nonetheless, wars have led to spatial recompositions, to emerging spaces of sovereignty within state territories and to renewed challenges to the official geography from above — the latter being defined by: the various corporations that have or have had the political or technocratic vocation of establishing, defending or modifying foreign or internal (administrative) borders of established states and organizing their geographical space (regular armies, diplomatic corps, colonial or contemporary administrators) (Ben Arrous 1996:17). 3.Chap.3_2.pmd 79 10/06/2009, 11:10 80 African Studies in Geography from Below In Nigeria, the colonial and postcolonial efforts to construct a nation-state from above rather than from below produced an ‘uncertain’ Nigerian; somebody with equivocal national feelings and many other allegiances.
    [Show full text]
  • Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria: the Role of Traditional Institutions
    Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria Past, Present, and Future Edited by Abdalla Uba Adamu ii Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria Past, Present, and Future Proceedings of the National Conference on Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria. Organized by the Kano State Emirate Council to commemorate the 40th anniversary of His Royal Highness, the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero, CFR, LLD, as the Emir of Kano (October 1963-October 2003) H.R.H. Alhaji (Dr.) Ado Bayero, CFR, LLD 40th Anniversary (1383-1424 A.H., 1963-2003) Allah Ya Kara Jan Zamanin Sarki, Amin. iii Copyright Pages © ISBN © All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the editors. iv Contents A Brief Biography of the Emir of Kano..............................................................vi Editorial Note........................................................................................................i Preface...................................................................................................................i Opening Lead Papers Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria: The Role of Traditional Institutions...........1 Lt. General Aliyu Mohammed (rtd), GCON Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria: A Case Study of Sarkin Kano Alhaji Ado Bayero and the Kano Emirate Council...............................................................14 Dr. Ibrahim Tahir, M.A. (Cantab) PhD (Cantab)
    [Show full text]
  • Maiduguri: City Scoping Study
    MAIDUGURI: CITY SCOPING STUDY By Marissa Bell and Katja Starc Card (IRC) June 2021 MAIDUGURI: CITY SCOPING STUDY 2 Maiduguri is the largest city in north east Nigeria and the capital of Borno State, which suffers from endemic poverty, and capacity and legitimacy gaps in terms of its governance. The state has been severely affected by the Boko Haram insurgency and the resulting insecurity has led to economic stagnation in Maiduguri. The city has borne the largest burden of support to those displaced by the conflict. The population influx has exacerbated vulnerabilities that existed in the city before the security and displacement crisis, including weak capacities of local governments, poor service provision and high youth unemployment. The Boko Haram insurgency appears to be attempting to fill this gap in governance and service delivery. By exploiting high levels of youth unemployment Boko Haram is strengthening its grip around Maiduguri and perpetuating instability. Maiduguri also faces severe environmental challenges as it is located in the Lake Chad region, where the effects of climate change increasingly manifesting through drought and desertification. Limited access to water and poor water quality is a serious issue in Maiduguri’s vulnerable neighborhoods. A paucity of drains and clogging leads to annual flooding in the wet season. As the population of Maiduguri has grown, many poor households have been forced to take housing in flood-prone areas along drainages due to increased rent prices in other parts of the city. URBAN CONTEXT Maiduguri is the oldest town in north eastern Nigeria and has long served as a commercial centre with links to Niger, Cameroon and Chad and to nomadic communities in the Sahara.
