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(Forced) Migrants in Greece

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(Forced) Migrants in Greece Scrolling Down One's Life: The Importance of Information and Communication Technologies for the (forced) Migrants in Greece Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Leicester March 27, 2020 by Maria - Nerina Boursinou School of Media, Communication and Sociology Abstract Maria -Nerina Boursinou Scrolling Down One's Life: The Importance of Information and Communication Technologies for the (forced) Migrants in Greece. Situated in the field of digital migration studies, the thesis adds to emerging research on the terrain of 'the everyday' in relation to migration and ICT use. Specifically, it examines the importance of Information and Communication Technologies in the lives of the (forced) migrants who arrived in Greece after the border crisis of 2015 and role of self-organised groups as (communication) proxies to them. Through a multi-sited ethnographic approach, the thesis explored how (forced) migrants constructed their everyday realities in a Housing Squat, a Refugee Camp and an Immigration Detention Centre, the role played by ICTs in a context of liminality and the factors affecting their access to and use of such technologies. Theoretically, the project draws upon the work of Agamben (2005) on the State of Exception, Foucault’s (1986) concept of Heterotopias and De Certeau’s (1988) theory of the Practice of Everyday Life. Fieldwork conducted between 2017-2018 concluded in three main findings: first, the study found that relations of in/formal hierarchy existed in all three researched sites. These were not always top down but also spread across different groups of people and migrants employed different tactics to surpass them, when possible; second, that ICTs are valuable among migrants for their everyday, as they offer a range of practical and sentimental uses crucial for their survival, integration and planning of the future and more importantly for combating the persisting state of liminality; thirdly, the study found that relations of solidarity were created between migrants and self-organised groups that extended well beyond the latter’s function as communication proxies. Solidarity groups played a role either in the course of affecting the migrant’s everyday life or supporting them in their struggles for freedom and survival through communication and other practices. i Acknowledgements It is a common idea that a PhD is the personal - often lonely- journey of the author. In the end it is just one name that signs the thesis before being sent to the printer. I cannot possibly argue that the following pages can represent anyone who has not co-written them, however I can confidently say that in my PhD journey I had plenty of company to get through it. So many people have been involved in shaping this thesis. A huge thanks then to those with whom we have discussed, debated, argued, brainstormed together, to those who have supported me, to those who advised me, to those who proofread, to those who tirelessly heard me complaining, to those who inspired and influenced me, to those who challenged me when I needed to be challenged. There is no space in writing down all of your names because you are so many really. Know that you are all very much loved... my friends, family, partner, comrades, fellow colleagues, therapist, research participants, supervisors (P., J. & M.), self! Whether you like the content of this thesis or not, I hope you know that it is irrelevant... because I dedicate it to you anyway and there is nothing you can do about it ;) To all of you and to those who resist. ‘On the walls of the few, millions fall’ (Στίχοιμα - Βαστίλη | 2019) ii NO BORDERS - NO NATIONS (Source: Platanos Refugee Solidarity, Lesvos, 2015) iii Table of Contents Abstract i Acknowledgements ii Table of Contents iv List of Images viii List of Figures ix List of Abbreviations x Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1 Background of the Research Problem 1 1.2 Statement of the research problem: diving into a new field of research 2 1.3 Significance of the study 5 1.4 A non-media centric approach for digital migration studies. 6 1.5 Research Aims and Objectives 7 1.6 Scope of the Study 8 1.7 ‘Trapped’ in Definitions: The Rationale behind the Use of (forced) Migrants in the Study 11 1.8 Thesis Outline 16 Chapter 2: Literature Review and Theoretical Framework of the Study 18 Section One: Literature Review 18 2.1 The Role of ICTs for Migrants through the Years 18 2.2 The Use of ICTs in Diasporic and Transnational Communication 19 2.3 ICTs and Social Inclusion of Migrants 21 2.4 Digital Migration Studies 22 2.5 Digital Inclusion Studies: the Case of (forced) Migrants 26 2.6 Bringing Migration and Digital Media Research One Step Closer. 