    [Show full text]
  • National Integration and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria
    African Educational Research Journal Vol. 5(2), pp. 114-119, April 2017 ISSN: 2354-2160 Review National integration and democratic consolidation in Nigeria Phillip Oyadiran* and Adekeye J. Adeshola Department of Public Administration, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria. Accepted 8 June, 2016 ABSTRACT There have been sterile and robust debates on the issue of national integration as an indelible mark of unity. Democratic consolidation comes to mind when the heterogeneity and differences are seen as factors that cannot hinder our peaceful co-existence in a fair, just and egalitarian society where people’s voices and inputs are significant. The feeling of national spirit is evident in the sensitivity of the leaders and the led in attending to national issues as touching the plights and yearnings of the citizens irrespective of background and other factors. This paper examined the factors militating against the continuous existence of Nigeria as a united, indissoluble and sovereign nation due to the perceived mistake of 1914 amalgamation by Lord Lugard. Methodologically, the study adopted a qualitative technique of data collection through the content analysis of documents, reports, journals, books and articles. At the end of the study, it was discovered that the factors militating against the consolidation of the Nigerian nascent democracy are national questions such as the continuous agitation of resource control, constitutional amendment, minority/majority syndrome, revenue sharing formula, unjustifiable distribution of resources, activities of ethnic militias, unequal representation in the National Assembly, zoning/rotational presidency and corruption. Therefore, the study recommended for the convocation of sovereign national conference through which a true Nigerian constitution would emerge in favour of true federalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
    Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Economic Origins of Constraints on Women's Sexuality
    On the Economic Origins of Constraints on Women’s Sexuality Anke Becker* November 5, 2018 Abstract This paper studies the economic origins of customs aimed at constraining female sexuality, such as a particularly invasive form of female genital cutting, restrictions on women’s mobility, and norms about female sexual behavior. The analysis tests the anthropological theory that a particular form of pre-industrial economic pro- duction – subsisting on pastoralism – favored the adoption of such customs. Pas- toralism was characterized by heightened paternity uncertainty due to frequent and often extended periods of male absence from the settlement, implying larger payoffs to imposing constraints on women’s sexuality. Using within-country vari- ation across 500,000 women in 34 countries, the paper shows that women from historically more pastoral societies (i) are significantly more likely to have under- gone infibulation, the most invasive form of female genital cutting; (ii) are more restricted in their mobility, and hold more tolerant views towards domestic vio- lence as a sanctioning device for ignoring such constraints; and (iii) adhere to more restrictive norms about virginity and promiscuity. Instrumental variable es- timations that make use of the ecological determinants of pastoralism support a causal interpretation of the results. The paper further shows that the mechanism behind these patterns is indeed male absenteeism, rather than male dominance per se. JEL classification: I15, N30, Z13 Keywords: Infibulation; female sexuality; paternity uncertainty; cultural persistence. *Harvard University, Department of Economics and Department of Human Evolutionary Biology; [email protected]. 1 Introduction Customs, norms, and attitudes regarding the appropriate behavior and role of women in soci- ety vary widely across societies and individuals.
    [Show full text]
  • Legislative Control of the Executive in Nigeria Under the Second Republic
    04, 03 01 AWO 593~ By AWOTOKUN, ADEKUNLE MESHACK B.A. (HONS) (ABU) M.Sc. (!BADAN) Thesis submitted to the Department of Public Administration Faculty of Administration in Partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of --~~·---------.---·-.......... , Progrnmme c:~ Petites Subventions ARRIVEE - · Enregistré sous lo no l ~ 1 ()ate :. Il fi&~t. JWi~ DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (PUBLIC ADMIJISTRATION) Obafemi Awolowo University, CE\/ 1993 1le-Ife, Nigeria. 2 3 r • CODESRIA-LIBRARY 1991. CERTIFICATION 1 hereby certify that this thesis was prepared by AWOTOKUN, ADEKUNLE MESHACK under my supervision. __ _I }J /J1,, --- Date CODESRIA-LIBRARY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A work such as this could not have been completed without the support of numerous individuals and institutions. 1 therefore wish to place on record my indebtedness to them. First, 1 owe Professer Ladipo Adamolekun a debt of gratitude, as the persan who encouraged me to work on Legislative contrai of the Executive. He agreed to supervise the preparation of the thesis and he did until he retired from the University. Professor Adamolekun's wealth of academic experience ·has no doubt sharpened my outlciok and served as a source of inspiration to me. 1 am also very grateful to Professor Dele Olowu (the Acting Head of Department) under whose intellectual guidance I developed part of the proposai which culminated ·in the final production qf .this work. My pupilage under him i though short was memorable and inspiring. He has also gone through the entire draft and his comments and criticisms, no doubt have improved the quality of the thesis. Perhaps more than anyone else, the Almighty God has used my indefatigable superviser Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Federal Republic Ofnigeria
    wee . - “te. -“ fee= - . oa wes ™ LO we Same ¢, . rs 3* ae nN RB ArmA Baevaee fo iven COTE,avansreses Pre a Federal Republic of Nigeria Official Gazette No.55 ° 7 oe Lagos- 21st September, 1989 Vol. 76 CONTENTS Page Movementsof Officers - - oe -« 878-903 Ministry of Defence—Nigerian Army—Dismissal, Voluntary Retirements, Discipline, Resignation, , Conversion, Award of Medals and Promotions . -- 90417 . ‘Trade Dispute Between the National Union of Road ‘TransportWorkers and Lagos State Transport Corporation 2 ee - “ -. 917 Trade Dispute Between the National Union of Hotels and Personal Services Workers and Unical Hotel, Calabar . -. .. as +. 917-18 Notice of Registration of Alteration of Trade Union Rules under Section 27 and 49 of the Trade ‘Union Act 1973 .. + 918 Loss of Custom Document . a - 919 AirTransport Licensing Regulations 1965 .s . os oe 919 Registration of Insurance Company o oe oe 919 Exemption and Extension of Exemption from the Provisions of Part "%?of the Companies Decree, 1968 underPowers Conferred bythe Companies (Special Provisions) Decree No. 19 of 1973 ++ 920-22 878 OFFICIAL GAZETTE No. 55, Vol. 76 Government Notice No. 502 ; NEW ASTOINTMENTS AND: OTHER STAFF CHANGES ‘The following are notified for general information — NEW APPOINTMENTS . Department Name Appointment Date of Appointment Cabinet Office .. .. Idoghor, Miss M. ..| Clerical Officer 10-4-89 , Olajide, O «|: Motor Driver 6-6-78 © Popoola, F. Motor Driver _ 18-8-88 Civil ServiceCommission Adejumo,O, ..|, Assistant Craftsman we. 6-3-83 Ezeh, A. N. .4> Typist, Grade II .»: 21-12-79. Jjeh, F. -| Motor Driver - 17-3-80° John, O. -| Motor Driver =... 18-5-81 Oguno, Miss Cc, N.
    [Show full text]
  • Tribute: Hajiya Bilkisu Yusuf and Her ‘Jihad’ of the Heart (December 1952–September 2015) Maryam Uwais MFR
    Tribute | 101 Tribute: Hajiya Bilkisu Yusuf and Her ‘Jihad’ of the Heart (December 1952–September 2015) Maryam Uwais MFR Born December 2, 1952 in Kano, Hajiya Bilkisu Yusuf passed away on the 24th of September 2015, in the process of performing the Holy Pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia. In the years between, she accomplished so much that it would be foolhardy to attempt to capture even the essence of her many achievements in one short tribute. Hajiya Bilkisu graduated in 1975 with a BSc degree in Political Science from the Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, Nigeria, and, after an MA in political science from the University of Wisconsin in the United States, went on to become a journalist par excellence. She obtained an advanced diploma in journalism and international relations at the Moscow Institute for Journalism and International Relations, and became the first female editor of a daily newspaper and weekly magazine in Northern Nigeria. A devout Muslim, a loving mother of two children, an accomplished woman and role model, Hajiya Bilkisu was known for so much more than journalism. Her abiding passion for social justice and public service was manifest in the very many vocations that she successfully facilitated and engaged in over the years. She founded the Girl Child Concern (GCC), advocating for girl-child education to curb the many deprivations that diminish girls’ opportunities and potential, particularly in Northern Nigeria. GCC was a pioneer and shining example of what could be done for adolescent girls: from offering scholarships to indigent girls to organising summer camps, mentoring, skill acquisition and networking activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Impeachment Power of the Legislature and Executive Unaccountability in Nigeria: Between Rhetoric and Practice
    International Journal of Law ISSN: 2455-2194; Impact Factor: RJIF 5.12 Received: 03-11-2020; Accepted: 17-11-2020; Published: 03-12-2020 www.lawjournals.org Volume 6; Issue 6; 2020; Page No. 252-263 Impeachment power of the legislature and executive unaccountability in Nigeria: Between rhetoric and practice Ngozi Udombana1, Prudence Adula Okparavero2 1 Department of Public Law, Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, University of Lagos Campus, Akoka, Lagos, Nigeria 2 Department and African and Comparative Law, Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, Supreme Court Complex, Three Arms Zone, Abuja, Nigeria Abstract Nigeria’s governance structure comprises three arms of government: the legislature, executive and judiciary. The Constitution vests each arm with specific roles in consonance with the doctrine of separation of powers. Reciprocal checks and balances in the governing system is an important feature of separation of powers. The legislature checks the other organs, and vice versa. The goal is to ensure accountability in governance. One way by which the legislature ensures accountability of the executive is through the impeachment process. This power is vested in a bicameral legislature at the federal level – the National Assembly (NASS). This paper, a desk review, appraises the impeachment power of the National Assembly as provided for in the Constitution. It examines the extent to which this power has been employed to ensure the accountability of the executive under the present democratic dispensation. It argues that the National Assembly has failed to utilise its power of impeachment because it has been compromised due to its own accountability deficit. It recommends, among others, that the NASS should strive to conduct the business of the Assembly in a manner that preserves the integrity of the legislature and avoids conflicts of interest.
    [Show full text]