28 2.7 Solidarity and the ‘Solidarity with the Refugees’ Movement’ 29 2.7.1 Conceptualising Solidarity-ies 30 2.7.2 The ‘Solidarity with the Refugees’ Movement 32 2.7.3 Solidarity versus Humanitarianism? Or Maybe Both? 34 Section Two: Theoretical Framework of the Study 38 2.8 The ‘State of Exception’ as an analytical framework for the Management of the Border Crisis 39 2.8.1 The securitisation of migration: Emergency, exception and the governing of mobility 41 2.8.2 Placing the ‘Digital’ in the Border 43 iv 2.9 Inquiries on Space 44 2.10 Biopolitics and the Three Sites of Study 46 2.10.1 Foucault and Agamben on Biopolitics 46 2.10.2 The camp and detention centre as biopolitical spaces of exception 49 2.10.3 Housing Squats and the possibility of heterotopia 53 2.11 Theories of Everyday Life [and Resistance] 56 2.12 Liminality 59 Chapter 3: The Case Study of Greece 65 3.1 Timeline of the Border Crisis 2015- 2019 65 3.2 Forced Migrants in Greece, in post-2015 68 3.2.1 [Everyday life inside] Housing Squats and ICTs 68 3.2.2 [Everyday life inside] Refugee Camps and ICTs 70 3.2.3 [Everyday life inside] Immigration Detention Centres and ICTs 75 3.3 Solidarity in the Context of Greece post-2015: Solidarity Groups as (Communication) Facilitators to (forced) Migrants. 78 Chapter 4 Methodology: Multi-Sited Ethnography 83 4.1 Research Design 83 4.1.1 Selection of Method: Multi-sited Critical ethnography 84 4.1.2 Why Multi-Sited Ethnography? 87 4.2 Sampling of (forced) Migrants & Key Informants 92 4.3 Recruitment of Participants 95 4.3.1 Recruitment of (forced) Migrants 95 4.3.2 Recruitment of Key Informants 98 4.4 Data Collection Techniques 99 4.4.1 Data Collection Techniques with (forced) Migrants 99 4.4.2 Data Collection Techniques with Key Informants 101 4.5 Creating field notes and Data Analysis 103 4.5.1 Creating field notes 103 4.5.2 Data Analysis: Thematic Analysis and Coding 105 4.5.3 Developing the Coding Framework for Thematic Analysis 106 4.6 Reflections on Fieldwork 108 4.7 Limitations and Ethical Considerations 115 4.7.1 Methodological Limitations 115 v 4.7.2 Ethical Considerations 117 Chapter 5: Findings from the Housing Squat 120 5.1 Overview of the housing squat area: Exarcheia, where discipline ends and magical life begins 120 5.2 Entering the Squat: the Spatial Aspect 123 5.2.1 Entering the Squat: Welcoming of Migrants/Residents 125 5.2.2 Squat life: the Assembly as a Vital ‘Organ’ of the Squatting ‘Body’ 127 5.2.3 Squat life: Special Events 130 5.2.4 ‘Tender is the Night’ 131 5.3 The role of Solidarians in the lives of (forced) migrants: 133 5.3.1 Everyday interrelations and solidarians as communication proxies. 133 5.3.2 Forming resident-solidarian relationships through ICTs 136 5.3.3 Online Presence of the Squat 140 5.4 (Forced) Migrants and Access to and Uses of ICTs 142 5.4.1 The Importance of Access 142 5.4.2 (Forced) Migrants and ICT uses: locating patterns 143 5.4.3 Challenging Emotions 148 Chapter 6: Findings from the Amygdaleza Detention Centre 150 6.1 En route to Amygdaleza: Travel, First Impressions at Arrival and Geography 150 6.1.2 Preparing for the Interview 152 6.2 Life in the Centre 153 6.2.1 Detention Time Frame 153 6.2.2 Living Conditions and the Possibility of Resistance 154 6.2.3 Visitations 156 6.2.4 Health Services 158 6.2.5 Geographical Restrictions 158 6.2.6 Relations, Authority and Power inside the Detention Centre 160 6.3 Words from within: Interview with a Former Detainee. 162 6.3.1 The Light at the End of the Tunnel 164 6.3.2 Police Brutality and the Black Market 165 6.3.3 The Role of Technology in this Context 168 6.3.4 Life after Detention 172 6.4 The ‘Sweetest Gun’ solidarity group 173 vi 6.4.1 Meeting the group 174 6.4.2 Identity of the group 175 6.4.3 Activities of the group 178 6.4.4 Evaluating the Group’s Activities 191 Chapter 7: Findings from the Schisto Refugee Camp 193 7.1 In the wolf’s mouth 193 7.1.1 No Lies 196 7.1.2 Organising the camp 197 7.1.3 Snapshots of Camp Life 199 7.2 ‘The Great Escape’ 202 7.2.1 Technology outside and before the camp 203 7.2.2 Everyday life and technology in the Schisto camp 205 7.2.3 Dismissing camp logic: technology, self-organisation and resistance 208 7.2.4 Life ante portas 211 7.2.5 Future Goals 213 Chapter 8: Discussion and Conclusion 215 8.1 Everyday Life Practices in the Three Sites of Research 216 8.1.1 The role of liminality in migrants’ lives 218 8.1.2 How Space Affected Life and Relations 220 8.1.3 Social and power relations in the context of everyday and beyond 223 8.2 The Importance of ICTs in the Lives of (forced) Migrants 229 8.3 Solidarians as Communication Proxies 233 8.4 Reflections on and Lessons for the Theory 234 8.4.1 The Squat as a Potential Heterotopia 235 8.4.2 Everyday Life Tactics of (forced) Migrants 239 8.5 Contribution 243 8.6 Reflections and Recommendations for Future Research 245 Appendices 249 Bibliography 258 vii List of Images Image 1: ‘Concentration Camps do not get better, they get torn down’- Banner from the ‘Open Initiative Against Detention Centres’ Image 2:‘Seize the City, Squat the World’ poster Image 3:‘I’m Always Here but I’m Always Somewhere Else’ poster in a wall of Exarcheia Image 4: The route from Exarcheia to Victoria Square Image 5: Handmade figure of a migrant woman in the entrance of the squat.
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